ali bagherizadeh

The West Asian region is known as one of the geopolitical areas at the global level, where the actors of this regional system always experience relations with tension, crisis and conflict. It has been institutionalized in the form of deep and comprehensive conflicts. Iran, having its own security system, is one of the important players in this regional environment. By playing an active and dynamic role, it has always adopted a collective, constructive and restorative approach in order to create maximum stability and comprehensive peace, while respecting the interests and accepting the role of other actors, which is placed in the form of a game with a positive and double sum. In contrast to the two actors of Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime in Qallab, a very complex and non-constructive cooperation, with maximum coordination and alignment, have adjusted and redesigned their actions in order to eliminate the interests and strategic role of Iran. The confrontational approach of these two The country is placed in the form of a game with a negative and zero sum. Yemen plays a balancing role in the security system of Iran as a strategic ally in front of the two countries. which guarantees the presence and stabilizes the strategic survival of Iran in the strategic environment and the course of modern regional developments (from the Islamic awakening to the Al-Aqsa storm)

The incident of September 11, 2001 became the origin of complex developments in the relations between developed countries, especially the United States of America, and the nations of the third world. This incident changed many of the strategic equations of major powers in the world. In 2003, the United States, on various pretexts, including the efforts of the Iraqi government to produce and deploy weapons of mass destruction, support terrorism, oppose any kind of peace between Israel and the Arabs, and threaten the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf, especially the country's attack on Kuwait. It attacked. The purpose of this research is to investigate the direction of the American foreign policy in Iraq from 2003 to 2023. The method of this research is qualitative research using the descriptive-analytical method based on the content analysis method. The results of this research show that the American strategies in Iraq from 2003 to 2005 were based on intervention to compromise, and from November 2005 to January 2007, they chose the strategy of victory in Iraq. After the years 2007 to 2010, he undertook the strategy of compromise, prevention of failure, increase of forces and successful return. After leaving Iraq and establishing military bases in Iraq; The destabilization strategies of Iraq, from differences between identities to intra-religious rivalries, divisiveness, destruction of national identity through climate change, and the strategy of soft ineffectiveness of the Iraqi government were adopted.

The current research aims to analyze the type of strategic orientation of the United States of America in facing the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially after the Islamic Revolution. The dualism of liberalism and realism, or a policy of mutual punishment and encouragement, has been adopted in the face of J.A. Iran. A. Iran. In order to prove the hypothesis of the research, while using the theory of aggressive realism, the behavioral pattern of the United States will be examined. The main findings of the research show that the approach of the United States is of the type of liberalism of "encouragement, encouragement and maximum participation". Or the harmonious model of liberalism and realism is not "positive and negative". Rather, it indicates the continuation and consolidation of the approach of aggressive realism, of the type of acute discursive, geopolitical and geostrategic confrontation in the form of "threat, punishment, sanctions" in the form of "various and complex balancing". So that the conformity and consistency of aggressive realism propositions with the approach of the United States in the acute confrontation with Iran is clear and obvious. The authors conclude that the behavior pattern of the United States is in the fixed form of aggressive realism, without a paradigm shift to liberalism. And it doesn't even have a tendency to shift within the theoretical paradigm of defensive realism. The main goal of America is to turn Iran into an isolated and victimized actor in the field of international politics. They evaluate J.A.Iran in the form of a game with a negative sum. And they always have a pure compliance with the approach of slander and international politics in their agenda. based on strategic rationality and compliance with international law.

The grand defense strategy of each country is embodied and crystallized in its defense and security doctrine.In order to achieve this goal, the security elites plan and operate the country's defense doctrine according to the level of actual andpotential threats.The insecurity situation in the surrounding environment has caused the decision-making elites in the field of defense-security doctrine,the index of security,to take an explicit proactive approach.and make the central idea in the surrounding turbulent environment the centrality of the country's defense strategy.To explain thatany inaction in security areas leads to spillover of insecurity and chaos from the peripheral environment to the internal environment.Senior military commanders,as decision makers in the security field,play a central role in this important matter by drawing and designing defense lines. Lt. Gen.Martyr Hajj Qassem Soleimani, as a personality who with extraordinary talent and vision,with his strategic decisions, increased the national security factor A. promoted Iran to the highest level in the country's history. In the way that he is considered as the architect of Iran's strategic security and stability. Iran is examined. The main question of the article is emphasized for this topic: What effects has the strategic thinking of Shahid Soleimani had on the orientation of the security doctrine of Iran? The increasing search for security, geopolitical dynamics, active deterrence, strategic depth,continuity of hard and soft power, active strategic and idea-oriented activism" has had a direct and decisive impact onthe direction of the Iranian defense-security doctrine.Specific findings The research shows that: "J.A. Iran's defense-security doctrine is influenced by the wise thinking of Martyr Soleimani in the form of a fixed model ofIranian realism, from the perspective of the realist government,there is a paradigm shift from a reflexive and reactive approach to a proactive approach to active security and "Strategic frankness has been proportionate to the threats."

One of the most important of them has been formed in Yemen. This research tries to answer the question of the identity-seeking confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia on the transformation of the regional security policies of the two countries by applying the constructivist theoretical framework and using the descriptive-analytical method. And what consequences has it had in the developments in Yemen? The hypothesis of the research shows that the regional security policies of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran, affected by the identity-seeking confrontation of the two countries, have moved in the opposite direction during the past decade and have caused and intensified conflicts in the region. Clearly, the identity conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia has led to the intervention and conflict of the two countries in Yemen, so that after nearly a decade since the beginning of the crisis in this country, there is no clear prospect for its solution and management. to be The expansion of Shiism in the Islamic Republic of Iran against the Wahhabism of Saudi Arabia, a different view of the West, and the confrontation and proxy wars in some countries in the region such as Syria and Yemen are among the most important effects of the identity-seeking confrontation of the two countries on politics. The regional issues of the two countries - religious politics, looking towards the West and proxy conflicts in the region - have been.

During the past eras, the concentration and accumulation of power in the focal points of the world has always determined the type of system that governs the international system. It is of the dynamic nature of the international system. The spread of new technologies in the new era, while changing the hierarchical order of the past, have had a tremendous impact on the movement and spread of power in the field of international politics. From this point of view, the most important and decisive drivers Changes in the field of the international system are new technologies. The purpose of this research is to investigate the impact of new technologies of the 21st century on the transfer of power in the field of the international system. Therefore, the main question of the current research is based on this: what is the impact of new technologies in the 21st century. can have in the transfer of power in the international system. The hypothesis of the article in response to this question is that new technologies in the 21st century, through changes in the sources and tools of power, in addition to the spread of power, cause its transfer, specifically from America and They go to China and Asia in the West. The research findings show that with The change in the field of international politics, due to the development of new technologies, such as: artificial intelligence and the Internet of Things, the way of taking power and the mechanisms of its application have also changed and become more complicated, thus leading to the spread and displacement of power at the level of international relations. to be

Aware of the importance of soft power in the era of interdependence, the Islamic Republic of Iran uses tools such as knowledge, culture and ideology to exercise power over regional countries. One of these tools is the Organization of Islamic Culture and Communication. In this article, using the library and descriptive-analysis method, we seek to answer the question: Has the cultural diplomacy of the Organization of Islamic Culture and Communication been effective and successful in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran or not? The results show that the cultural activities of this organization have been more effective, especially in countries where the followers of the Shiite religion have a strong presence. One of the effective factors and success of cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is our cultural and religious commonalities with most countries in the region. These commonalities include Islam and Shiism, historical, civilizational and cultural commonalities such as the ancient Nowruz, the celebration of Yalda night and the celebration of poets and scientists common among most countries in the region, especially Turkey and Azerbaijan and Central Asia and Afghanistan. But in European countries, this organization tries to spread Persian language and literature by creating Persian language chairs in prestigious universities and holding exhibitions, antiquities and culture of Iranian ethnic groups and holding conferences and seminars in honor of Iranian poets and thinkers to the set goals. Achieve yourself.

The strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the nuclear case in West Asia is a deterrent and defense strategy that increases the strength of the country's national power, preserves Iran's territorial integrity and national security, and reduces the likelihood of any military aggression against Iran. This article aims to examine the adoption of a deterrent strategy, especially its long-term type for Iran's nuclear program and its impact on West Asia, plays a very important role in expressing the true face of Iran's power and authority in West Asia.In this regard, we seek to answer the question that what are the effects of the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear case on the regional order of West Asia between 2000 and 2020? Using a descriptive-analytical method, it is hypothesized that the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in West Asia, in addition to being based on alliances with pro-Iranian Shiite forces and strengthening the axis of resistance, in the Iranian nuclear file between 2000 and 2020. It has created Iranophobia among West Asian countries and distrust among countries in the region.

The events of September 11, led to formation of, new regional power balance in West Asia, that regional goals of its actors ranged from balance of power to balance of threat. In order to explain function of balance of power approach; By examining regional goals of the actors of West Asian theorists, he dissected balance of power in the next decade. The balance of traditional power is predicted. As a result of the findings, outlook for the future is that probability of Iran's convergence with Saudi Arabia and the United States is low (the average intensity of regional convergence is 41.8%) and in the region, balance of traditional forces is still the most likely option. The level of tension created by the actors' goals belongs to Saudi Arabia, Iran and United States, respectively. Saudi Arabia is very influential from the United States and has a supporting role in US regional policy, and Iran has a deterrent role. This study is theoretically and practically important. The data were collected by library method (shooting tool), then the interrelationships between the targets and the actors were analyzed by the "future" research tool "Maktor", "Grapher" geometric design software, game theory and "diagonal matrix" pattern.

In the aftermath of 9/11, the West Asian region faced with sweeping political, economic, and security changes which lead to the formation of a new regional balance of power between Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United States, in such a way that the regional goals of each of these countries brought about a range from traditional forces balance to the threat balance. In this analytical-descriptive study, in order to explain the function of the balance of power approach in competition between three actors from the perspective of regional studies knowledge has been considered by inspecting the regional goals of the actors and considering the trends and stimuli leading to the formation of a security system of balance of power from the viewpoint of domestic and global theorists, the balance of power in the next decade. Then, based on research findings by presenting a conceptual chart, three scenarios (balance of traditional power, balance of threat and interaction) is predicted. The results indicate that in the future, the likelihood of Iran's convergence with Saudi Arabia and the United States is low (the average intensity of regional convergence is 41.8%) and the balance of traditional forces in the region is still the most likely option. The level of tension-seeking of the actors' goals are as the following: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the United States, respectively. Saudi Arabia's susceptibility from the United States has been very high, and it plays a supporting reactor role in US regional policies, and Iran plays a deterrent role. This study is important from theoretical and practical points of view. The data were collected by library method (note taking tools), then the interrelationships between the targets and the actors were analyzed using future research tools such as Mactor software, "Graffer" geometric design software, games theory and "diagonal matrix" pattern.

As countries' economic growth depends on energy supply, so energy security is one of the most important challenges for the world's major economies. Energy security is a multi-dimensional concept, one of which is military security around the protection, transit and backing of the military and arms financing of those resource holders. The purpose of this research is to ask what the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran's Armed Forces can be in securing the energy flow of the West Asian region? They are in line with energy competition and threats to energy security in the West Asian region, particularly the Persian Gulf. This paper is a forward-looking scenario based on the Tada model and explores the issue of military energy security in the West Asian region in the 2025 horizon. Given the current trends and drivers, the West Asian region continues to have an anarchic structure, and the Islamic Republic of Iran's Armed Forces as a regional power is monitoring existing and future threats by consolidating its structures in order to balance and mitigate the risks of future conflicts. They must create deterrence and safeguard Iran's national interest by anticipating future developments, formulating multiple scenarios, and making maximum use of the position of the Gulf Coast's 38 islands.

The first and foremost issue in recognizing the deviations of the Salafi-Takfiri groups of the "new generation" (with ISIS as one of the most important groups), is the recognition of their discourse and geopolitical territory. ISIS was made up of a main core and intellectual and ideological foundations; the core of this group was the Iraqi Ba'athis, and its intellectual and ideological foundations were the Salafis who gave it a religious and ideological appearance. With the presence of ISIS in Afghanistan and their hostility to Taliban elements, fears of another terrorist group emerging for different purposes were felt and various security, political and geopolitical threats were posed to neighboring countries, including Iran. Therefore, the present article, using an analytical-descriptive approach and relying on library and electronic resources, examines the security considerations of the Islamic Republic of Iran in opposition to the ISIL group, examines the presence of ISIS in Afghanistan and its impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and finally, offers strategies to combat such a risk. The author uses the interconnections of the concepts of the new generation of terrorism and critical geopolitics. The main purpose of ISIL's formation and presence in Afghanistan is to counter the strategic restraint and depth of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Axis of Resistance by using "geopolitics capable of growing new generation terrorism in Afghanistan", which is led by leaders such as the United States, Saudi Arabia, Israel and others.

Abstract:Islamic awakening has had a direct or indirect effect on the countries of the middle east region,and in particular the arab countries of the north africa and the western Asian region.saudi arabia is the largest and most important arab country in western asia.saudi arabia interpreted these developments as contradictory to its regional strategic stability,while recognizing the threat of these denelopments was determined to maintain the status que in some places and to rebuild power elsewhere.in this research,we tried to use the constructivist theory to adopt identity conflicts approaches.this proactive bahraina identity approach has striven to maintain the status que and stailize the rule of al-khalifa as a strategic ally.in a surplus from in Syria,it seeks to change the status que and the structure of power,and ultimately to balance the power with its regional rivaliran.this research uses library resources and documents in from of a descriptive –analytical metod to examine the rule of edentity element such as Arabism,Wahhabism and Islamism on Wahhabism and Islamism on Saudi foreign policy in the middle east region after the islamic awakening.

The main aim of the present study is to signify and explain the opportunity-making factors and the limitations of globalization and the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the south countries. So، the main question of this study is to evaluate the effect and the roles of opportunities and the challenges of globalization and the WTO on the development of the south countries. The probable answer to this question is that the globalization and WTO، on one hand، have acted as a catalyst for the development of the South Countries that are of stable economy، while، on the other hand، provided challenges for countries with an unstable economy. According to the findings of this study، globalization and the WTO have provided opportunities for the south countries and have also provided challenges for them. With regard to the rate of development and economic growth as well as potentials of the south countries these challenges and opportunities are differ. The WTO has had negative effect on the Gross National Product of most developing countries and has had also negative influence on African countries.