مقالات رزومه دکتر محمدحسین پناهی

The view that education should be in accordance with the ideals and goals of the ruling political system is always considered one of the governments and the cultural and social policy makers of the societies main concerns. This is important that in the form of change management, which has always been considered by the executive managers of the governments. In the investigations related to the government in Iranian society, paying attention to the field of education and creating changes and transformations in it and adapting it to the goals of the Islamic Revolution has always created a challenge between the public sphere and the policy-making sphere in such a way that the issue of change and transformation in Education has become a tragic tragedy. One of the most extensive disputes in recent years between the field of education and the government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the preparation, approval and implementation of "the fundamental transformation document in education". This important document has been prepared and approved by the highest executive authorities of the government as an upstream document for change and development in the education system.The government in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran was hoping for such a change and development that the document on the fundamental transformation of education in line with the vision document of 1404 and the comprehensive scientific map of the country and the approvals of the Expediency Council, in the session No.Unfortunately, the implementation process of this document continued facing serious challenges in such a way that after ten years of its approval, it has not been successful in the implementation phase. Therefore, the important point related to the current research is the discussion of social policies that governments apply to change the behavior of large sections of people. In this regard, the purpose of this research was to investigate the process of approving and implementing the document of fundamental transformation in education by adopting the critical approach government in society of the "Joel Migdal". Because from Migdal's point of view and in contrast to Weber's view of this social existence, the government is not a coordinated and coherent entity, but rather a conflicting entity that sometimes works against itself, but this process is not the same for all governments, because governments have the same ability are not.  In accordance with Migdal, strong governments are governments that have the necessary abilities to influence, regulate social relations, extract resources and distribute or allocate resources for social transformation through design, policy and program implementation, on the other hand, weak governments are those that are willing or They do not have the ability for making such social changes.The mentioned approach, while providing empirical evidence and conducting field research, deals with the process of making government decisions and their implementation with a different perspective than the Weberian perspective. Therefore, contrary to the state-oriented views that place an important role on the government in the process of transformation of the third world and transitioning countries, she does not consider the government to be the only main player in the political field. In other words, Migdal believes in the dispersion, division and fragmentation of power in networked societies and does not consider the power of the government to be Leviathan-type and maximal.This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and semi-structured interview method in order to collect data and also by using thematic analysis technique to analyze the interviews. A total of 15 interviews were conducted at high levels of policy making and implementation, which led us to the necessary theoretical saturation. The interviewees presented their opinions on topics such as their general attitude towards the fundamental transformation document, the strengths and weaknesses of the document, the obstacles to the implementation of the document, the different types of resistance formed during its implementation, and the role of the education expert body in this regard. The findings of this research show that, as Migdal's theory predicts, the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not a unified organization that can easily implement its approved laws. Rather, there are many competitions and disagreements both inside (the taste preferences of the executive authorities, inconsistency between institutions, etc.) and outside it due to the structure of the network society (influence of social political groups and currents, etc.), which hinders the executive It becomes the document of the fundamental transformation of education and similar documents and laws.This review also shows the conflicting interactions of various official and unofficial centers in charge of guiding the people; Centers that try to pull the behavioral and normative pattern of the society in a certain direction, that too in a government structure called formal education and in the form of the Ministry of Education.Of course, such a perception, if it is the statesmen true belief, leads to the simplification of reality and causes statesmen to make unenforceable promises or adopt unenforceable policies without considering the existing facts. Or they don't consider the necessary requirements to implement their policies, the consequences of which are many implementation failures and depriving people of their trust in the government and its ability to solve society's problems.  The executive proposal of this plan is for the government to make optimal use of the existing ability in the organized public sphere in order to find problems and provide solutions, especially in the field of education; Failure to include this importance (not considering public demands and demands) in the formulation and implementation of transformational and structural plans will not only lead to the implementation stage; But in the end, it will cause society's disappointment in political institutions and reduce the society's political trust.

This survey research aimed to investigate the relationship between the use of foreign media and political cultures. For this purpose, 410 citizens aged 18 years and older living in 22 districts of Tehran were included in the sample by stratified sampling method, and using research data collected with a questionnaire, research hypotheses were tested. According to the descriptive findings of the study, the citizens of the statistical sample tended to liberal political values, socialist political values, and Islamic political values, respectively. According to the research results, with the increase in the use of foreign media, the tendency to liberal political culture increased, but the tendency to socialist and Islamic political cultures decreased. Another result of the research was that with increase of information and communication independence of individuals, the tendency towards liberal political culture increased but the tendency towards Islamic and socialist political cultures decreased.Keywords: Foreign media, globalization, information and communication independence, political culture

People usually say that the Third-World, South or Developing countries are being behind from the Developed Countries for too many years. In this case, the past of latter countries could be the future of the former countries. In the same atmosphere, the theories of the Political Development and the relevant arguments such as Democratization, Transition to Democracy and Consolidation of Democracy were formed. However, they had so many ideological limitations which are influenced by the Positivist and the Modernization approach; hence, some alternative approaches were risen, then after. So, Historical School was revived, Comparative Politics was improved and the Comparative-Historical Sociology, as a case in point, was become the one of the main alternative to the Positivist and Modernization approach. In this article, we study the upheavals of the theories of the political development and considering the latter approach as the one that could apply to the case of Iran. Using the “Configurational” epistemology and ontology in the mentioned approach, and considering the “Indigenous” potentials in the theories about Iran’s Political Problems, we try to criticize the Positivist and Modernization approach, as the “Ideology”, to show how we could explain the problem of Political Development and Democratization in Iran.

This study aims at examining strategies of political participation of four varied groups, namely teachers, students, women, and laborers. Drawing on theories of formal/informal political actions, the paper has interrogated the political strategies actors employ to realize their claims within the broader political scene. This includes theories of democratization and authoritarian resilience. In order to gather data, the study uses qualitative methods and semi-structured interview. In this light, 22 political activists from different groups were interviewed. Following this, thematic content analysis came along to assess the findings. Accordingly, four different strategies have been recognized, that is rapprochement or negotiating with state, resisting against state, renewal and reconstructing the organization after repression, and finally making coalition with other groups. However, these strategies should not be considered as completely separated way of acting in the political scene. Quite contrary, actors more often employ the combination of these varied strategies. Furthermore, it seems that political organizations have a kind of sequence beginning with contacting and negotiating with statesman. Next step would be more informal way of action (legal or illegal) which is not without consequences. These consequences make political activists more cautious and lead them toward informal and underground activities including establishing non-registered groups and individual or collective sporadic activities.

Family, as a social institution or group, has been evolving throughout history. Evolution of family needs to be studied in order to understand its functions and structure. Unfortunately, the evolution of family during the long Iranian history has not been studied seriously. This paper is an effort to shed some light on the structure and functions of the Iranian family under Sassanids using documentary method. The findings reveal that the dominant form the family in this period was “extended family” which along with the religious and political institutions constructed the Sassanid society. The family structure in this era was patriarchal, polygamy was prevalent, and in-group marriages were preferred. The official religion of the empire, Zoroastrianism, viewed family as a sacred institution with its main function as reproduction. Other functions of the family were production and provision of economic support, socialization and education of offsprings, who had to inherit their father and mother’s jobs. Relatives of father, in this period, had superiority to the relatives of mother’s side, and the oldest son and his family lived with his parents.

Democratic Political Institutions, includes institutionalized ways of replying to political requests, such as citizenship and civic institutions, election and elective institutions, freedom of expression, newspapers and magazines, and etc. could result to democratization (as Tilly’s theory, they could increase breath, equality, protection, mutually binding consultation between the state and the citizens). In the modern history of Iran, including various critical junctures from Naser’i Era to the Islamic Revolution of Iran, there were numerous opportunities to give birth and develop those democratic political institutions, while as the chain of the events of the modern history shows all of the opportunities were missed. Regularly speaking, one of the main obstacles that always considered is the Authoritarian State, but, in this article, we argue that other variables must be seriously taken into account. To do so, we present a combined theoretical method that make a configuration of those variable to explain the problem. Besides, we use the method of Comparative-Historical Analysis (CHA) to study the obstacles of development of democratic political institutions in the Juncture of Constitutionalism and Nationalism in Iran to develop our study. As a result, we believe that the variables of World-System, Political Culture and Political Organizations are as much imperative as Authoritarian States. In this article, we try to explain these variables in the modern history of Iran by the method of CHA.

This study was conducted to investigate the reception of rural women of Eastern Miankouh of Pol-e-Dokhtar in Iran from the TV series Gozar Az Ranjha (Passing through Sufferings), which was broadcasted from channel one of the Iranian National TV (IRIB TV1) during the winter of 2014. A sample of 21 women were selected purposively, and semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect the data. The criterion for determining the sample size was theoretical saturation. To analyze the data, thematic analysis was used. The findings indicate that the women, in various social situations, actively received the dominant discourse of the film series. In fact, the type of decryption was in a spectrum that we categorized as oppositional, hegemonic and negotiated positions. The results showed that the rural women made modifications based on their own discourse access in the values and ideals of the text, discussed by them based on their own social and cultural milieu. They modified the meanings of the dominant discourse, including dual contrasts, ideal type of womanhood and psychological orientation based on their position, and they expanded and developed new meanings, such as “the decisive role of men” and “escape from sufferings”. The series attracted the rural audience for entertainment, earning pleasure, participating in group discussions, identification with the roles, etc.  Overall, the findings support the theory of ‘active audience’ even for the case of the studied rural women.

The family is the oldest human institution or social group that is developed due to the basic human needs, and has evolved in process of social change and transformations. The Iranian family, too, in its long history, has undergone major evolutions, that have not been studied seriously. In this paper, using the conceptual framework of functionalism, we tried to study the state of the Iranian family and its structure under one of the most important periods of the Iranian history, i.e. under the "Median" Empire, the first Empire in western Iran. The findings show that in this period the dominant form of the family was extended family, embedded in a large family network. This family performed the functions of reproduction, socialization and education of offsprings, production and provision of family consumptions needs, and maintaining the security needs of family members. Moreover, Median marriage was out-group marriage, manged by the family elders. Also, women and men both were involved in economic activities in and outside of the family.

The main purpose of this research is to review and critique research on generation gap. In this research, after initial refinement of the articles, 40 scientific-research papers related to the topic of generation and gap generation through the Marigans Scientific Database and the Noormags database were selected and reviewed in the areas of theoretical framework, research methodology and findings and were compared. The results of this study show that in these studies, the poverty of native theorizing, the prevalence of survey methods and the absence of combinatorial methods, scattering and inconsistency in the indexing of generational distance types, are different from the concepts of distance,  gap and generational discontinuity. In addition, the lack of precise operational definitions for these concepts, and the lack of accurate measurement of variables, and the lack of separation of the value and normative dimensions of generational distance, have confounded their findings. The research also suffers from the generalization of the results obtained without considering the dimensions and domains under study, the lack of a common age criterion in the separation of first, second and third generation generations, and the lack of attention to the validity of the tools used. In general, significant differences and inconsistencies in the results can confuse future researchers and misinterpretations of results by policymakers

The purpose of this study is to examine the meaning transformation of despotism signifier from Safavid Era to the rising of Iranian despotism discourse in Qajar era. The method is archaeology and the study is focused on the relations of the meaning transformation with discourse practices. Pre-modern texts were investigated for the significance of Despotism. The results suggested that these significance refer to ethical meanings. Then it can be claimed that despotism in pre-modern texts do not have politico-cultural connotations. Conceptual significance Turn of despotism to a discourse is the byproduct of historical events such as war, cholera and famine. This turn creates a new order of things, on one hand, and problematized despotism as a barrier for this new order, on other hand. In this context despotism became the central signifier of a discourse which tries to theorize the Iranian society. This concept in Iranian study is behaved like a fetish which should be returned to its historical springs.

In the contemporary era, the internet has a notable role in the life and relationships of human beings. In this research, we try to present the most important effective aspects of internet on marital relationships, and inquire its dimensions. For this reason, nearly forty researches of last two recent decades (since 1995) were recognized, and qualitative content analysis was used to distinguish two important fields of internet effects on marital life: changes in everyday relationships, and changes in marital boundaries.
The overall findings of these researches verify the effect of internet on these two realms, however the different aspects of this relationship should be considered. The effect of internet on everyday life of couples depends on the time, place, kind of consumption, and the situations and periods of a couple’s life. Some internet facilities like sexual content and cyber relationships have important effects on marital boundaries. These effects changes concerning some elements like the reason of consumption, mental, familial and gender backgrounds, and emotional and sexual relationships in the internet.

Social capital, which is formed by the network of relationships among human beings, plays a major role in our lives. One of the factors that may affect social capital is how and how much we use information and communication technologies (ICTs). This study investigates how ICT consumption is related to social capital. To study social capital, we used Coleman’s definition and typology and analyzed the effects of ICTs on social capital from four aspects: information storing, exchanging, transferring and processing devices. We surveyed a random sample of 388 students of Allameh Tabataba’i University and KhajehNasirUniversity in the city of Tehran, Iran. The descriptive findings of the study indicate that the students comply with social norms and laws to a high degree but they tend not to participate in social groups and organizations. Regarding functional aspects of social capital, we found that the students’ generalized and interpersonal trust were rather high. Our main hypothesis that there is a positive relationship between ICT consumption and social capital was verified, although the level of the relationship was rather low.

This study has investigated the effects of social factors on tendency towards democracy. Data for this analysis were collected from a sample of 643 citizens of Tehran aged 20 years and older. The theoretical framework was formulated using theories of Bourdiou، Inglehart، Habermas and Giddens. Social factors included social class، cultural capital، media usage، and religiosity. Descriptive findings reveal that majority of the Tehrani citizens have low tendency towards democracy. Only 4 percent of them have high level of tendency towards democracy. These citizens were more democratic in their attitudes than in their conducts. Explanatory findings show that there is significant relation among various dimensions of social class (i. e.، cultural capital، economic capital and social status) with the tendency towards democracy. In addition، there is also significant correlation between cultural factors (i. e.، social tolerance، social participation، democratic attitudes towards family) with the tendency towards democracy. Findings demonstrated that cultural capital was the most significant predictor of the dependent variable

The last quarter of the 20th century coincided with cultural turn, post-modernism and post- structuralism, both in social reality and in social analysis. This "turn" not only reveals increasing importance of culture in human life and in the humanities and social sciences, but a better and deeper understanding of the role and power of culture in various arenas of human life and social theorizing, what had been overwhelmed for a long time by the economic factor. In this paper we have attempted in, first, discussing the importance of the development of culture and cultural development, and its various aspects and dimensions. Second, utilizing the recent studies about the role of culture in economic, social and political development, we explored the fact that continuous and enduring development of different aspects of societies without development of their indigenous culture neither is possible, nor it may lead to self- realization and accomplishment of human beings. We concluded that in Iran, for the development of various aspects of the society, it is necessary that such development be based on indigenous Iranian-Islamic culture. In other words, the developmental efforts in Iran must be culturally based in order to succeed.

The purpose of this article is the meta-analysis of the studies couducted about ethnic problems in Iran. To collect necessary data, the authors used relevant keywords, consulted the universities graduate theses and visited relevant websites. Finaly, the studies which met the specified criteria were selected and necessary data to test hypotheses were extracted by a questionnaire prepared by the authors. 10 studies were selected for the calculation of effect size statistics and other necessary information. To calculate these effects, the authors used CMA2 registered software and analyzed the assumptions. The results show that in total, indentified independent variables were effective on political mobilization, integration and national identity. The combined effect size was 0.708 (0.708d =) that was statistically significant. Since this amount is in the range of 0.8 to 0.7 it is assessed in accordance with the category average Cohen. The results also show that variables such as a theoretical foundation, respecting the customs, traditions, religion and language of ethnic groups, appointing ethnic elite in political positions or adopting an interactive approach by government, emphasizing commonalities and differences between religions and feeling economic and cultural discrimination, have been statistically effective on the political mobilization for ethnic integration and national identity. It can be concluded that to achieve political mobilization for ethnic integration, national identity and national solidarity, reducing economic deprivation and discrimination, emphasizing religious commonalities and respecting the language and customs and laws related to ethnic groups should be considered.

Indigenization of social sciences is one of the important issues in scientific development in the Third World countries which has close relations with the developments in the field of modern sociology of science. The main objective of the present paper is to demonstrate that normal science can lead to indigenization of social sciences. For this purpose, in the first place two approaches, i.e. positivist and critical (historicist) to social sciences were explained and their viewpoints about the necessity of indigenization of social sciences were discussed. It was found that contrary to the first approach, the second approach considers indigenization of social sciences a fundamental necessity. In the next step, the conceptual framework of the research, i.e. Thomas Cohen’s theory of scientific revolutions was explained briefly to shed light on the status and meaning of the gradual and revolutionary scientific changes and normal science in scientific research in Cohen’s perspective. Then, by alluding to the five fundamental dimensions of research in social sciences – that is, selection of the subject, selection of research method, exploration, description and explanation – indigenization was discussed in each dimension in positivist and critical approaches. The findings indicate that despite fundamental theoretical differences between the two paradigms, when the advocates of the two approaches practically engage in a serious research, the outcome of their activities are indigenization of social sciences. Therefore, what is important is that the researchers, who follow any of the two approaches, engage in serious, precise critical research and go through all stages of the process of research from selection of the subject to explanation and criticism of theory.

changes of Local and regional governance institution in Iran, associated with socio-political conditions of the society, is a topic that have not been attended yet in historical researches. This research has investigated the above-mentioned topic in Bikhejat of Fars with singularity approach to the historical reality, by a mixed method of grounded theory and oral history. The findings show that changes in local and regional governance institution and public socio-political conditions in Bikhejat, on the one hand, has been affected by macro socio-political conditions of the country, and on the other hand, by special socio-political conditions of the region. This is debated in two dispersed patterns: non-centralized sovereignty (from the onset of Qajar to about 1934, and from August 1941 to 1948) and centralized sovereignty (modern state) (from about Solar 1934 to August 1941, and from 1948 to now). The main rapture point is the establishment of a totalitarian modern state in Iran, when local governments are abolished and dissolved; from then on the changes in local governance follows the formation of the modern state. Moreover, the findings reveal that there is a difference between the history of conformation of non-centralized (federal) sovereignty and modern state in Bikhejat and Tehran; i.e. it is necessary to take into consideration the historical times and multiple temporalities of realities in theorizing state in Iran.

Media as public opinion formers have crucial role in supporting the growth and development of science and technology. They form media frames in various fields of science and Technology. This paper seeks to identify frames which Iranian television series depict biotechnology. The Biotechnology frames Identified through qualitative framing analysis. To achieve this goal، all TV series of Five main national channels for a five-year period (2008-2013) were considered and two TV series – “Balhayeh Khis، 1392 (Wet Wings،2013) and” Factoreh hasht، 1387” (Factor 8، 2008) were selected. The central theme in these series was Biotechnology. To identify frames a combination of content analysis and semiotics were used. Findings show that six main frame were used for representation of Biotechnology in Iranian TV series which includes: conspiracy، ideology - spiritual values، scientific progress، ethics، economy and independence.

This research investigates the extent of intimacy among family members and the social elements effective on it. To start with, the intimacy has been defined on the basis of the present theoretical issues and its status among family members has been examined through some elements. Accordingly, it has been studied some elements such as the self-reliance, satisfaction of the needs, coherence, as well as the priority of ethical-Islamic values in family. This research has been done using the survey method as well as a sample of Tehrani families featuring at least 5-year-common life and one child.  The data has been gathered through a questionnaire among 400 families selected randomly out of the 22 blocks of Tehran. The statistical analysis confirms that the strongest intimate relationship among family members relies on the satisfaction of the needs of family. Moreover, the independency of family members, coherence and the priority of ethical-Islamic values in family are variables whose meaningful and relatively strong relationship with the intimacy among family members can not be ignored