فهرست مطالب مریم خسروآبادی

The most important feature of the Ismaili movement was its longevity. This movement started in the middle of the second century of Hijri and continued until the fall of the Ismaili castles by the Mongols (7th century of Hijri). During all this time, "being an Ismaili" meant a challenge to the Islamic world and was called a deviant sect, atheist, irreligious and non-Muslim by the Sunni governments as well as other Shiite groups. The remnants of the Ismaili communities from the Mongol to the Safavid era began their resurrection ina challenge to the subsequent governments. After the fall of Alamut in Kerman, we witness a peaceful coexistence between the Ismaili community and the post-Safawi governments, which, according to some opinions, were not interested in conflict with the Ismaili survivors. From the point of view of this writing, the Ismaili imams first promoted peaceful coexistence with the Iranian Muslim community in Kerman, and then the aforementioned governments were forced to compromise with them. The main question of the research is how this coexistence took place and what were its reasons and factors? The results showed that the geographical, economic and political conditions of Kerman created a platform where the Ismaili leaders, by understanding the spatial and temporal conditions, without spreading the religion, could be accepted by the people of Kerman as Sadat Hosseini and the descendants of the Prophet, and made the governments of Zand and Qajar obliged to respect their situation. Hosseini Sadat and the descendants of the Prophet accepted the word of being Ismaili and replaced it with the discourse of peace and coexistence. The present study tries to introduce Kerman as a platform for the revival of the Ismailis after the decline of the death period in order to enter the modern world.

This article examines the emergence of the bourgeoisie in Safavid empire and tries to answer this hypothesis that: In the Safavid period, especially during the reign of Shah Abbas I (the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries), in parallel with European countries, Iran was also going through the process of formation of national bourgeoisie and historical capitalism. According to studies, this issue has not been researched so far and most theorists and researchers in the fields of political economy, sociology and political science, in terms of industry and production method, do not believe in the emergence of the historical bourgeoisie in Iran, some consider its beginning in the late Qajar period and after the constitution. But according to many historical data that most of which, are taken from the travelogues of western tourists and later other historical texts, Iran in the Safavid period, especially in the period of Shah Abbas I, witnessed the emergence of a method of production and trade system that can be considered it as an example of the historical bourgeoisie. The definition of the historical bourgeoisie by which the developments and characteristics of the economy of Shah Abbas's period are measured, is formed by Emmanuel Wallerstein. The focus of this research was mostly in the Shah Abbas I period. Also, looking at the art of the Safavid era, it is clear that Iran at that time, intellectually and culturally and only in urban societies, had begun to move towards a kind of materialism.

Qom was the crossroads of Central Iran and the home of caravans, and due to its border with the desert, during the first and second centuries (A.H), it maintained its political, economic and intellectual independence against the Caliphate and its governors, and as a refuge for the immigrants who opposed the Umayyad rule and the Shiite city refused the Umayyad and later Abbasid governors to enter the city. In the following centuries and in time of Iranian governments, this city was economically and intellectually marginalized and gradually lost its independence. Investigating the role of Iranian movements such as Khorramdin and semi-independent Iranian governments on the political developments of Qom is the issue of this research. The results of this research, written with a descriptive-analytical method and referring to historical texts, illustrate the proximity to cities such as Ray, which achieved considerable significance in the third and fourth centuries, the migration of scholars and the development of the Shiite government of the Buyid sect, whose capitals was Ray city and they made Baghdad the center of theological and Mu'tazili debates favored by Qom's Shiite scholars, causing the decline and marginalization of this city from the fourth century onwards

Kipchak Turks Which until the third and fourth centuries was hardly seen in historical and geographical sources, In the sixth century AH, they were introduced into the Islamic world as Khwarazm Shahi armies. This caused In the developments that occurred inside Iran during the last quarter of the sixth century and the first quarter of the seventh century, they played an important role. Kipchak Turks By maintaining its terrestrial status in the steppe Eurasia Ie without going into migration They entered Kharazmi's armies in Iran And in the process of the empowerment of Khwarizmanshahi throughout Iran, they played an important role By the end of the work, Jalaluddin Khwarazmshah (628 AD) was the main force against the invading Mongols in Iran. But at the beginning of the seventh century AH, They were seriously prosecuted, killed, or slain by the Mongols of Changizi . How do the Kipchak Turks with these conditions once again appear on the scene after this? From the perspective of this article, the internal conflicts of the Mongols brought about the revival of the historical role of the Kepchaks. The present paper seeks to analyze this issue using the method of research of historical analysis

Before the Mongol invasion, Muslim historians and geographers viewed Transoxiana to be part of the Iran and in historical, political, and geographical connection with Greater Khorasan. They sought the convergence and deep historical connection of this region with historical Khorasan. Nomads such as the Kushans, the Hephthalites, and especially the nomads who ruled these areas after Islam, such as the Qarakhaniyan, Seljuks, Qara Khitai and Khwarezmian, never cut off historical ties between these areas and the interior of Iran, and sometimes even formed powerful states. It stretched from the borders of Seyhan River to Baghdad. They sought West, and this perspective created a permenant political, social and economic connection. It seems that Transoxiana, and especially Khwarezm, has lost its historical connection with Iran after the Mongol invasion. In fact, the non-Iranian rulers were not indeed responsible for this historical segregation before the Mongol invasion, despite the Mongol-like political, social, and economic structure. This segregation was the result of the Mongol invasion. The Mongol invasion and following that, the method of separating the conquests of Genghis Khan had profound historical consequences. The cornerstone of these outcomes began with geographical demarcations. This division was important because the border was an identity issue. In the meantime, Khwarezm, which was geographically separated from both Iran and Transoxiana, took a different path in terms of identity, an identity that has changed in political, social, and economic terms. In this research, with the method of historical analysis, an attempt has been made to explain aspects of the historical convergence of Khwarezm, Iran and Transoxiana, and then to examine the consequences of the Mongol invasion.