وحید سینایی

The Pahlavi dynasty (1925-1979), made purposeful efforts to modernize Iran by government and social forces. Researches that have been usually done in this regard have mainly emphasized on the role of the government and oil revenues in the development process. Although the role of government institutions cannot be denied, developmental social forces also played an important positive role in this process. The relationship between the government and social forces, and the role of this relationship in advancing modernization in the Pahlavi era is the main question of this article.we believe Pahlavi as a strong developmental state could attract the cooperation of social forces that supported development, especially the intellectuals, the new middle class and bureaucrats.and could curb the social forces who were against development, and succeeded in advancing development . But at the end of Pahlavi's life, the gap between these social forces and the government led to the fall of the government and the halting of the development process.The theoretical framework of this article was formed by the critical look to Leftwich Developmental State theory. The article’s data have also been collected and analyzed in a documentary-library form.

The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran institutionalized the principle of Guardianship of the Jurist (Velayat-e Faqih) in the country and extended its influence over all aspects of the lives of the Iranian people. Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri and Ayatollah Seyyed Mohammad Hosseini Beheshti played an irreplaceable role in formulating the Constitution due to their positions in the parliament. Each of these two eminent figures had significant differences in their understanding of the Constitution and its concepts. This article, from the perspective of Skinner's hermeneutic method, delves into analyzing the prominent roles of these two figures in the Islamic Revolution in the drafting of the Constitution. What were their intentions and practical actions within the political system established by the Constitution? During a time when Islam was severely threatened by Western thought, they aimed to establish an Islamic political system. Montazeri believed that the principles and rules of fiqh concerning the concept of Guardianship of the Jurist were sufficient for governing Islamic society, while Beheshti viewed Islamic principles and standards around the axis of Guardianship of the Jurist as a framework that could selectively incorporate modern democratic, Marxist, and human rights concepts to be responsive to the current Iranian Islamic society. In the final analysis, Beheshti's theory prevailed in drafting the Constitution, bringing about an Islamic government through a constructed customary process.

Leftist modernism was experienced during the government of the People's Democratic Party (1978-1992) in Afghanistan. The leftist modernism had special characteristics during the ruling period of the People's Democratic Party.This model of modernism was influenced by Soviet models and relied on authoritarian policies and was violently implemented in Afghanistan. The government of the People's Democratic Party, especially the People's Party government, wanted to implement reforms quickly and not gradually. Another characteristic of left modernism in Afghanistan was its ideological nature. For the People's Democratic Party, especially the People's party government, modernization was not a goal, but a means to dominate and consolidate the party government in economic, social and cultural fields; Land reforms, literacy and women's participation in political and social life were the most important reform programs of the People's Democratic Party government. Meanwhile, land reform can be considered the most important reform program of the leftist government. This type of modernism had some success in modernizing Afghanistan, but it could not achieve its main goals. Various factors have contributed to the failure of leftist modernism. Afghan tradition has been one of the important factors in the failure of leftist modernism.

Research question:

 How did the Afghan tradition play a role in the failure of leftist modernism?Research hypothesis: The essential contradiction of the indicators of the Afghan tradition with the leftist ideas and modernism caused its failure. Being Islamic, being ethnic, being historical, people's extreme sensitivity towards the private sphere, centrism, anti-government, and xenophobia can be counted among the important indicators of the Afghan tradition. The ideological de-traditionalization of left-wing modernism led to the promotion of tradition and intensified the conflict between tradition and modernity in Afghan society. With the onset of left modernism, the identity of the Afghan tradition was threatened. To defend its identity, tradition had to confront and was able to play different roles in the failure of this model of modernity.

Methodology and theoretical framework:

 In this article, the qualitative research method and the required data and information have been collected in documentary and library form.  The theoretical framework of this research is based on some basic modernization assumptions, such as the fact that development is an internal matter as well as a complex, gradual and evolutionary process, at the same time some of the ideas of late modernization including the possibility of interaction between tradition and modernity, the non-integral nature of development, and the necessity of paying attention to tradition in the development process.

The Afghan traditions were able to play complex and multiple roles in the failure of the main programs of left modernism, such as land reforms, fight against illiteracy and women's participation and political and social freedom. In the first step, the Afghan tradition, as a "unified" force, united its guards and followers against leftism and leftist modernism. Despite the differences that existed among the leftist opposition forces, they all agreed that the leftist economic, cultural and social reforms, which had a socialist and secular nature, are against Islamic and traditional values and resistance to them is a religious and patriotic matter. The Afghan tradition was the motive to fight against leftist modernism.Islam, as the main indicator and component of the Afghan tradition, aroused the feelings and motivations of the followers of this tradition, especially the villagers. They joined Islamic political parties (Jihadi Organizations) to fight against the leftist government and its reform programs. "Giving legitimacy" to the opposing forces of leftist modernism was another role of the Afghan tradition. The Sunni guardians were able to easily shape the mentality of the people among the people, especially in the villages, which were the main base of the Sunnah, in such a way that the people consider them to be right and the other party to be false.The Afghan tradition played its role in a complex way in the defeat of the reform programs of the People's Democratic Party government. On the one hand, it gave legitimacy, motivation and unity to the followers and guardians of tradition, but on the other hand, it took away the legitimacy of the Afghan People's Democratic Party. In other words, the function of the Afghani tradition was completely positive for its adherents but completely negative for the executors of leftist modernism. During the implementation of leftist reforms, there were behaviors and actions of the leaders that evoked the Afghan tradition. The agents and implementers of land reforms in the villages did actions that were considered disrespectful to religion by the people. They did not respect local clerics and landowners, while these people had a lot of social influence in the villages, which is the main base and origin of the tradition. In addition, they used leftist literature that was not understandable for the villagers. Bringing women to literacy courses in villages was also in conflict with rural culture.

The findings of this research show that Afghan tradition played a very important role in the failure of leftist modernism. Unity, motivation and legitimization were the three roles played by the Afghan tradition in the fight against leftist reforms. The nature and characteristics of Afghani tradition were in complete contrast with the nature and characteristics of left modernism. For its survival, the Afghan tradition used all its power and strength in the fight against leftism and finally won. The reform experience of the People's Democratic Party can be important for the pro-modernist forces in Afghanistan. The Afghan tradition has always been victorious against different approaches of modernism. Therefore, the revival of tradition will have a negative effect on the process of Afghanistan’s modernization.

Complexity in international relations and regional order have force countries as one of the strategic necessities to Pay attention to active diplomacy and collective neighborhood policy to strengthen and secure national interests. In this context, Iran as a multi-neighborhood country is facing with neighbors with geopolitical characteristics, strategic and geoeconomics dignity as well as security problems. This situation requires Iran to follow multi-neighborhood foreign policy in the form of fractal neighborhood policy and the logic of the multiplex network. Respectively, the fundamental goal of this article is to explain the status of post -revolutionary Iran's neighborhood policy in a new reading. To this end, the central question of this article is how Iran's active neighborhood foreign policy as a multi-neighborhood country can be explained in the context of the international system structure? The paper hypothesis states that the use of strategic and intelligent diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy along with pursuing, smart synergy and attention to institutional practices lead to the construction of fractal neighborhood policy.

Afghanistan is a country with diverse ethnic minorities that have been in conflict with each other, without much emphasis on nationalism. Lack of social cohesion has led to the dominance of tribal leaders in the country. On the other hand, modern nation-state building has been introduced through the French Revolution and colonization in India. These two ideologies have resulted in a cultural shock, tug of war between tradition and modernity, and violence in Afghanistan. Nationalism, which introduces traditional values into modern clothing, is in conflict with liberalism, which emphasizes post-enlightenment ideology and development in Europe, but has not been able to bring development to Afghanistan. Nationalism has led to division and animosity between the various cultures and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, resulting in social conflicts, weak nationalism, and underdevelopment. Armed uprisings, the emergence of terrorist groups, foreign intervention, the destruction of infrastructure, and the collapse of the developmental mindset are some of the consequences of this underdevelopment. This sociological-historical research aims to answer the question of how the delay in the formation of nationalism affected the development and led to the collapse of the developmental mindset in Afghanistan. The hypothesis is that the delay in the formation of civic nationalism, weak separation of private and public spheres in the eighth constitutional law, lack of historical background to liberal teachings, the non-sociological function of global society, and continuous ethnic nationalism without regard to the past have contributed to this collapse.

The objective of this paper is to study the viewpoints of Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi and Ayatollah Mehdi Haeri about the nature of "government". The theoretical framework adopted for this research is “goal-legitimacy” and hermeneutic method has been employed for analysis of the data. The hypothesis of this study is as follows: with the Shia jurisprudents coming to power and the political consequences of the process of modernity, the approaches of Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi and Ayatollah Haeri Yazdi to the government are a combination of Islamic-Shi’i tradition and human experiences resulting from modernity. The findings of the research show that regarding the ultimate goal of the government Mesbah Yazdi maintains that the goal of the government is to prepare the grounds for man’s obedience of God, while Haeri believes that the duty of the government is to protect the interests and good of the citizens. Regarding the person of the ruler, Mesbah Yazdi believes that a jurisprudent appointed by the H Imam Mahdi should take the helm, while Haeri maintains that governorship belongs to the people. Regarding the the qualifications and conditions for a Muslim to take the helm and exercise power, Mesbah Yazdi mentions knowledge of jurisprudence, justice, managing capability, approval of the Experts Assembly, the law, and the Council. Haeri mentions the followings: Commitment to the goals of the government, freedoms, citizen’s will, refutation of the role of raising the people, legislation and exercise of force by the government. In the field of right to protest, Mesbah Yazdi believes that the ruler has unlimited power and has the power to suppress subversive acts, while Haeri Yazdi maintains that the citizens have the right to take any reformative or revolutionary action.

The employability of graduates, especially in humanities, is one of the important issues in the field of education, and considering the high volume of admissions in universities, it is very important to investigate this issue. This study aims to examine the relationship between female political science graduates' employability and their engagement in continuing education.Two research metho​dologies were employed: secondary analysis of data obtained from the educational system's alumni information system, with a specific emphasis on graduation rates and gender distribution. Graduates were surveyed via telephone with regard to their employment status, motivations, and reasons for continuing their education.There is a high graduation rate (80%) in political science, with women comprising 53% of graduates and holding the majority of top positions (51%). The telephone survey revealed a 51% employment rate among graduates, with most employed in the public sector on full-time contracts. Financial independence was cited by graduates as the principal incentive for securing employment, while unemployment was primarily attributed to a dearth of opportunities. Continuing education was identified as the primary impetus for these individuals. Regression analysis revealed that employment is influenced by variables such as city residence in Mashhad and involvement in student organizations (both on and off campus), which presumably offer opportunities for skill development.The study suggests a link between continuing education, participation in student organizations, and employability among female political science graduates.

The purpose of this article is to know the dominant form of the relationship between the state and Ethnicities in pre-modern Iran.The type of relationship between the State and Ethnicities in Iran is not a static concept and has undergone transformations under the influence of the evolution of State and power. hence, the main question of this article is about quiddity the relationship between the State and the Ethnicities in the mentioned period. It seams in pre-modern Iran, due to the scattered construction of power among the three forms of relationship between the State and the Ethnicities; Cooperation, competition and conflict The contribution of "cooperation" has been more prominent in the form of exchange of power resources between the central State and local power cores. In this article, the theory of political opportunity structure has been used as selected analytical framework to explain the dominant form of interaction between the State and Ethnicities. The cooperation and assistance of the Ethnicities with the State in the determination of Iran's borders has been examined and shown in the case of the Goldsmith Treaties. The method of this research is historical explanation.

The rapid emergence of Taliban in Afghan politics in the 1990s and its governance is one of the important changes in Afghanistan in the last four decades. The emergence of the Taliban was a surprise. The Taliban, who appeared from the south of Afghanistan, managed to control Kabul and the northern regions of the country on several occasions. After capturing Herat, they were able to capture Kabul easily. Although two decades have passed since the fall of the first government of this group, there have been fewer scientific analyzes and researches about its economic and political-economic issues. A detailed examination of the economy and political economy of the first Taliban government helps us to know this group better. Understanding the political economy of the Taliban adds to our knowledge of the nature and characteristics of the Taliban. In order to understand the political economy of the Taliban, this research examines the financial resources of this group and the economic situation of Afghanistan under their rule. The focus of this research is on the political economy of the Taliban. The research seeks to determine the nature of the political economy of the Taliban.

Research Question:

 What was the type of political economy of the first Taliban government between the years 1996-2001?

Research Hypothesis:

 The hypothesis is that the nature of the political economy of the Taliban was a combination of the political economy of terrorism and conservatism, which claimed to follow Islamic teachings in managing the economic issues of the society and was not compatible with the usual approaches of political economy in the world. It seems that the political economy of the first Taliban government cannot be studied in the framework of the popular political economy approaches in the world. In other words, the political economy of the Taliban cannot be analyzed in the framework of classical, radical and neoliberal political economy approaches. The Taliban's view of the economy was religious and ideological.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework:

 In this article, a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach have been used to investigate the political economy of the first Taliban government. The approach of the political economy of terrorism and some components of the political economy of conservatism is the theoretical framework of this research.

The Taliban leadership's approach to the economy was ideological. They were exerting their religious, jurisprudential and economic rules in the areas under their control. This view worsened the economic situation of Afghanistan. Mullah Omar and other Taliban leaders did not believe in solving people's economic problems through government intervention and scientific programs. According to them, only God can solve people's economic problems. The Taliban did not follow any specific rules or economic system to run Afghanistan's economy. Mullah Omar issued several orders in the first government of the Taliban. The Taliban were loyal to these orders. The Taliban government had numerous internal and external financial resources. They were using traditional trade and transit as official sources and drugs and mines as informal sources. Afghanistan's trade with the Persian Gulf countries and Pakistan developed during the Taliban regime. Trade and transit were the largest official source of income for the Taliban. Approximately 300 trucks daily went from Kandahar to Central Asia and through Herat to Iran. About 200 other trucks were traveling to northern Afghanistan daily through Jalalabad and Kabul customs, earning large sums of money for the Taliban. Smuggling was another source of funds for the Taliban. Mines were another internal source of funding for the Taliban. In the areas under the control of this group, the Taliban were extracting mines in an unprofessional and non-standard manner. The Taliban also met part of their financial needs through tithe and zakat. The Taliban also earned a lot of money through drug cultivation and trafficking. The Taliban did not establish the cultivation, production and trafficking of drugs in Afghanistan, but they were its promoters.During the Afghan war against the Soviet Union, jihadist groups met part of their financial needs through the sale of drugs. But when the Taliban came to power, they expanded poppy cultivation and smuggling to meet the needs of their war machine and government and allowed ordinary farmers to grow it. Under the first Taliban government, opium production in Afghanistan increased dramatically. The sale of opium provided many of the financial needs of this group. The Taliban used the sale of opium as an economic and political tool. Some of the Taliban leaders had made a lot of money from opium cultivation, smuggling and trade.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the contribution of forms of conflict, competition and cooperation in the relationship between the government and ethnic groups during the Islamic Republic and the evolution of the relationship between the government and ethnic groups between 1979 and 2018. The main question of the research is related to the understanding of the developments in the relations between the government and the ethnic groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran in the years 1979 to 2018. It seems that in the first decade of the Islamic Republic, there was a mixture of forms of conflict, competition and cooperation in the relationship between the government and the ethnic groups. But gradually, in the following decades and until 2018, under the influence of the political opportunity structure in the political system, the pattern of competition and cooperation was strengthened. In traditional Iran, under the construction of the scattered and non-ideological power of Mulūk Al-Ṭawā'ifi, the relationship between the state and ethnicities was more based on cooperation, and in the Pahlavi period, under the construction of centralized and ideological power of the modern absolute state, the relationship between the state and ethnicities was more based on conflict. But in the period of the Islamic Republic, with the transition from the unstable power of the early years to the construction of power based on the constitution and the establishment of security stability and development approaches and the discussion of justice and public participation, the relationship between the government and ethnic groups has evolved into a spectrum of conflict, competition and cooperation. In this article, using the theory of political opportunity structure and the analysis of identity politics resulting from the construction of government power, more diverse aspects of the relationship between the government and ethnic groups in Iran between 1979 and 2018 have been discussed. The research method is qualitative and explanatory, historical.

The international socialization is the internalization of the global norms. But these norms while the national internalization will be faced with the semantic system of countries. The case study of the mentioned object is Constitution Revolution, because it is the first international socialization of development in Iran. Around the effect of the structure of the semantic system on international socialization, our hypothesis is that the triple and conflicting construction of Iranian identity (antiquity, Islam and modernity) made the internalization of norms difficult and failed. This hypothesis is tested by constructivist approach and the method of historical sociology. Based on the findings, the elites of constitution made an extensive theoretical effort to reconcile antiquity, modernity, and Islamism. They presented a democratic reading of antiquity and Islam. However, this "falsification of knowledge" while internalizing of norms could not prevent the traditional and modern struggle of Iranian knowledge. This research can be a "historical basis" to study the interaction of development international socialization in the periods of Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic.

The formation of the Safavid State in Iran led to a profound change in the foundations of political arrangement and the establishment of new institutions in the body of society. Contrary to the prevailing theoretical approach in explaining the relationship between State and society in Iran - which emphasizes the exclusive agency of the State and the absence of social forces in the evolution of society - this article seeks to be inspired by the historical institutionalist approach and chain explanations (historical causal narrative). To provide an alternative narrative of the relations between society and State in Safavid Iran and the continuation of the lasting institutional heritage resulting from institutional change in this historical period. The research findings show that in the institutional configuration of the Safavid period, society is not a static concept and political arrangement is deeply influenced by social components. Another is that the formation of the Safavid State on the basis of multiple powers reproduced a new institutional configuration based on the relatively complex network of interrelationships between the key institutions of power in this period, namely the State, tribes, clergy and the market, which led to The formation of a special institutional heritage that lasted for centuries after the fall of the Safavids. The method of the present research is historical sociology and according to its problem, purpose and theoretical framework, it is placed in the framework of historical-analytical strategy.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between modernization and urban development policies in Mashhad. The research method in this study is qualitative (theme analysis) and data were collected through semi-structured interviews. The statistical population of the study includes university professors, elites and specialists familiar with the field of modernization in Mashhad. Using purposive non-random sampling method and data adequacy and the principle of saturation, a total of 20 people were interviewed. Data were analyzed in three stages of open and axial and selective coding. The results show that before the revolution, the Western modernization style dominated the city and the Shah tried to implement the Western model in the city's development plans. After the Islamic Revolution, in the direction of urban development, direct and indirect intervention was made in the central part of Mashhad. But in the meantime, during the modernization of Mashhad in the post-Islamic Revolution, conflicts such as national and local conflict; The conflict between tradition and modernity and development without considering the principles of modernization has also emerged. The end result is the change of the city of Mashhad from a religious nature to a new modern city.

Explaining the relationship between the state and society is one of the most important theoretical challenges in political science. In a theoretical conflict and as a result of numerous criticisms of one-dimensional explanations of society or the state, the key question is to what extent univariate and one-sided theories have the power to explain and answer why and how the relationship between state and society is and what are their shortcomings. This article first seeks to critique the analytical tradition in the literature on government-society relations and then explain the components of historical institutionalism as one of the approaches in political science. According to this view, the government and society have mutually influenced each other in their historical process. This view sees the power of the state and the manifestation of this power in connection with the power of the society and considers the existing institutional arrangements in society and their transformation as the product of the connection of power structures in a historical process. The main components of this theory are “important milestones, path dependence, timing and sequence, events, design, and institutional transformation”. The analytical framework presented in this paper is based on systematic attention to how institutional arrangements are established and consolidated in the context of time, and therefore rather than having the characteristics of specific theories, it is introduced as a general theoretical framework. It may have more power to analyze the role of institutions in the social sciences in general and political science in particular.

Constructivism is one of the most widely used theoretical approach for analizing foreign policy. But this approach has failed yet to provide the researches with a coherent and modeled framework. Therefore, many studies have not been sufficiently aware of the theoretical, methodological and conceptual necessities that should have been considered in foreign policy analysis. For this reason, they have undergone superficial analysis and "theoretical reductionism". For example, constructivists in ontology have not addressed "anthropology" and "socialization." Such a "problem" stems from the nature of constructivism; because constructivism is a buffer and synthesis of positivism and post-structuralism, has included a paradoxical combination of objective and subjective elements in foreign policy analysis. Therefore, empirical studies require methodical theoretical studies. With the aim of compiling a research guide for constructivist researchers, the question is addressed: based on constructivism what are the theoretical foundations and requirements of research in foreign policy analysis. According to our findings, the study of foreign policy requires the analysis of constructivism in the five dimensions of ontology, epistemology, methodology, typology and conceptology. In ontology, "level of analysis" and "units of analysis" must be specified: micro level (anthropology, socialization and stateology) and macro level (international system, international organizations, international law, international structures and agents). In epistemology, the relationship between knowledge and value, subject and object, explanation and interpretation, reality and truth, material and meaning are analyzed. Ontology and epistemology determine the method of research: quantitative or qualitative. Then the type of constructivism is chosen: interpretive, critical, and post-modern or positivist. Finally, the basic conceptual constructs are extracted and defined: inter-subjectivity, constructivism, culture, identity, idea, knowledge, norm, and socialization. These five requirements indicate the complexity and difficulty of constructivist analysis of foreign policy.

In the 1920s and 1930s, Iran witnessed the formation of stages in the development and growth of its processes. The occupation of Iran in August 1941 and the fall of Reza Shah's government and then his exile led to emphasis of the foreign factor as the main obstacle to successful development programs. Thus was neglected the internal factors that were at the heart of the prevailing policies and methods. The purpose of this article is to clarify the internal reasons and factors for the cessation and failure of the development process by using the two concepts of extractive institutions and the Vicious Cycle in the Reza Shah Developing Government. The main question is: Under what conditions did the development process in Iran during the Reza Shah period begin and what have been the defect of this process? Success, promoting efficiency and sustaining the development process requires the growth of inclusive institutions and the existence of a cycle of virtue and the failure of development resulting from the extractive institutions and the Vicious Cycle. first Pahlavi, steps were taken to establish institutions and exploit them on the path to development. However, this process was disrupted due to the formation of extractive institutions and the Vicious Cycle and led to public dissatisfaction. This dissatisfaction was revealed by the lack of support for the social forces of the government during the occupation of Iran during the Second World War. This study is designed as historical-explanatory and its data gathering method is library-documentary studies.

The state and the bazaar have experienced variable relations as the two political and economic institutions in contemporary Iran, especially during the Islamic Republic. In the first decade , the state tried to decrease the bazaarc's influence and power in the political and economic spheres in the framework of centralized economic system. But with the arrival of the second decade and the beginning of the presidential term, Hashemi Rafsanjani, these relations have changed greatly. This change was influenced by the Taking the economic adjjustment policies by Rafsanjani in his first government, which provided the grounds for the empowerment and domination of the traditional right wing and the market in the major institutions and institutions of power and authority of the country. But gradually, since 1993, it created the grounds for a dispute between his state and the faction of the bazaar and led to confrontation between them. This article's main question is that how the economic policies influence the interaction between government and bazaar in the Hashemi Rafsanjani's first and second state. The authors' hypothesis is that although in the Hashemi' state first, with the implementation of liberalism policies, commercial and traditional capitalism in the context of the government was able to secure its own interests. But the new economic policies of the second state, the formation of the industrial capitalist class, the entry of foreign investment into the country, inflation, the change in the distribution system, and the creation of chain stores caused a dramatic change in the relations between the state and the bazaar.

target states. This paper, explores the role of Iran's economic statecraft to Afghanistan. Economic statecraft is used to apply the international and national instruments for changing the behavior of the target state and domestic development. Our question is: what process has Iran's economic statecraft passed to Afghanistan. The state of Iran in the first Pahlavi's era, by political and diplomatic tools, and in second Pahlavi's era by economical tools as financial supporting, interchanging goods, and trade contracts intended to change the behavior of Kabul's state. In the first decade of the Islamic Republic, under the influence of revolutionary events in both country, the economic instruments of Iran' foreign policy has been gone away, and with the goals of disabling and collapsing Kabul's communist government, non-economical tools have been exercised. But in the decades of 2000s and 2010s with the purpose of enabling and absorbing of Afghanistan's state foreign behavior gradually a various ways of economic have been applied. As a result, Iran has become the biggest trade partner of Afghanistan and the interdependence stage of two this country has grown more. Comparing the mentioned periods show that economical tools more than others have proved national and transnational interest of Iran in Afghanistan.

AbstractChina and India's rapid growth and development in recent years, with two different political structures, have made them an attractive phenomenon in development issues. In so far as that, the two countries have become models for other developing societies which seek to understand the relationship between political structure and development. India is a country with a democratic infrastructure, but China has an authoritarian and centralized system. The present paper seeks to examine the relationship between political structure and economic development in India and China based on the model of the developmental state of Adrian Leftwich. Therefore, the current article investigates the relationship between political structure and economic development in these two countries. We hypothesize that the existence of developmental state indicators in these two countries has led to the economic development of India and China. The level of democratic freedom does not necessarily determine development. This study shows that the existence of the characteristics of a developmental state, including developmental elites, the relative independence of the state, strong bureaucracy, and weak civil society, has provided the necessary grounds for development in China and India. This paper is based on data and documentary-library

The persistence of the corona virus and the impossibility of the prospect of ending it have turned a medical issue into a social one. The "corona crisis", like events such as war, revolution, or infectious diseases, can be seen as a driver of national policy change. How states deal with the Corona crisis and speculation about its impact on governments is now the subject of widespread debate. But has the Corona crisis led to a change in the governing patterns of the state of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Answer this question; Using Diamond Chaos Theory and the method of thik description and with the focus on some news data, information and published statistics, has been done. According to the twelve components of chaos theory, changes in the methods of state in Iran due to coordination and relative adaptation to the "eceptional situation" are on the agenda, which can be asked by accurately describing the historical, social and political conditions. Continuation or change of governance patterns in Iran, affected by the Corona crisis. It seems that the formation of the state in the Islamic Republic has been formulated in such a way that the Corona crisis can not change its governance patterns, and despite some occasional changes due to the special circumstances of Corona, governance patterns in the Islamic Republic of Iran have continued.

Modernization is a term used to describe the process of social change in which less developed societies acquire the common features of advanced societies. Modernization brings many positive and negative consequences for cities. Mashhad is one of the metropolises of Iran that despite its traditional and religious context, has been modernized during the last century. Modernization of Mashhad after the Islamic Revolution of Iran has created threats and opportunities for the development of this city. The results of the present study show that economic, commercial, industrial, tourism and political development prosperity, which includes rationalization of authority, promotion of popular participation, increase of soft power, establishment of a regular and separate administrative structure, are among the most important opportunities and disproportionate change of the historical and cultural context of the city, environmental pollution, social and cultural problems have been the most important complications and threats of modernity for the city of Mashhad after the Islamic Revolution of Iran..

The constitutional movement, which was drafted during the decline of the Qajar dynasty, as an immediate consequence of constitutionalism, is one of the turning points in the contemporary history of Iran. Despite the struggles of the constitutionalists, the output of the first Iranian constitution was to weaken the idea of monarchy and to pave the way for Reza Shah to gain power by creating an exceptional situation. The state of exception is a vacuum, indicating a kind of imbalance between politics and public and leverage rights. Whereby the holder of the monopoly of decision-making can concentrate power in his favor by removing legal obstacles and even the law itself. In such a situation, Reza Shah found the opportunity to gain the power. He had no legitimizing support to justify his monarchy, not only did he not turn his back on the constitution and abrogate it, but also, by stating his allegiance to the law, he sought to create an exceptional situation to cover the way for the suspension and consequent seizure of power. Thus, the question of this article is: Despite the constitution, how did the rise of Sardar Sepah to power from the Ministry of War to the monarchy go smoothly? It is hypothesized that Sardar Sepah, using the created emergency situation, Suspended the constitutionalizing of political. The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical based on historical data and the framework of Agamben's theory of exceptional situation.

After the Islamic Revolution, the relationship between the state and the traditional bazaar as a socio-economic institution changed. At the beginning of the revolution, prominent members of the bazaar community took control of large sections of Iran's economy through the management of revolutionary and state institutions, and established close relations with the leaders of the Islamic Republic. But in the following years, there were changes in these relationships. For studying this transformation and explaining the relationship between state and the bazaar in the first decade of the Islamic Republic, it can be hypothesized that in the mentioned decade, there were no similar policies towards the bazaar. The Provisional or Movaghat state believed in liberal policies in the field of economics, but under the influence of the resolutions of the Revolutionary Council, the revolutionary conditions and the post-revolutionary unrest, it practically implemented the resolutions of the Revolutionary Council. With the fall of the Provisional government and the rise of left-wing state, traditional bazaar power was challenged, especially in the political and economic spheres. On the contrary, the bazaar tried to prevent the state from dominating the economy and the private sector. The research method is explanatory and data collection is library and documentary.

The economic statecraft as the international economic tools of fallowing the strategic goals of countries is a new notion in economic studies of foreign policy. The materialist approaches ever consulted this field. These researches by linking the economic tools with politics, hard power, survival, and security have expanded the theoretical sphere of economic statecraft. By their emphasizing on the role of material elements and political goals in utilizing of economic instruments, economic statecraft has been declined to the power of politics and the analytical tool of the great powers' negative competitions and their dictating relations with developing countries. The realistic and traditional economic statecraft is in lack of applying capacity to developing countries and analysis of the role of meta-material elements in foreign policy. The article aims at to link the economic statecraft to "policy of development" and the social approach of foreign policy. What are the effective elements at the success of developing countries in utilizing the international economic tools? Invoking to the international economic tools is rooted the national necessity of development, identity, and socialization. By changing the egoistic identity to the collective identity during the process of international socialization, legitimacy and knowledge context of optimization the transnational sources will be prepared and reached. Development is the final target of international socialization and economic statecraft. In narrative of sociality and development will be dismiss the realistic declining and be applied to developing countries. The focal points of Iran's contemporary statecraft events have been the struggle on economic tools and international political norms; means the patterns of modernization and constructing of economic development and the patterns of constitution and republican of political development. The non-collective political identity and international non-socialization are the obstacles of succession of Iran's economic statecraft.

This study examines the internal causes of the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the development of ethnic and religious relationships in the country. the research question is: how the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policies have affected the ethnic-religious relations in this country, leading to the current crisis. This research covers the period beginning from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire until 2018. The research method is historical and its theoretical framework is the "Ethnic Policy Patterns" presented by Martin Marger. According to this framework, the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policy during the French mandate was “unequal pluralism” aimed at further accentuating the differences between the ethnic-religious minorities and the Syrian Sunni Arabs majority in order hinder Syrian independence championed by Sunni Arabs nationalists. Ethnic-religious policies of the governments during the period of independence were also based on cultural and structural “assimilation” in favor of the Sunni Arab majority. the kurds became subject to expulsion and extermination both physically and culturally. The “unequal pluralism” policy of the French guardian government and the “assimilation” policy of the independent era, despite their different goals, have moved in the same direction, and had the same results. The profound cultural and structural effects of these policies have created a continual sense of suspicion, distrust, and feeling of danger among ethnic-religious groups. This has led to the continuation and intensification of ethnic-religious disputes and conflicts in the country that ultimately brought about the current crisis and the ongoing full-scale war.