محمدتقی سبزه ای

The current research is a qualitative study of domestic violence against women using the grounded theory method. The studied population is married women from the outskirts of Khorram Abad city. The purposeful and theoretical sampling method and the data collection tool was in-depth interview, and after interviewing 20 of these women, theoretical saturation was achieved. In order to analyze the data, Strauss and Corbin's approach was used. The findings show that the interviewed women have experienced a wide range of violence.The central phenomenon of this study is "patriarchal attitude and helpless women against violence"; The causal conditions governing this phenomenon, the three categories of husband's addiction, economic issues, patriarchal attitude; The ruling bases of this phenomenon are power relations, domination of men and inferiority of women, lack of support from family and friends, lack of legal and social support; And the intervening conditions of the central phenomenon are the three categories of weak life skills, forced and early marriage.The strategies used by women in the face of violence are help from supportfamily networks, tolerance and coping, isolation and withdrawal, and resistance and finding solutions, which have consequences such as mental-psychological problems, turmoil in the family atmosphere

The primary goal of this paper is the qualitative analysis of two educated generations’ perceptions of kermanshah’s people about their identity. The conceptual framework of the research is referd to the theories of some classical and contemporary sociologists and social psychologists such as Jorge Herbert Mead, Charles Horton Cooley, Anthony Giddens and Stuart Hall about identity. The research is quantitative one and based on purposeful and theoretical sampling methods, 15 professors and MA students of the faculty of social sciences in Razi University are selected as a sample. The criterion for determining the sample size was theoretical saturation. The datas are collected via open-ended questionnaire and in-depth individual interview tools und analyzed by the technique of thematic AnalysisThe results indicated that from the perspective of tow educated generations the identity of Kermanshah’s people is composed of two elements, namely individual and collective identities. As for the individual identity, there are common perceptions in terms of concepts like hospitality, cheerfulness, wholeheartedness, prodigality, luxuriousness and messiness in doying tasks and perceptional differences in concepts like heroism, sense of belonging to home, aggressiveness, laziness and self-indulgence.In regard of the collective identity, the two generations’ perception is that the people of Kermanshah can be recognized with such common collective properties as cultural diversity, ritualism, ethnocentrism, convergence, divergence, superstition and patriarchy. However, the new generation’s perception is that superstition is not just specific to Kermanshah and that patriarchy was related to the past and it is now being very weakly practiced.

In this study, it is attempted to investigate the process of becoming a subject of Ilam women in the consumer society and the creation of feminine subjectivities in this society. The theoretical framework adopted to answer these questions is rooted in the views of Jean Baudrillard and Sigmund Baumann. The research method is qualitative and the case study approach is a tool, so that the theoretical framework defines and determines the research cases. Sampling was purposive and interviews were conducted with 20 women in both the homogenous and non-homogeneous populations of the consumer community of Ilam. According to the findings of this study, it can be said that the consumer society, by pushing the women of Ilam city to conform to the society, has made it possible for women to be alone and marginalized. Such a system seems to produce and create consumerist and homogenous subjects by suppressing inhumane and seductive women and simultaneously integrating them into a visible system.

The present article reviews and criticizes the book ‘postcolonial theory and Kurdology’ authored by Jalil Karimi. In the introduction section, firstly, the postcolonial studies have been defined and important approaches have been introduced. Then, the book has been analyzed from both formal and content points of views. The results of this analysis show that there are some problems with regard to the formal viewpoint: it lacks introduction and general conclusion; the book has both the preface and introduction, and the English equivalence of the title of the book has not been written at the back of the book, and some of the authors’ names have not been mentioned in English in the text. From the content viewpoint, the sample size (i.e., eight books) is not enough; discourse analysis is mostly context-based, and in most of the cases, no attention has been paid to the historical and social backgrounds of the formation of Kurdish discourse. The analyses concerning issues, such as “negativism”, “nativism” and “the relationship between knowledge and power” are weak. The positive points of the book include its novel theme, fluent prose, strong theoretical framework, appropriate methodology, and accurate referencing system. The book is likely to have a significant impact on Iranian humanities studies in terms of theoretical, paradigmatic and methodological aspects; it also strengthens multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary studies, qualitative methods, critical approaches, indigenous knowledge and the concept of “subjectivity” in Iranian studies.

The purpose of this article is to examine and measure the amount of social capital and its relation to social resilience. The research is a survey and its validity is content-based and its reliability has been calculated through the Cronbach's alpha. The statistical population consists of all the households’ heads of villages in sub-district Badr of Ravansar, whose number is 3996 people according to the census of 2015. The sample size was 285 people determined by the Cochran formula. Participants have been selected randomly by a multi-stage cluster sampling. Data were collected using SPSS software. Statistical methods, including the comparison of averages, single-sample t-test, Pearson correlation tests and multiple regression, were used for analyzing data. The results of this research show that the social resilience (3.16 out of 5 scores being equal to 63.34%) and the social capital of rural households (3.31 out of 5 scores being equal to 66.22%) are above moderate and good. There is a positive and significant relationship between the level of social capital and its subcategories, including networks of relationships, social participation, trust, norms of mutual trade, and social resilience of sample villages. The result of regression analysis shows that the social capital variables explain totally 52% of the variance of social resilience.

The main Purpose of this Article is to compare the economic results of the Islamic Revolution with some of scial Revolutions. Adopting an analytical-descriptive research method, the present study is a comparative sociological-economic analysis (institutional) of the achievements of the Islamic Revolution with respect to some of the sociological revolutions. As comparison possesses the ability of making evaluation of data more significant, two types of diachronic (with the past) and synchronic (with some of revolutions) comparison were employed and the analysis method is comparative. As economic and non-economic (political and social) factors were noted in analyzing the performance of Iran’s economy, the analysis is sociological-economic (institutional). Iran's economy has been evaluated based on four important macroeconomic indicators: economic growth rate, three-sector growth, unemployment rate and Gini Index. The period of analysis is from 1979 to 2016. The theoretical framework of the study includes the theories and empirical studies of the experts of social revolutions about the economic consequences of social revolutions. The present study answers 4 questions: (1) what are the economic results of the Islamic Revolution? (2) Have the results of the Islamic Revolution been identical in the short term and long term? (3) What factors have influenced the economic results of Islamic Revolution? (4) Are the economic results of the Islamic Revolution consistent with the theories and studies done about other revolutions? The results of the current study indicate all economic results of the Islamic Revolution in the first ten years have been negative regarding the examined indicators; they have gradually improved in the long run, but have not fundamentally changed. The enternal and external of factors which have affected the economic results of the Islamic Revolution have been: oil-dependent economy, big and unefficiencey burocracy, rapid Growth of Pepolation, Iran-Iraq War, European and American sanctions against nuclear program, and fluctuations of world oil price.

Nowadays, with the increasing environmental issues such as energy crisis, climate change, waste generation and destruction of natural resources and the increase of waste materials due to the development of urbanization, human impact on the environment is one of the most challenging issues of the scientific community. The purpose of this study was to measure the level of awareness and environmental behaviors of Yazd citizens. This cross-sectional study was carried out on 1000 residents of Yazd in 2018 by cluster sampling. The data collection tool was a standard questionnaire for knowledge, attitude and environmental behavior. The score range for the three knowledge, attitude and practice structures was 0-12, 13-65, and 17-55, respectively. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics and analytical tests at the significance level of 0.05 using spss16 software. One hundred percent of the questionnaires were completed. Mean score of knowledge and environmental attitude was 8.23 ± 3.92 and 36.15 ± 8.28 (moderate), and of the environmental behavior was 26.19 ± 7.14 (poor). There was a significant statistical difference between knowledge and environmental behavior of women and men. The level of knowledge and environmental behavior of women was higher (p<0.05). The largest source of environmental information was radio and television (42%).  Despite the relatively good awareness and attitude towards the environment, the majority of the people had poor performance due to the environmental behavior. Therefore, environmental awareness cannot be a guarantee of environmental behavior. It also needs to encourage persuasive social conditions and structure and facilitating environmental behaviors.

In the present study it has been attempted to address how students are subjectified in school and how this institution produces its specific citizenship regime through latent analysis in school rationality and discourse practices. Thus, the present study aims to find answers to such questions as: What rationality is behind the attempt which is made in order to develope students subjectivity and in practice, what kind of citizen and subjectivity is created thereby? The given theoretical framework for answering this question is rooted in the doctrine of Michel Foucault, and the methodology used in the research is qualitative and instrumental case study. Sampling is theoretically and 25 male students from different schools of Delfan were interviewed freely. According to the findings of this study can say that schools provide students with a system of citizenship through manupulating their experiences whose outcome is to produce a passive, consumerist and profit-driven citizens. It seems that such a system of citizenship not only increases the poverty of imagination among students, but also prevents them from possibility of experiencing in order to creating an active and responsible subjectivity.

The present study aimed at introducing water as a problem and its destructive consequences on Iranian society, recognizing the reasons behind the water problem and offering solutions to control it. It was a descriptive analytical study supported by reliable experimental data and statistics. The results showed that Iran is suffering three water problems: water pollution, water shortage and drying of lakes and lagoons. Water problems have many threateningly natural, sanitary, political and socio-economic consequences for sustainable development of Iranian society. The theoretical framework of the study is based on sustainable development theory. The main reason for the current water problems in Iran arose out of a model of classic economy which does not follow the environmental principles of sustainable development. The other factors include climate chang, construction dams, industrialization, urbanization, population growth and Traditional agriculture with low productivity. The key solution for resolving the water problem is the Following the principles of environmental sustainability in industrial development plans. The other solutions are promotion of public culture, refining the harvest and consumption patterns of water in all sectors of the economy, especially agriculture, Optimizing water resource management, Increase the economic value of water,giving constitutional guarantee to environmental programs, and using modern technologies.

The main aim of the present study was to provide a sociological analysis of the formation and transformation of the religious general sphere in Safavid era. The theoretical framework of the study is based on the theory of general sphere proposed by Habermas.The method adopted by the present study was socio-historical. This paper is a socio-historical study and the data collection was done through library and documental research method. It was found that the religious general sphere was formed with representation of the position of the Perfect Master (King) in mosques in Shah Tahmasp’s period. Deputation-based Generality was institutionalized in the public opinion with advertising the lordship of and attributing godly characteristics to the Perfect Master in tales and stories, and was represented with mechanisms such as taking part in religious rites and rituals. From Shah  Abbas’s period onward, the Deputation-based Generality was gradually taken from the Perfect Master and given to the religious scholars as the public representatives.

The paper has intended to analyze IRI`s political consequences sociologically. Method of the study is library-based and relied on events and happenings appeared during the revolution and valid experimental data and statistics. Framework of the study is based upon theories of classic and contemporary outstanding scholars of social revolutions. The paper analyzes IRI`s outcomes with regard to their political aspect and on the basis of such indicators as state-making, export of revolution, violence, political parties and publications. On the findings of the study, establishing an Islamic and Iranian state, increasing political participation, numerous political parties, developing in the field of publications, exporting Islamic revolution, creating the three principles of legality (quality of being charismatic, religion and law), war and world convergence may be counted as IRI`s political consequences.

The main objective of this paper is to identify and evaluate women’s status in cultural policies and planning of the first to fifth development plan of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Two other objectives of the study are as follows: to evaluate the success of cultural plans and policies in development plans and to recognize the pattern of cultural policy and planning of the Islamic Republic about women.
The method of study is descriptive analytical method and data collection method is library-based. The unit of analysis is the first to fifth development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran between 1989 and 2015. Data for this study were collected from primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include official government reports, especially the reports of the Management and Planning Organization, the Statistical Centre of Iran, Center for Women’s Participation, Plan and Budget Organization, the laws of development plans of the Islamic Republic and staff policies of the Cultural Revolution; and secondary sources include books and magazines.

The pro-environmental behavior is one of the most effective factors for protecting the environment which is heavily depending on the environmental awareness of citizens. This study explored the effect of “environmental awareness” on “attitude” and “environmental behaviors” of Qom university female students based on Bamberg and Möser’s Theory about the factors affecting environmental behaviors. Survey research method was adopted and the data collection instrument was questionnaire. In the current study, 370 participants were selected using Cochrane formula for categorical sampling. The descriptive results showed most of the students’ (57.9 %) environmental awareness seemed to be at medium level. The inferential results indicated there was a significant relationship between the “environmental awareness“, “environmental attitude“, “tendency for environmental behavior“ and “pro-environmental behaviors“ while no significant relationship between the awareness resources and environmental awareness was observed. “Environmental awareness” directly, indirectly and generally exerts remarkable influence on environmental behavior. The results of regression analysis showed that the three remaining independent variables explained only 20.6 % of the variance of the dependent variable. In total, the findings of the present study confirmed the theoretical framework based on which the research model was planned. For improving pro-environmental behaviors, awareness resources must be reinforced, all state and private organizations and institutes as well as families must help the process of “environmental socialization”, and education quality must be enhanced.

The main goal of this study is to examine the causes of not paying enough attention to the beliefs and religious values among the high school students in Kermanshah. This is a descriptive survey carried out by structured questionnaires. The statistical society includes all of high school students in Kermanshah in 90-91 whose total number has been 181796 in the years of 90-91. By using Morgan’s sampling table and after making sure of the total number, an example size of 384 members was reached. To assess the reliability of measurement, face validity and alpha coefficients were utilized and to test the hypotheses, Pearson correlation coefficient and analysis of variance were employed. Multiple regressions were used to assess the research model. The results of the study showed that gender, education, mother’s education, the job situation, their habitation, the relative deprivation, the secular degree, the religious laxity, the friend’s impression, religious socialization and religious understanding influence the religiosity degree. But the birthplace, age, and using mass media has no influence on it. The model of religious regression and analysis show that it has progressed six steps. The comprised variables of religious socialization, religious laxity, secularity, relative deprivation, birthplace, multiple, cohesive (R) show the dependent variable of 0/56.

The main aim of the present article is to introduce and sociological analyze of the aspects, components, functions and barriers of the Iranian public sphere. The theoretical framework of the paper is based on the theories of Aristotle, John Rawls, Charles Taylor, Hannah Arendt, Ulrich Rödle, Günter Frankenberg, Helmut Dubiel, Andrew Areto and John Cohen about the public sphere. Referring to contemporary historical studies and experimental data and statics, this article is written via library study. Results of this study show that there is public sphere in Iran and it makes from public places, real social spaces (domestic and foreign mass media and broadcasting), metaphorical spaces (internet and social networks), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and social movements. Iranian public sphere has some weaknesses and limitations such as it is controlled by the government, it isn`t open for all social classes and different social groups, particularly women as fairly and equally, all the subjects aren`t designed, it`s so much monopoly and ideological. It doesn`t represent the Interests and the demands of a multicultural society of Iran and doesnt reflect the voice of the people to the government and parliament. Despite the problems, the Iranian public sphere grows day by day and becomes more pluralistic and stronger. It grows in the qualitative and quantitative aspects and increases its role and importance for policy .

The present paper that is performed via documentary study and comparative technique is aimed to introduce and present sociological comparative analysis of similarities and differences of Iranian and western approaches to civil society. To do this, at first related opinions of famous thinkers of both approaches are recognized and then selected aspects, concepts and components of civil society are compared with each other. Today, there are four contemporary approaches to civil society in the West: liberal, collective, republican and discursive approach. According to western approaches civil society is made up from three main elements namely non-governmental organizations (NGOs), public sphere and social movements, which have different functions for social order. Freedom (negative and positive), equality, common good, collective wisdom, plurality, autonomy, independent, civilization and civil rights are main concepts of western civil society. Regarding "religion" as an index, Iranian approaches are divided into two categories: religious and secular (liberal) approaches to civil society. By religious approach one can recognize two sub approaches: pro- and antiapproaches in relationship with the compatibility of religious society and civil society. Opponents of the compatibility of religion and civil society recognize more the differentiations of religious society and civil society in the indices such as freedom, equality, principle of majority, human, legislation, state, relationship between state and society, plurality and tolerance. Therefore they come to conclusion the Islamic society are not compatible with the civil society. Adherents of the religious civil society stress on similarities between two religious and western civil societies in the indices such as independent public sphere, civil organization, pluralism, legality, collective wisdom, civil rights, rights of minorities, respect to human. Hence they argue the realization of a society, which can be as religious and as modern, as possible and as necessary. In liberal or secular approach to civil society, civil society has components, aspects and concepts such as non- governmental organizations, social movements, public sphere, public opinion, collective wisdom, free economy, law state, which can be realized in all of societies (religious and non-religious) and can be also accomplish in Iran.

Social participation is the key factor ofdevelopment and social trust isone of the most important factoresthat provids the context of socialparticipation. The goal of this research is to survey relationship between social trust and social participation of Noorabad town citizens. The statistical society is all 16 years and elder persons of Noor Aabad which, according to 1385 statistic are 20800 people. The sample society is 356 people that is achieved by Cookiran formulae. In this research is used random cluster sampling, as at first, Noor Abad is divided into 5 clusters according to social and economical features, and then the samples were selected from any clusters randomly. The method of research is surveying and data –collecting instrument is structured questionnaire. Theoretical framework of research is based on Putnam, Aynglhart, Coloman, and Zetompca’s social capital theory. The Two-sample independent t-test, Anova test, correlation coefficients (Pearson), stepwise regression and path analysis are used to analysis of data and test of hypotheses. Results of research show that variables of individual trust, institutional trust and gender have a meaningful positive relationship with social participation. The most rate of social participations belong to mans and employees. Regression analysis results show that gender andinstitutional trust have the most effect on social participiation.

The major aim of the present article is the sociological analysis and explanation of the Eastern Europe approaches to civil society under the communist authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe societ ies. In these approaches civil society has been seen as a social movement, with a short life span and a long time strategies. Civil society was used as "strategy of the resistance" in times, in which the totalitarian regimes have ruled over the Eastern Europe societies. Under the totalitarian ruling, the strategy of civil society was not to conduct a revolutionary campaign against authoritarian governments because their collapse was not predictable in short time. Therefore, civil society had to concentrate its activities on the construction of the social organisations and networks in order to reinforce the self-defence sys tem of the society agains t the author i tar ian sovereignty. The post-totalitarian civil society's movement did not aim to capture of power, but it critiqued and controlled the state, to avoid the new totalitarian states and to institutionalize a stable democracy in future. In Eastern Europe for a permanent and peaceful struggle against then ruling totalitarian regimes some civil society strategies such as "the impolitic strategy" have been offered from Gyrgy Konrad, "the gradual resistance" from Leszek Kolakowaski, " the new Evolutionism" from Adam Michnik and "the construction of the parallel society" from Vaclav Havel. These have been presented in parallel to other developmental, practical, reformatory, and revisionist approaches to civil society in this region.

The main goals of the present article are the study of the relation between traditional civil society and constitutional revolution and examine the rate of explicability of this relation according to theories of the mass society and the plural society.For this purposes, firstly the methodology and two related theories about civil society and revolution are explained. Then the most important events, those led to constitutional revolution are reviewed. The other section of article is focused on introducing components and indices of tradition civil society. In final phase, various reasons for the inexplicability of relation between the tradition civil society and the constitutional revolution according to the theory of mass society and the theory of plural society are presented and analyzed.Findings through documentary method and comparative technique show that:There was a strong traditional civil society in the Iranian society at the age of constitutional revolution, which is not explicable referring to mentioned theories.The tradition civil society in that era could not stabilize Iranian society and prevent social revolution in it, while as the theory of plural society anticipate such about the American society. The reasons of this dysfunction came out from significant differentiations between traditional civil society and modern civil society (in the indices and perspectives like): Iranian weak state, dysfunctions of organizations and institutions of civil society, unification of the civil society and the political society, lake of independent social classes, organizational exclusion of social groups, violent actions of the traditional civil society and absence of a active public sphere. Although in the constitutional revolution, as a mass society, mass political behaviors were formed also elites were succeeded to mobilize non- elites against government, but Iranian society in the age of constitutionalism were different from mass society in several ways:The mass behavior was not concluded from atomization of individuals, because of strong tribal and ethic solidarity and the kinship relationships. There was not a total ideology for the mobilization of mass against the monarchy, and the social groups are followed different interests and motivations to oppose the government.

The aim of this paper is to conduct a sociological analysis on the Arab approaches to the question of civil society. It is a documentary study based on the literature of civil society. The study initially seeks to present an overview of the essential issues concerning the possibility of realization of civil society in the Moslem Arab countries of the Middle East. In conducting the analysis, the paper first exposes main questions that the Western social thinkers frequently ask when the subject of civil society comes under discussion. Then, the author presents an analysis of the native Arab approaches that attempt to answer these questions as discussed by the Western social thinkers. All these approaches can be said to be striving to explain the ambiguities that have come to appear in the literature. The non-Arab perspective supposedly recognizes the civil society as a feature of the modern Western society. In this view, the realization of civil society in the Moslem Arab countries is impossible for a variety of reasons. A summary of such reasons can be summed up as: the alleged paradoxical, or contradictory relationship between Islam and democracy; predominance of a hierarchal social structure in the Arab world; weakness of society versus power of religion and the state; and mere survival of the absolute state in these societies. In contrast to the non-native approach, there are three other perspectives adopted toward an exposition of the Arab civil society in the Moslem Arab countries; we call these perspectives Islamic, Liberal and Socialist ones. Although none of these is in accord with the Western model of civil society in all its dimensions, yet a negation of the Western model is not attempted either. On the contrary, these perspectives, declare the necessity and possibility of an Arab civil society due to extensive social and political changes in the Moslem Arab societies, changes that have occurred in the recent decades.

The purpose of this article is the comparative survey of three contrastive theoreticians- Hegel, Marx, and Gramsci- on state, civil society and their relationships. Hegel assumed the civil society as a combination of three systems; the economical, legal and cohesive (police and their related classes) which stand between the family and the state; which ultimately substitutes the state. Marx considers the civil society as the domain of work and everyday life, which is a totally economical and apolitical domain. Unlike Hegel and Marx, Gramci observes the civil society as a cultural sphere.The result of this theoretical comparative analysis shows that although these three contrasting theorists of philosophical principles assume a similar and common society as the base of their analysis, their conclusions on the society’s pattern structure differs with each other. Hegel substituted the three-dimensioned pattern of “family-civil society-state” with Aristotle’s classic two-dimensioned pattern of “family-city state”.Also Marx’s substructure pattern (on civil society) and superstructure (state) changed for Gramsci to the substructure (economic) and superstructure (civil society = nongovernmental organs + state). Gramci’s state is a combinative state compiled of the satisfaction of “mastery + power” and therefore it is both the substructure and the superstructure.

The movement of democracy-willing is one of the most important political challenges in the post-colonial periods in Latin America, which is happened in many ways; such as the armed struggles against ruled military regimes, the consisting of social networks for thelimitation of the empowers or authorities of state in social area, the Liberian economical reforms and the permanent changes of states with democratic elections. Although all of the Latin American countries since dependency-day havent been succeeded, for many historical, political, economical and social reasons to obtain a stabile democracy,but they make progresses in term of the democratization of state, as man can claim, today there is no dictatorship rule in the countries of Latin America. While the democracy is not a pure political phenomenon, but it is a multi-dimensions social phenomenon, hisperforming is depended to reinforce of society power against state power. For reinforce of the civil society against authoritarian state at first must be the social per-conditions realized: such as the performing of social networks, the remove of the hierarchical social structures and the institutionalizing of civil culture in the society. Second it isnecessary, the democratic principles to like free market, minimal state to realize and civil Institutions in social area to consist. The upon subjects shape the main framework of dialogs about civil society in Latin America, which are discussed and analyzed in five separated approaches in this article.