فهرست مطالب fatemeh shayan

Energy is a critical requirement for all developed countries in the world today. Emerging powers like India require energy to sustain their development. Therefore, the Persian Gulf region, abundant in oil and gas, has become a global hotspot. The central research question of this proposal is how India, a key player in the energy game, can balance stability and maintain its status quo among its many energy partners in the Persian Gulf. This proposal is grounded in the idea of neorealism and its components. It posits that India, in order to continue and survive as an emerging power, has strategically made economic relations with the Persian Gulf region one of the main principles of its diplomacy. The research method is qualitative-descriptive, and the aim is to delve into how India can balance stability and maintain its current position among the different energy partners in the Persian Gulf. The findings suggest that India is not currently pursuing hegemonic power in the Persian Gulf but is instead looking for a more efficient and cost-effective development trajectory for itself.

This research examines the possibility of developing relations between Turkmenistan and India in the field of gas export. With the increasing desire of countries to use natural gas to meet their energy needs, India has also focused its gas energy policies to increase the use of natural gas. Major limitations appeared with the expansion of coal and oil consumption; as a result, natural gas is at the top of the global energy portfolio. At least, in the medium term, India is heavily dependent on gas to meet its needs. In the most optimistic scenario, in 2025, India will be able to meet about 42% of its gas needs from domestic sources, and as a result, most of the natural gas will be extracted through imports.

Research question: 

The main question is what effects has natural gas had on India-Turkmenistan relations?

Research hypothesis: 

The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that regardless of the limitations of the pipeline construction, the TAPI can provide the context of mutual dependence and the development of economic relations between the two countries.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

In this research, the qualitative research method to examine the hypothesis is based on Gavan Duffy’s pragmatic analysis method. Data collection tools are libraries and internet resources. The theoretical framework of the proposed research is Cohen and Nye's theory of interdependence in the complex era of globalization, which is used in this research.

The analyzses carried out in this research show that Turkmenistan is located in the Central Asian region, which has the largest oil and gas reserves. According to British Petroleum Statistics, Turkmenistan’s gas reserves were 13.6 trillion cubic meters in 2020, followed by Russia with 37.4 trillion cubic meters of reserves. Turkmenistan ranks second among Central Asian countries in terms of gas resources. In addition to huge resources and reserves of gas and significant production, the discovery of the Yultan field in the vicinity of Iran’s Dolat Abad field made Turkmenistan the focus of attention of consumer countries, especially India. Since the economy of Turkmenistan’s is dependent on gas and energy revenues, the country’s strategy is to export and reach the market of emerging countries such as India.India has had a historical and cultural connection with Central Asia for more than several centuries. After independence, India’s foreign policy has pursued various objectives. In the 1990s, the Nehruists developed their welfare, security and foreign policy goals. Based on this, the economic and security objectives of India’s foreign policy apparatus in Central Asia have received more attention. In recent decades, with the emergence of emerging powers such as India and China, Central Asia has gained a special position as the key point of this continent. India has tried to reach Central Asia and Turkmenistan through the southern ports of Iran and Iran's communication routes through Afghanistan. India's cooperation in Chabahar port projects and Iran-Afghanistan communication routes is due to the significant competition between China and Pakistan in Central Asia and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. By building a vast and intertwoven network of roads and energy pipelines, China has gained access to Central Asia and provided itself with extensive political, cultural and economic ties that have provoked India's sense of competition.India’s growing demand as an emerging power has fueled competition in the gas market in Central Asia. Although in 2011, India generated less than 12% of its electricity through natural gas, it has been trying to increase this amount in recent years. Although the TAPI pipeline can work effectively for India and supply the required gas, there are also some problems: One of them is the passage of TAPI pipeline through the rugged mountains of Afghanistan, the lack of infrastructure and the lack of adequate protection of the pipeline against terrorist threats in Afghanistan. Notably, Russia's stance on the TAPI pipeline is a stumbling block for India, as Russia still wants to influence the newly independent countries, in particular Russia wants to dominate the energy policy of Central Asian countries in a massive competition with the United States and the TAPI pipeline is part of this. It is competition. Russia considers the activities of Turkmenistan and TAPI with the purpose of its security. It is possible that in the long run, Turkmenistan's gas will be more prosperous and benefit India, but for now there is India’s presence because China is more present in Central Asia and Turkmenistan.

Three factors have been involved for Turkmenistan to act as a gas exporting country in the international arena and to form mutual dependence with India. First, Turkmenistan has rich gas resources in the Central Asia region. These resources have increased from 1.8 trillion cubic meters in 2000 to 13.6 trillion cubic meters in 2020. Second, Turkmenistan’s natural gas production has increased to 60 billion cubic meters since 2012. Yultan, Bagtiarlek and Barun Energy gas fields have put Turkmenistan the focus of attention of consumer countries, especially India. Third, the increase of pipelines, especially TAPI, is an effective step towards diversifying Turkmenistan’s gas exports to other countries and it continues from Turkmenistan to Fazilka in India and has caused mutual dependence of the parties. Also, the findings of the research show that, India, as an emerging power with increasing economic growth, has a great need for gas imports and Central Asia, especially Turkmenistan, has found a special place for India. Currently, India imports 35.8 billion cubic meters of natural gas per year and Turkmenistan is the priority for India’s gas imports.

This article assesses the opportunities and obstacles of resource geographical, economics and political aspects of Iran’s gas export in Turkey from a muti-disciplinary perspective. Iran has gigantic gas resources which can elevates Iran’s economy. The applied qualitative methodology is descriptive-analytical by benefitting from SWOT research method and energy security of the supplied countries such as Iran as a theoretical framework. The current reserved gas resources and production volume and assesses the opportunities and constraints of Iran energy actors in the same market regarding to the multi-disciplinary studies. The results indicate that Iran possesses gigantic gas reserve volume and fields. The Tabriz-Ankara pipeline contributes to exporting gas to Turkey. However, the sanctions on Iran’s economy have not allowed the development of gas infrastructures. Increased demand in Turkey and high prices have contributed to rise of Iran’s revenues even though the transit issues undermine it. Political competition is a part of Iran and Turkey relations although there exists cooperation between them. The findings indicate that the long-term oil indexation price mechanism and high gas prices have provided a chance to achieve energy revenues. Moreover, by reducing the political disputes, Iran finds a suitable market to reduce the sanctions and international forces.

The emergence of Daesh after the Iraq war in 2003 and the expansion of its activities in recent years is considered one of the most important threats in the Middle East and the world. Since its emergence, Daesh threats have spread from the Middle East to North Africa, Central Asia and Europe. The West, led by the US, has also made efforts to fight terrorism. But the verbal action of the religious and political leaders of Iraq and Iran in securitizing the threat of Daesh to the Shiites of these countries has not been analyzed in detail. This research seeks to answer the question, how is the approach of Shiite leaders in securitizing the threat of Daesh to the Shiites of Iraq and Iran? The hypothesis is that the leaders of Iran and Iraq have played an effective role in expressing the threat of Daesh to the Shiites. The speeches of political and religious Shia leaders of Iran and Iraq as a tool to securitize the threat of Daesh, have made the mental and intellectual atmosphere of the people; and regional and global actors more and more aware of this threat. In this research, the speeches of the Shiite leaders are investigated by the content analysis method, and Thierry Balzacq’s security theory is applied as a theoretical framework. The results show that Daesh is a serious security threat and has widened the conflict between Shiites and Sunnis.

Why and how can Oman become a mediator in the Middle East and international level is assessed in this article. What mechanisms and tools have been applied by this country? The theoretical framework applied in this article is based on the contribution of mediation in international relations. The emphasizes here is on the trustworthiness and neutral role of mediators, specifically a small state with a non-threatening role. Such countries have acquired prestige at international level. The role of the former leader, King Ghaboos, and adopting neutral policy, pragmatic foreign policy, and stable economy are the major contributive factors in making Oman to act as a mediator between Israel and Palestine, Iran and Saudi Arabia and the nuclear energy issue of Iran and the West. The findings here reveal that Oman with her modest oil revenues, as a prestigious mediator guided by his Majesty King Ghaboos has offered short-term solutions through a traditional manner.

Qatar is one of the smallest countries of the Persian Gulf region, and has made considerable advances due to exporting liquefied natural gas (LNG). There exist a few studies on Qatar, but very few, on her LNG export to the British market. The main questions of concern here consist of: What are the policies and frames of Qatar energy actors in the British LNG market? and in which frame have they acted effectively? It is hypothesized that Qatar pursues her profit-interest and follow business frame. In this article the Erving Goffman’s frame analyses theoretical framework is applied in assessing the opportunities and constraints of Qatar energy actors in the Britain LNG market in their geographical resources, economic, institutional and environmental frames’ contexts. The result of this research is in applying a multi-disciplinary approach in assessing the complexities of LNG in the subject market. The findings indicate that Qatar has gained high LNG revenues and developed her socio-economic conditions, with less interest on the environmental issues. The tool for data collection is library and internet sources, and the qualitative research method is descriptive-analytical.

In the years after the relative domestic stability following the Islamic Revolution of Iran, regional and international issues became the most important concerns of the Iranian politicians. The Iran hostage crisis and the ensuing break in Iran–US relations as well as the Iraqi-imposed war on Iran during the early years of the formation of the Islamic Revolution practically led to a crisis in Iran’s relations with the Western, Eastern, and Arab countries in the Persian Gulf.Later on, some analysts of Iran’s foreign policy pointed to the ideological nature of Iran’s foreign policy, the idealist viewpoint of Iran’s revolutionary leaders, and the attempt to export the Revolution to other countries. The foreign policy of Iran was based on the preference for nations over states in international relations, the emphasis on the political independence in planning and policymaking, on the preference for beliefs over economic and commercial interests in bilateral and multilateral relations, and the importance attached to political justice in the relations between states in international relations.Highlighting the convergence in intra- and extraregional cooperation, recent changes in Iran’s foreign policy have led to the current emphasis on convergence of issues such as expansion of bilateral and multilateral relations, cooperation and good-neighborliness with neighbors (esp. in the Persian Gulf region), and reduction of disputes. This new approach to foreign policy subscribes to the view that Iran has strategic depth due to its geographical and historical location, hence capable of attaining strategic-cum-global significance. For this purpose, it is necessary for Iran to resolve its problems and differences with its neighbors, establish friendly relationships based on good-neighborliness, and prepare the grounds for the convergence of countries by exporting strategic goods, for example, gas export to Oman. Iran–Oman relations in the field of energy can move to a transregional level, leading to the greater convergence and cooperation in the Persian Gulf region and even in the countries such as India and China.This article aims to evaluate one of the most important developments in Iran’s foreign policy in the last decade, that is, the focus on the surrounding regions, including the Persian Gulf, and the look to the East and Asian countries (e.g., India and China) for the purpose of reducing the disputes with neighbors and seeking extensive cooperation with the East concerning the export of natural gas. The main question is, how can Iran’s export of gas to Oman contribute to the expansion of convergence in Iran–Oman relations? The research hypothesis predicts that the expansion of communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas, to Oman) will prepare the ground for enhancing the convergence between the two countries in other fields. The research used Peter McLaughlin’s functional explanation as the method and convergence theory as well as Karl Deutsch’s communications theory as the conceptual frameworks.Considering the economic power and energy in the Persian Gulf region, the analysis indicates that Iran is able to be one of the important sources of income and set gas transit in the region, hence the transit hub of the Persian Gulf. Iran’s gas export to Oman faces challenges and advantages. Regarding the challenges, the enormous investment is required for transporting gas through pipelines over a long distance, which stresses the need to guarantee the gas consumption market and access to a large volume of gas reserves. The dispute between Oman and the UAE over determining the route of the gas pipeline constitutes an important challenge for Iran’s export of gas to Oman. Another challenge is the sanctions through which the US and the Western countries, unable to dominate the energy and resources of Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, tried to oppose Iran. The US has prevented Iran from reaching its desired goals. Despite the challenges, Iran’s gas export to Oman has advantages. For example, the construction of the gas pipeline is beneficial given the fact that Iran is supposed to export 30 million cubic meters gas to Oman and increase this figure to 70 million. This long-term contract enables Iran to achieve between 20 to 30 million dollars of gas revenue.The findings show that the increase in communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas) between the two countries can prepare the ground for increasing exchanges of other goods and services. Exporting gas to Oman is considered as the reason for meeting the country’s energy needs, energy security, and even as the basis for the expansion of the gas pipeline from Oman to India and China—which is the most effective factor for the implementation of Iran’s active foreign policy based on convergence between the countries of the Persian Gulf.

During recent decades, Iran and Turkmenistan have become reliable neighbours. But when these two countries want to develop their cooperation in the field of energy and export their gas to Europe through Turkey, they face different obstacles and challenges in issues such as bilateral relations, the Turkish energy market and the European Union. The purpose of this research is to examine the situation of Iran and Turkmenistan in the field of energy and the issue of gas transit to Europe through Turkey.Research Question: The main question is, what are the opportunities and challenges of Turkmenistan gas transit from Iran and Turkey to Europe?

The hypothesis of this research is based on the positive relations between Turkey, Iran and Turkmenistan and the geopolitical position of Iran, the connection with the opportunities and sanctions of the United States on Iran's energy sector, Russia's pressure on Turkmenistan for the exclusive purchase of gas, which is the most important challenge for the transit of gas from Turkmenistan to Europe.

In this paper, the qualitative research method for studying the hypothesis is based on Peter McLaughlin’s functional explanation. The data collection tool is based on library and internet resources. The theoretical framework of this research is based on the regional system proposed by Louis Cantori and Steven Spiegel. By combining this framework with functionalism, it examines the cooperation and competition of governments and analyzes the factors of convergence and divergence in the relations of these countries.

The analysis of this research shows that Iran and Turkmenistan have expanded their economic relations. The opening of the Mashhad-Sarkhs-Tajan railway lines and the Bafaq-Bandar Abbas railway line is considered as an important economic measure for the development of economic and trade relations between Iran and Turkmenistan. Also, the cooperation of the two countries in technical and engineering projects with numerous investments of Iranian technicians in this field has also been important.  Iran and Turkmenistan pursue their economic cooperation within the framework of the Joint Economic Commission. The main export of goods from Iran is related to Turkmenistan, and since 2013, the volume of trade between the two countries has increased, especially with Khorasan Razavi Province.With 5900 industrial units, 46 mineral resources and approximately 800 mines, Khorasan Razavi province has a high rank in the production of products such as saffron, pistachios, pomegranates and medicinal plants and mainly exports these products to Turkmenistan. The implementation of the border-crossing-permit plan between Iran and Turkmenistan has also provided the basis for the movement of nationals of both countries in the border areas.Turkmenistan’s gas reserves are scattered throughout the country. In addition to the huge gas resources and significant production in this country, the discovery of Yultan gas field near Iran's Daulatabad field has put Turkmenistan in the focus of Iran's attention. The desire of Iran and Turkmenistan to cooperate made Turkmenistan agree to the construction of the country's first pipeline in July 1995. The Kerpcheh-Kordkoy pipeline was built in 1997 at a cost of over $200 million to transport gas to northern Iran from the Kerpcheh gas field. With abundant gas resources, Turkmenistan negotiated with Iran to export gas from Iran to Europe via Turkey. Due to its geopolitical position, Turkey has become an energy pole and this has created an opportunity for this country to gain more economic benefits. The European Union (EU) has become heavily dependent on foreign energy resources in recent decades.Due to its geopolitical position, Turkey has become an energy hub that connects the Middle East, Russia and Europe. Many gas pipelines pass through Turkey, transporting gas from Central Asia and the Middle East to Europe. However, some of these pipeline projects have been suspended for some time. Turkey has given the green light to Iran’s presence in the Turkish gas market (to Europe) and the Tabriz–Ankara pipeline operates in this direction. 

The findings indicate that first, long borders and economic capacities in Turkmenistan are like the gateway for Iran to enter this country and the two countries have cooperated in the field of natural gas transportation projects. Second, Turkmenistan’s rich gas resources and various gas fields led this country to build the first Kerpcheh-Kordkoy gas pipeline with Iran, which met the gas consumption needs of Iran’s northern provinces. Simultaneously with the construction of this pipeline, the issue of Turkmenistan gas transit from Iran to Turkey was raised so that Iran would receive transit rights. With Najmuddin Arbakan coming to power in Turkey in 1997, bilateral relations between Iran and Turkey improved significantly and Turkey's economic growth has led to an increasing need for gas imports. In this regard, Turkey has increased its gas transit pipelines in recent years. Europe's effort to diversify its gas imports from exporting countries and not relying only on Russia has provided the opportunity for Turkey to become the energy hub of the region by importing gas from Iran (and even other countries) and using its geopolitical position to re-export energy and gas to European markets. The improvement of relations between Iran and Turkey and the transit of gas to Europe have strengthened their economic growth, but the US sanctions against Iran and possible obstruction of gas exports by Iran in the case of incresing US pressure, may prevent them from making profits in their bilateral transactions.

The main purpose of this research is to explain the function and threat of the terrorist group of the Army of God in Sistan & Balochistan and reactions of Iran to the terrorist group. 

The method used in this research is descriptive-analytical and collectiong information from the United Nations, Judicary of Iran, the High Council for Human Rights Center of Judiciary of Iran websites; and secondary data and library resources. The main question is that how has the Army of God acted and threatened Iranian Shia state and people in Sistan & Balochistan? How has Iran reacted to it? The hypothesis is that the foreign countries supported the Army of God with modern military technologies and finance, and Iran combated terrorism.

Findings of this research indicates that the Army of God has benefitted from ambushes, kidnappings, suicide bombings, and assassinations to kill the Iranian Shia state and Shias living in Sistan & Balochistan. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps combatted the Army of God Group. Iran also sought to have the support of the international community, the United Nations in specific and reinforced border security with bi-lateral cooperation with Pakistan.

This research concludes with the assertion that Army of God’s religious extremism in Sistan & Balochistan has been connected to violence experienced by the Shia communities living along Sistan & Balochistan of Iran. It is further posited that religious differences between Shia and Sunni Muslims have reinforced sectarian conflicts.

This article explores that Iran nuclear energy as an honor-driven action has not received attention in the International Relations (IR). To this end, the focus of this article is on the development of Iran nuclear energy technologies by Iranian scientists, particularly when heavy sanctions posed on Iran economy by the United States of America and the European Union. It is hypothesized that the Iranian public’s support for the government and young nuclear energy scientists has resulted in achieving honor in international relations. The analyses of this article benefit from Brent Steele’s honor driven actions and establishment of self and collective identity. The results indicate that Iranian public has supported the stance of the government on the peaceful nuclear energy as their indisputable rights to modernize their country. However, honor and tensions are side by side in IR. Iran has resisted to international sanctions and opened prospects for honor.

This article examines how has the Iraq War changed the balance of power and the relationship of power among the different actors in the Persian Gulf region? Different avenues of research have shed light on the relationship of power in the region among the regional states. However, this article explores the relationship between the Iraq War and the shift in the power of the states and transnational actors in the region. Margaret Levi’s analytic narratives methodology (2002) is applied in this article to first, extract the actors, their goals, their preferences and the rules that influence their behavior. Second, a shift in equilibrium at one point in time that produces new outcomes at a different point of time is identified. Third, constraints and incentives by narrating the sequences and processes of events are explored. The article explores: first, the period between 2000 and 2003, the three polarity powers of Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia were balanced by the United States (US). This is a continuation of the balance of power policy that dominated in the region during the past decades. Second, between 2004 and 2011, a security shift changed the distribution of power among the small and great regional states, the US and the transnational actors in the Persian Gulf. The findings, hence, indicate more heterogeneous and multi-angular actors are exercising power in the region, such as the small state of Qatar. The transnational actor, not only now exercises power in the region but they are also threatening regional states.

This article examines how has the Iraq War changed the balance of power and the relationship of power among the different actors in the Persian Gulf region? Different avenues of research have shed light on the relationship of power in the region among the regional states. However, this article explores the relationship between the Iraq War and the shift in the power of the states and transnational actors in the region.

Margaret Levi’s analytic narratives methodology (2002) is applied in this article to first, extract the actors, their goals, their preferences and the rules that influence their behavior. Second, a shift in equilibrium at one point in time that produces new outcomes at a different point of time is identified. Third, constraints and incentives by narrating the sequences and processes of events are explored.

The article explores: first, the period between 2000 and 2003, the three polarity powers of Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia were balanced by the United States (US). This is a continuation of the balance of power policy that dominated in the region during the past decades. Second, between 2004 and 2011, a security shift changed the distribution of power among the small and great regional states, the US and the transnational actors in the Persian Gulf.

The findings, hence, indicate more heterogeneous and multi-angular actors are exercising power in the region, such as the small state of Qatar. The transnational actor, not only now exercises power in the region but they are also threatening regional states.

This article enters into the debate on the link between security and identity by looking at the security context in the states surrounding the Persian Gulf, particularly Iran. Earlier scholarly works have approached security and identity separately, but lack a framework that connects them in a single account. The process tracing method offers a scientific approach to connect various notions in a single study, allowing the synthesis of diverse disciplines to establish links connecting them. Applying the method to the current security and identity issues of the regional states with Jundallah _a terrorist group in the eastern border of Iran_ has established a link between them and has thus enriched the current studies of the region. The main findings are that the Persian Gulf region is a heterogeneous security complex with diverse actors wielding power, and thatsocietal threats have increased since the 2003 Iraq War. Since that year, a conflictual security complex has predominated in the region, which has destabilized the region more than before.

Iraq is the second country which was attacked in line of the war on terrorism strategy. Although initially the United States made rapid victories and overthrew the Ba’athist regime in Iraq, the continuity of acts of terrorism throughout the world demonstrates that the victory has proved quite superficial. In other words, an analysis of terrorist incidents following US invasion of Iraq indicates that the invasion has increased and encouraged rather than decreased acts of terrorism. US military actions as well as its full-fledged support for Israel happen to give rise to such a phenomenon.