دکتر سید احمد فیروزآبادی

Collective conflict in local communities is always an issue that has been the focus of social researchers in our country in recent years. This occurrence poses a threat to the peace, security, and quality of life of the populace, particularly in traditional and tribal communities, where it induces tendencies toward dominance and anxiety. In recent years, it has been increasing in our country and for this reason, many researchers have investigated this phenomenon, the current research was conducted to understand the background, causes, and main factors of conflict formation in Iran.This investigation implemented the meta-synthesis methodology. The demographic of our study 34 articles were chosen in accordance with the criteria, and they were published in scientific journals and theses. We conducted an analysis of the findings of this investigation and identified 10 categories. In order to ensure the quality of our categories, we obtained the approval of an expert and calculated Cohen’s Kappa coefficient.The findings of the research indicate that the studies conducted at the level of description have primarily concentrated on the relationship between background variables and the degree of tendency to conflict. The research conducted at the level of explanation has identified social, cultural, and ecological causes as effective in generating conflict. Some research has attempted to address this phenomenon by proposing solutions such as restorative justice and trust. In the most extensively researched studies, the primary causes of collective conflicts are scarcity, environmental challenges, vertical collectivism, tribalism, and rights and property issues.Its analysis and meta-synthesis demonstrate that the primary causes and factors of collective conflicts in Iranian society have been centered on the three primary axes of tribalism and vertical collectivism, as well as the challenges of rights and property and environmental resources. The conflicts that transpired in the central and arid regions of Iran were primarily precipitated by environmental and resource constraints, while those that transpired in the west and southwest were primarily influenced by tribalism and its repercussions. In the east and south-east, conflicts have been primarily influenced by the experience of conflict, deprivation, and socio-political insecurity. In the northern areas, there have been more causes of inequality and a sense of relative deprivation.

One of the basic policies of the Iranian government in the program of rural development and reducing inequalities between cities and villages is the establishment of industry in villages in the form of creating industrial towns. However, the results of some research show that these towns have not always been a successful model of rural industrialization. For this reason and considering the gap created between the expectations and the existing conditions of the industrial town of Mozaik Sazan (Eshghabad) which is established in the Qale no sector of Rey, it was investigated with a qualitative method. Since the thematic analysis method was considered suitable for conducting this research, 27 informed people were selected and interviewed using theoretical sampling and based on data saturation. According to the results, the positive effects of this settlement on the economic life of the residents, such as the increase in the level of employment, and the increase in the price of land, are quite evident. But the results such as the creation of urban elements and manifestations in the villages, lack of per capita growth, the arrival of national immigrants, the decrease in the level of trust, environmental problems such as water and air pollution, illegal withdrawals from water resources, raw sewage overflowing from the industrial town to the edge of the fields are also among the problems created. The lack of workers' insurance, the lack of job skills in the residents, and the lack of attention to the residents' demands have created a situation for development from top to bottom. But the most important consequence of this issue has been the decline of prosperity of agriculture and animal husbandry in this area, which was once one of the poles of agriculture and animal husbandry in Tehran province.

After the Second World War, as globalization forces increased, the majority of nations attempted to reform their educational systems. With the decline of Keynesian policies at the beginning of the 1970s and the dominance of neoliberal policies at the beginning of the 1980s, however, education, like other social sectors, undergoes profound changes and transformations. In this study, we examined the neoliberal transformations of Iran’s public education following the revolution.The subject of this study was investigated using documentary techniques and in-depth interviews. When documents alone were insufficient to answer the research questions, in-depth interviews with informants and subject matter experts were conducted.The findings indicate that various authorities have authorized a number of authorizations and laws to support neoliberal policies. The government’s role in funding education has diminished over the past few decades, with the proportion of education expenses in the government’s overall expenditures decreasing to 10% in 2018 from 19% in 2018. In addition, the number of non-governmental schools has multiplied 64 times in the last three decades due to the implementation of structural adjustment policies and the passage of the non-profit schools law. Additionally, the presence of numerous schools (up to twenty categories of schools) indicates the implementation of school choice policy. The increasing prevalence of special schools — Shahed schools, board of trustees schools, top students schools, and intelligents schools — has also led to the emergence of a form of privatization that we refer to as “endogenous privatization.”Results indicate that developments inspired by neoliberalism have led to the marketization and privatization of education over the past few decades, resulting in educational inequality, commodification of education, and a decline in education quality.

Today, the world is facing climate change and global warming. Iran is not exempt from this situation and climate change has many negative effects on all its regions. In particular, these changes have led to successive droughts in the last 15 years. In this research, the environmental and socioeconomic impacts of CC on two villages in the eastern Isfahan province and the responses of the local community and government policies in the face of these changes were investigated using Al-Rish Beck’s “The Risky Society” approach. Observational instruments, semi-structured interviews, and group interviews were used to gather information. Through purposive selection, 47 people (32 men and 15 women) were interviewed, including informed organizations, informed locals, and  villagers.  Grounded theory method was used for data analysis.The result of the analysis was the extraction of 215 concepts, which were reduced to 157 after revision. These concepts were then used to form 35 categories, which resulted in the core category of “Intensified Instability.” The results show that climate change, combined with mismanagement of water resources by government organizations and, to a lesser extent, villagers, has led to negative environmental consequences such as degradation of water, air, and soil resources, resulting in a reduction in cultivated land, loss of livelihoods such as livestock, and reduction in cultivated diversity, followed by economic problems such as an increase in poverty. This has led to a decrease in savings and a sense of economic insecurity. These conditions have also led to cultural issues such as a change in villagers’ lifestyles and a reluctance to live in the village and a turn to urban lifestyles. In addition, the drought and its consequences have also affected the physical and mental health of the people in the region, leading to physical illness and mental discomfort. However, there are some differences between the two villages in terms of social consequences. For example, while there has been out-migration in the village in southern Baraan, the village in northern Baraan has not only not out-migrated, but has actually become receptive to immigrants. It can be concluded that the location of the village and the spirit of participation are the reasons for these differences. The village in North Braan, which has a more favorable climate, has become the residence of the rich people of Isfahan city, and service sector jobs have been created in the village, which has prevented the villagers from migrating. Moreover, the spirit of participation in the management of water resources has been shown in this village.

Teenage marriage is an important and key determinant of high school dropout of girls. This article using quantitative and qualitative data, explores the drivers and reasons for girls drop out of school, with an emphasis on the role of early marriage. In the quantitative section, the secondary analysis of the micro-census data for 2016 and in the qualitative part, in-depth interview and ethnographic approach in Shahnabad region of Lorestan province have been used. The results showed that the prevalence of school dropout among 15-17-year-old girls in rural areas is about three times that of urban areas. A large part of rural-urban differences in girls drop out of school is due to the higher prevalence of teenage marriage in rural areas. Logistic regression analysis showed that married girls are more likely to drop out of school than never-married girls. The results of the qualitative data also showed several factors such as family factors (escape from a disordered family, parents' addiction, parents' lack of attention to girls' education and parents' authority and strictness), economic (poverty and deprivation), social (fear of remaining single, peer influence and gender inequality) and cultural (preserving reputation, escape from social pressures and lack of access to educational centers) are important drivers of teenage marriage and school dropout of rural girls.

The aim of this study was to explain the pattern of rural to urban conversion with emphasis on the right to rural settlements in the city of Qale Now. To select the research sample population, non-probability sampling methods based on purpose and theoretical sampling have been used. Interviews were conducted until theoretical saturation (20 people). MAXQDA software was used to analyze the data. In this way, those categories that are closely related to each other were placed in a main category. As a result of data coding and compression of 25 concepts in open coding, 5 main categories were obtained in axial coding. Negative consequences of social and identity structure, the most important goals of rural-urban transformation, changes made after urbanization, realization of the right to living space and governing mechanisms in rural-urban transformation are the main and pivotal categories on which the data theory is based.

Due to the complexity of studing the emotions and feelings of immigrants, the migration process and resulting emotions have been understudied. This is a qualitative study and the content analysis method has been used. Interviews with 65 participants continued until the conceptual saturation. Participants were selected from psychology clinics in 5 districts of Tehran using purposeful sampling Participants were selected from first- and second-generation immigrants aged 25 to 45 years. The results showed that immigrants' failure experiences were associated with the consequences such as decreased social participation, feelings of discrimination and rejection, feelings of helplessness, stress, decreased sense of belonging, and social isolation. The exclusion and erosion of immigrants' social capital creates a sense of alienation, distancing, fear, and an inability to integrate socially. Finally, the results of this study showed that immigrants use strategies such as distancing, forced tolerance, re-migration to protect themselves from feeling defeated.

The main of this study was to investigate the reasons, aspects, and consequences of gypsy’s women’s exclusion in the "Cheshmeh Kaboud” in Ilam County. This research is based on qualitative methods (ethnography). Data collected through participatory observation and interview. In addition, data analyzed using thematic analysis method. We are sampling from12 native women (recourse of exclusion) and18gypsies women (Target of exclusion). The results have shown that native women’s exclude gypsies women because of these reasons: stereotypical beliefs, lack following sanitary rules, the behavior of gypsies child in school, a common sight in the community, violence among gypsies. Inattention to religious values. Inattention to native cultural values. Gypsies have believed that the most important reasons for their exclusion are these: Special events, Effect of technology on their life, stigmatization, gender stereotypes. The aspects of gypsies’ women’s exclusion in this research are the exclusion of facilities, institutional distrust, exclusion of social relevancies, and exclusion of protection. The consequences of this problem are financial deprivation, informational deprivation, celibacy of gypsy’s girls. The gypsy’s women made some strategies against social exclusion: mutual reaction, choosing the name, seclusion, resistance against natives, special lifestyle, hiding identity, transition of making tools.

The feeling of defeat has been mostly analyzed as a clinical and psychological phenomenon; however it seems that the social aspects are of high importance. To understand the phenomenon of "exclusion", an interview was conducted with people with the feeling of defeat – considering three criteria: authority’s claims, psychologist diagnosis, and the feeling of defeat test- continued to reach theoretical saturation in 65 individuals. The study subjects were chosen from psychological clinics in five different regions in Tehran which are the following: the center of district 6, the west in the district 8, the north in the district1, the west in district 5 and the south in district 18, and the quota sampling was implemented purposefully. Participants were chosen among individuals from 25 to 45 years old in two groups. The first or second generation of migrants from villages to Tehran metropolis, the second those who were born and are living in Tehran now. To this aim, semi-structured interviews for data collection and thematic analysis for data analysis were conducted.The findings suggest that the experience of defeat could cause experience of discrimination, exclusion, and the decline in social participation in individuals and consequently result in the feeling of despair, anxiety, social isolation, and lack of sense of belonging. "Exclusion" and erosion of social capital lead to being someone else, distancing, the fear, and lack of power for social integration. The migrants (as excluded group) suffer from social confusion, the sense of meaninglessness, being powerless, loneliness, and isolation. The feeling of freedom alongside discrimination, the tendency for reverse migration, immigration, traumas, mistrust, disappointment, and shame are the consequences of being excluded among the group of migrants.

This study focuses on the Impact of the commercialization policy of the West border provinces of Iran on the youth educational inhabitants using grounded theory approach. Hence, using group and individual semi-structured interview techniques, observation and documentation, data collected based on the grounded theory, processes, interactions and consequences of the market hegemony on the youth educational achievements have been analyzed. Through theoretical and purposive sampling, with 3 different groups of merchants (n= 13), teachers (n= 14) and students (8 groups and 7 people), the individual and group interviews have been conducted. The collected data have been classified into three main groups, 265 concepts and 54 categories. Then categories arising from the perspective of each group of participants were re-combined, and a higher level of abstraction achieved. Finally, all major categories, in 13 main categories classified again and the final core categories were coded and analyzed. Results show that, chronic poverty, environmental and industrial constraints and inefficiency of higher education as causal conditions, mental image of important others, and money are the most meaningful objectivity, cultural-educational weaknesses at the local level as intervening conditions in the hegemony of money and economism are influential factors in life. Young people encounter such a situation -the strategies of economic agency, actions of earning financial status- have adopted. This hegemony had cultural consequences such as worthlessness of education, cultural change of educational status and dropout.

The issue of informal settlement management has been mentioned in the country's development document as a development issue. Various approaches have been taken to manage this phenomenon in the world that the empowerment approach is one of the latest. This approach has been experienced in Iran since the late 1370s, but assessments show that the expected results were not achieved. This result raised the question for the present study whether the empowerment approach was effective in organizing informal settlements? In this study, an attempt was made to answer this question based on the opinions of experts. This research is a qualitative study and follows the method of GroundedTheory. Preliminary findings show that in order to identify the role of the empowerment approach, the roots of the problem must first be identified. As the questions and study process became more precise, the concept of migration was used as a central phenomenon and the basis for the development of the research model. Findings show that the roots of informal settlement can be traced to micro, intermediate and macro levels. Therefore, problem management strategies must be seen simultaneously at different levels. Separation of macro-origin, intermediate-destination and micro-destination strategies has been one of the research findings. The research confirmed that the empowerment approach is useful for dealing with the informal settlement phenomenon, which is applicable at the micro-destination level.

In the last decade, border trade in the Baneh has had different consequences which has been unprecedented in the history of this city. The purpose of the present research is to understand the meaning system of individuals and their interpretation of value development in Baneh. The grounded theory approach has been used to achieve the research objectives. The information was collected using a deep interview technique. Through purposive sampling, two different groups of people, namely, marketers and educators, were selected. The three main coding stages were implemented separately for both groups, reaching to 18 categories. These categories include: historical poverty and difficulty of subsistence, improvement of the lives of marketers, the high efficiency of economic participation, the weakness of the industry sector, the inefficiency of agriculture and horticulture, the prosperity of the market and the border trade, the devaluation of high education, economic activism, marketization, leaving formal education, the dominance of money, comfort-seeking, autonomy, the value of material identity, material dignity, low quality of education and its frustration, and the degradation of the status of clergies and teachers. The aforementioned categories were formulated in the paradigmatic model/ grounded theory of perceived value developments.

In this article, we tried to measure the quality  of life in the new city of Baharestan, with an emphasis on the gender variable )comparing the women and men’s quality of life(. The quality of life in the cities of Europe questionnaire has  been used to measure the quality of life, which is designed by the Department of Urban and Regional Policy of the European Commission, the European Union. The questionnaire is based on  components of “people’s satisfaction whit living  in their city“, ”people’s views about their city“, “people’s satisfaction whit living in their city in  relation whit environment” and “people’s satisfaction whit personal situation”. In this paper, the  survey method has been used. The statistical  population of this study is the total number of  men and women aged 18-65 that living in four phases of Baharestan in 1396. Multistage cluster sampling with sample size 1000 people was obtained by Cochran formula. Results show that the quality of life score in the new city of Baharestan )0-100( is 43.6. Among the components of quality of life, “people’s satisfaction whit living  in their city in relation whit environment” with  a score of 53.6 has a better status than other  components. Other components of the quality of life were: “people’s satisfaction whit living in  their city“ )35.2 score(, ”people’s views about their city” (33.6 score), and “people’s satisfaction  whit personal situation” with a score of 51.9.  Score of quality of life is 43.2 in men and 44.1 in women. Therefore, in this study, according to quality of life score and T-test results, there is no significant difference in the quality of life from  the views of responsive women and men in the new city of Baharestan.

The aim of this essay is assessment of the MS and PhD thesis of the rural planning، rural development and rural extension and development field’s that، have been performed for over a decade (2000-2011) in geography، agriculture and social sciences faculty in the university of Tehran. Methods such as documentary data and library studies have been used. 289 thesis have been studied in this research. Variables such as gender of students، field of study، number of thesis، year of graduation، methods of research، and distribution of provinces which are studied in this thesis، have been analyzed. This study was conducted in a qualitative manner and for data analysis، content analysis has been used. In the next step، the subject of the thesis is classified under 24 Codes. The result shows that the most diversity of the subject is in the faculty of geography and the lowest is in the faculty of social sciences. The most studies have been carried out in the villages of Tehran province and the lowest is done in the villages of the province of Sistan and Baluchestan and Hormozgan. Issues such as deprived villages، tribal communities، rural youth، historical studies، political studies، family changes، rural cooperation and rural planning have been low.

This study tries to find the association between “trust، social networks and Knowledge (as indicators of social capital)” and “Social Welfare” in Tehran. The questions of this study include: “What are the main Factors of social capital and social welfare in Tehran? Which of the eighteen indicators of social capital are effective on social welfare? Statistical population of this study includes people over 16 years in Tehran. 783 people from this city were selected randomly and data was collected by using questionnaire. Among the 18 indicators of social capital in factor analysis، six factors “Social Communication، Solidarity and Social Integration، Informal charity، Religious and Reciprocal Participation، Attention to public affairs، Formal participation، Network of Friends، Colleagues and Kinships، Public، Individual and Institutional Trust، looking to the future and Security are effective in determine of social capital. The results show a significant relationship between social capital indicators and social welfare in Tehran. The major factors of social capital that increases social welfare (both Subjective and Objective) are: Security، Formal participation، Individual and Institutional Trust، Attention to public affairs، Network Kinships.

You cannot find any modern society without organizations. All societies need the organizations for achieving their diverse goals. Modern professional organizations are doing many functions for their host societies such as: producing and distributing high quality products, provision of health, education, recreation and entertainment services, security and safety. The specialized organizations could be found in the public sector too. Examples of these organizations are: parliament or government organizations in the national or macro level, organizations such as housing and urban planning office in middle or provincial level and municipalities, rural management organizations, as well as rural and urban councils in the local or micro level. Dehyaris similar to other public organizations should be aware of their performances for satisfying the rural population. It's important because village councils are elected by the people's direct votes. The councils are very sensitive to the people's satisfaction for two reasons: one for themselves and the other for the Dehyari as an organization in their command. The present research is one of the first projects in the field of villager's satisfaction of Dehyari. one for themselves and the other for the Dehyari as an organization in their command. The present research is one of the first projects in the field of villager's satisfaction of Dehyari. People's satisfaction has an important role in The performances and objectives of any public organization. Villagers with satisfaction of their rural management organization undertake their public duties such as paying local taxes and participating in public programs more confidently. The managers and officials who know the public opinion try to value the people's points of view. If they find any incorrect views, they would seek better tools for informing people and avoid using pressure and force for changing people's views. Therefore, awareness of people satisfaction includes many advantages for Dehyaris, such as: • Increasing of Dehyari' efficiency; • Increasing of Dehyari' responsiveness to the demands and need of villagers; • Increasing of general trust to Dehyari organization; • Increasing of public participation in Dehyari programs and plans; • Increasing of Dehyari legitimacy in the villager's public opinion and views. The rural management organizations that have measured and studied villager's views are aware of the existing problems of the villages, as well as, public needs and demands. This knowledge can help for better prioritization. They can go forward for solving the problems and respond better to people's needs. In the other hand, those organizations without respect for villager's views might do worthless works based on the watchful eye of people. Although they have spent money and resources for diverse works but they couldnt go ahead for more people's satisfaction on Dehyari performance. People satisfaction of Dehyari (Rural Management Unit) is an indication of rural management achievements in the fields of efficiency and responsiveness. The main questions of the research are as follows: what’s the situation of people’s satisfaction in the field of Dehyari’s performance? What’s the people’s satisfaction in comparison with their evaluation of Dehyari organizational performance? What are the aspects and weights of people’s satisfaction typologies of Dehyari’s performance? How significant are the influences of the variables on satisfaction of Dehyaris? The research has been done by using survey method in 9 villages of Ghazvin, Abeeyek and Alborz districts. It had 200 respondents and they were chosen by laws of probability sampling method in the villages with 3 types of performances: high, medium and low. The findings showed that almost 70 percent of respondents have satisfied from their Dehyaris. If the organizational satisfaction evaluation is high, then the amount of village’s satisfaction will be high too. This amount of satisfaction for a one decade born organization is considerable. These two factors of the findings should be mentioned: one is the generality of Dehyari’s performances and the other is the disorders of rural managements because of land reforms in the 1960’s. These new rural management organizations could get villagers satisfaction by doing constructional activities such as preparing the roads and repairing them, if necessary; making their surrounding spaces clean, etc. Rural societies are not as complicated as the urban ones. The villagers are similar together and there are no major differences between them. There has been no stable management organization from 1960s until the establishment of Dehyari in 2000s. Although there were some experiences such as Khane-ye- Omran Roostayee (Village's Construction House) and Khane-ye- Hamyar (The Helper House) but they didnt have institutionalization and judicial stability that are essential factors for organizational precise performance, Therefore, Dehyaris are capable for obtaining people's satisfaction by doing mostly constructional works in a field without competition.

The main questions of paper are what are indicators of social development? What is the weight of each of the selected social development indices with weights valuation (entropy), based on 2007 data in Iran? How is rating of social development indicators based on the weight of them in Iran's provinces and what is the relationship between the scores of social capital and social development situation in the provinces? This article is based on theories and indicators of social development and issues raised in Copenhagen, in the field of social development, and other theories in relation to social capital and development. Methods of paper is based on secondary analysis of information and provincial data for 30 provinces with using deciding multiple indicators method in provincial ranking and statistics related to the correlation in the relationship between variables. The findings indicate that thirteen indicators are useful for understanding social development status and based on this index, the Yazd province has maximum and kohgiloyeh province has minimum level of social development. Finally, the ranking obtained from the provinces, the correlation of the social capital of provinces with social development, has been measured. The results show, between social development and some elements of social capital include: individual trust and generalized trust, exists a significant inverse relationship. Similarly, between social development and the other elements of social capital include: network relationships within the group, formal participation, informal participation and institutional trust, there is no significant relationship.

The present article investigates and compares the situation of poor women exclusion based on variations and components of exclusion. The primary research question is whether social exclusion status among women of different groups, specially the employed/ unemployed and native/immigrant women, vary? Have the women been able to join intergroup networks through working outside home and receive support from such groups? Are poverty and social exclusion similar phenomena and occur together in the life of poor women?In order to collect data quantitative (survey) and qualitative (interview) methods were used. The main aspects of social exclusion, including exclusion from support networks,¬ social relations, social participation, are measured. The statistical sample includes 169 women (who are under coverage of Komite- ye-Emdad, Malard villages, Shahriar). Taking advantage of inferential test, the difference in exclusion rate between groups is investigated in terms of employment (the employed –the unemployed) and residence (native-immigrant). The qualitative method is used to arrive at a profound understanding of women’s life experience in relation to some components of exclusion. A sample consisting of 51 women were determined purposefully based on various specifications, and interviewed.The results of social exclusion status among the two groups of native and immigrant women indicate that native poor women enjoy the strongest bonding support network in terms of supportiveness and, in other words, they experience the least exclusion in comparison with the immigrate women. Also, native poor women are more active in informal social activities than immigrant women. The results of the research indicate that participation of some women in labour market contributes to making intergroup ties and profiting from their sources. By virtue of the fact, the employed women enjoy the strongest and the most heterogeneous intergroup support network than those who are unemployed. Further, the economic activities of such women have provided more extensive supportive scope and more supportive sources. In other words, intergroup support networks for women are not often networks for getting ahead, but they are networks for getting by. Furthermore, the changing status of woman's employment in labour market and their problems in social relationships eliminate the possibility of accessing intergroup support networks.Moreover, findings of this research verify that social exclusion and poverty are not similar phenomena and dont occur necessarily together. These findings illustrate that although these women are poor according to Komite-ye-Emdad's indicators, but they are not excluded in all comparable dimensions and in the same degree.