فهرست مطالب fariborz moharamkhani

The numerous social protests in Iran over recent decades indicate underlying societal issues. As a descriptive–analytical inquiry, the present study relied on Lacanian theory to address the question as to why the Iranian subject has become hysterical, expressing discontent through active protests in the past decade. Lacan attributes agency to the unconscious rather than the ego, suggesting that the subject extends beyond mere human dimensions. His theories are not merely considered as psychoanalytic techniques; instead, Lacan theorizes at an ontological level by introducing concepts such as fantasy and anamorphic reality. Rejecting the essentialist conception of human subjectivity, Lacanian theory offers fresh insights into the relationship between individual desires and social goals.

The present study adopted a descriptive–analytical method which depicts the existing reality as well as describes and explains its underlying reasons, dealing with the rational and dimensions of the research topic. During the descriptive phase, a theoretical framework was formulated to provide a robust base of argumentation in order to explain the underlying reasons. In the analytical phase, empirical details concerning the problem of the study were juxtaposed with general theoretical propositions to draw conclusions. The descriptive–analytical method is characterized by the researcher’s non-interference in the situation, conditions, or roles of variables; rather, they merely observe and describe what exists without manipulating or controlling other factors.

Lacan’s conceptual framework elucidates that a new Iranian subject was constructed following the 1979 Islamic Revolution. The divine Shia nation and ancient Iranian elements represented inherent gaps in the constitutive elements of the new subjectivity. The transformed nature of the ideological-cum-fantasy structure in Iranian society sought to conceal the gap, which was to be solidified by promoting divine sovereignty over the people. Maintaining this fantasy required a cause of desire, which is termed here as Object-A. The Iraq–Iran War in the 80s, the nuclearization project in the 2000s and the defense of holy shrines after 2010 served the role of Object-A. However, the reforms of the 90s failed to introduce Object-A, which is regarded as a symptom of fantasy. Upon the ascent of the tenth Iranian government in the 2000s, the government’s failure in the economic realm, coupled with specific cultural and political events, eroded the capability of the said fantasy in satisfying and persuading the people. As the fantasy weakened, the symbolic–social domain was rendered invalid, revealing an apparent gap between the real and symbolic and thus hystericizing the Iranian subject.

The analysis showed that noticeable economic and social deficiencies have render the ideological fantasy as dysfunctional after the Revolution, thus not satisfying the Iranian subject anymore. As a result, the Iranian subject challenges the Master’s discourse—rather than conforming to it—actively striving to construct a new fantasy. The Islamic Revolution, as the quilting point or the point de capiton in Lacan’s terminology, has been significantly compromised due to profound economic and social challenges of Iranian society. This damage stems from a gap in the Iranian subject which in turn results from the weakened dominant ideological–symbolic fantasy. This vulnerability is particularly pronounced among the youth of the 2000s, who—lacking a suitable model to ignore some of their jouissance—are driven more by the pursuit of pleasure than by reality. The norm-breaking behavior among the youth can be seen as a consequence of this phenomenon. The power structure in Iran had better rearticulate and present a model appropriate for the emerging conditions, instead of relying on coercive measures. The failure of Iran’s guidance patrol (Gasht-e Ershad) serves as a prominent example in this context. By examining the series of post-2010 events (from protests against financial institutions to the protests following the death of Mahsa Amini), it appears that the Iranian subject has profoundly questioned the prevailing fantasy, thus being hystericized in Lacanian terms. To stop this trend necessitates reformulating and presenting an appropriate fantasy to appease the subject.

this article seeks to show Tudeh Party's stance on Iran Islamic revolution. Islamic revolution as the most peoplist of the spread of the world leads the masses to revolutionary pragmatism .Because of Marxism in Iran , Is identified with this party.Social imaginary is collective intellectual and cultural heritage shared among a nation. In order to understand how it changes in the intellectual heritage of the Marxist interpretation of the meanings and implications, It can be concluded with historical and analytical approach.Social imaginary is derived from Mediology. This theory is an attempt to analyzes Intermediaries and carriers to effect the transfer process. Since in the context of the intellectual, cultural convey through subtle form of political consciousness and its the part of the social imaginary, its be obvious that the understanding of social imaginary Ingredients. This article is intended with help Mediology theory shows that Advocacy of Tudeh Party of Iran and the Islamic Revolution led by Imam Khomeini in some cases Not related with opportunistic but were influenced by unconsciously political and social imaginary of Tudeh Party members.Hence This unconscious bias was Not stable and Not be Continued.

Brian Fey، divides concepts into three categories; first، concepts which we use in thinking، second، concepts which we think about، and third، concept by which we think،. According to this categories، «social imaginary» would be in third category. it means that there is fixed cultural element within each nation which confronting new developments، it affects them. «Social imaginary» is the main concept of Debry’s theory of mediology. this review tries to show that this concept is an interdisciplinary concept of Althusser’s Marxism structural theory and Jung’s unconscious theory، by using the metatheory. This methodology would help us to know more deeply about a theory. The consequence is that «social imaginary» is a synthesis of political and psychological theory developed in France.

This article is an attempt to show how Abu Hamed Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Ghazali was influenced by the political philosophy of ancient Iran. Subconscious is originally a psychological concept now entered into politics. It is a source that manifests itself in a nation's attitude and philosophy unconsciously. Political subconscious is rooted in social imaginary. This article has recourse to Debray theory of mediology to prove that the fundamental concepts of political philosophy such as the unity of religion, state and the virtuous ruler were once preserved in Iranians` social imaginary and reproduced once again in the beliefs and opinions of the philosophers of the next eras through political subconscious. Al-Ghazali, the philosopher of the 5th century A.H who lived in a time different from that of Sassanid dynasty, with four centuries distance, has revived at the notion of the unity of religion, state and the virtuous ruler once again in his political opinions and accordingly his political opinions were under the influence of the ancient Iran.