gholamali chegnizadeh

Efforts to create a unified land and reclaim historical borders are important and strategic principles in the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China. Taiwan, as one of the regions separated from the motherland, has always been one of the main goals of this country in the direction of territorial integrity, and in the meantime, China has used various policies to implement this approach. It has been a land. However, the current research seeks to answer the question of what tactics China has used in line with the combined war against Taiwan. The findings of the research show that cyber attacks, attempts at international isolation, and media warfare have been China's most important tactics against Taiwan in the direction of territorial integrity. The current research is explanatory and uses the conceptual framework of combined warfare. The method of collecting materials is library type, and the territorial integrity of China is the independent variable and the combined war is the dependent variable of the article.

The Historical roots of liberal international order goes back to after the Second World War. Nowadays, it is faced with the problem of decline. While this issue is a multi-layered debate in terms of content, it is also a controversial and controversial issue among thinkers and theoreticians in the field of international relations. Based on this, the current research seeks to answer the main question, why is the international liberal order declining? This research using the theoretical approaches of liberalism in international relations, including the theories of democratic peace,  economic interdependence as well as neoliberal institutionalism as a theoretical research framework is based on the hypothesis that the weakening and degeneration of the triple pillars of the liberal order, including liberal democracy, global free trade, and various international institutions and regimes, have caused the decline of the liberal international order. So that the weakening of the three pillars of the liberal international order has caused the foundation based on political and economic liberalism of this order to be destroyed from within, and as a result, the unique components of the liberal international order will face a serious challenge. Based on historical evidence, this argument can be made. In the meantime, the United States of America has played an important role in the decline of the pillars and components of the liberal order over many years and decades, contrary to some common inferences and stereotypes.

While the Asian emerging countries are changing the international distribution of power by acquisition of material resources, Intra-Asian dynamics have been affected by the rapid rise of India and China during the shift of international power towards Asia. In drawing the future horizons, these two powers consider international water areas as a necessary component for gaining global power. During the last decade, the Indian Ocean, as an emerging field in international open seas, has become the center of competition between these two countries. However, the existing works have not provided a comprehensive picture of India and China competition in the Indian Ocean. This article, using data analysis method, examines the maritime relations between the two states under the influence of the mounting China appearance in the Indian Ocean. To answer the question of what are the effects of China's emergence in the Indian Ocean on India-China maritime relations? This article claims that China's increased role in the Indian Ocean has created a new round of strategic competition between the two states. In this regard, it argues that India in response to Chinese implementation of advanced maritime strategies, trade and investment network, modernization of the military force, and development of ports and naval bases in the Indian Ocean, through increasing maritime capabilities, deepening relations with the marginal and island countries of the Indian Ocean, and forging strategic partnership with China's competitors in the framework of the Indo-Pacific maritime landscape, take balancing measures against China.

The continuous trend of the rise of China and India, has taken their competition to regional fields and both governments consider the seat of superior power in Asia the prelude for turning into a Global Power. While the publication that has been done on Sino-Indian relations mostly focus on its relations to great powers specially The US, the new wave of regional Sino-Indian competition in the era of "Major connectivity initiatives" has not received the ample attention. This article uses the descriptive-explanatory method to analyze the Sino-Indian relations outside of systemic level of power and under the influence of Belt and road Initiative (BRI) and series of balancing measures taken by India on regional level. To answer the question of "what was the impact of BRI on Sino-Indian relations between 2013-2022? This article hypothesize that BRI has posed serious threat for India and has made it to take balancing measures. It is argued that India in response to alleged violation of its sovereignty on Kashmir Region, geopolitical containment by China and concerns over a looming China centric new order has used its old policy change in Kashmir, official opposition to BRI and offering regional initiatives countering the BRI as India’s balancing measures against BRI. The findings of this article, while confirming the relative compatibility of BRI and Walt's balance of threat theory, introduce new windows for reconstructing the validity of this theory.

As a new entity, ISIL has carried out the most violent actions under the flag of Islam and pursued the idea of forming “Welayat-i-Khorasan” in its governmental vision. According to this perspective and subsequent steps such as the announcement of the existence of ISIL raises the question of what implications the strengthening of ISIL's presence in Afghanistan will have for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Based on the Delphi method as one of the well- known techniques in futures studies, the paper has tried to explore different aspects of the issue by taking advantage of the opinions of elites and prominent experts of Afghanistan affairs. In order to answer the above question, seventeen experts on Afghanistan issues who were selected through the Snowball sampling method answered questions about the various aspects of this issue during four Delphi rounds and out of 19 questions, 14 of them came to a consensus. The findings indicate that the strengthening of the presence of ISIL threatens the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran both domestically and internationally. Opportunities such as expansion of technical and intelligence cooperation or establishing regional and international arrangements are likely subject to do so, but are not significant in comparison to the threats posed. Also, regarding the current differences in the form and nature of ISIL's presence in Syria and Afghanistan, it seems that not only Iran cannot choose the exposure method of Syria but also must not do so.

The middle East over the years after cold war has been encountered various insecure events such as war, separatism, social insurgencies, terror, arms race, security delimma and terrorist groups development and activities.  The evaluation of Middle East changes in the last three decades indicates the "weakness  of the state"  factor as the main cause of emergence of insurgencies. Accordingly, this research by means of explanative- analytic method seeks to answer the question of 'how the impact of the "weakness of  state " of the region ( case studies of Iraq and Syria) causes the appearance  and emergence of Middle East insecurities after cold war'. Findings of the research indicate that the process of nation-state  building in the Middle East has occurred incompletely and this issue besides the weakening of 'States' structure including “idea”, “institution”, “physical bases” in the Middle East, and the intensity of their dysfunctionality in military, political, social, economic and environmental sections, has also caused the decrease of legitimacy and  internally horizontal and vertical conflicts of governments of region. Since foreign policy of states , their way of interaction with each other and territorial security measures are all affected by domestic levels,  and hence internal inability of states in Middle East has paved the way for the formation of conflicting security complex ,great powers intervention and creation of insecurity in the region.

This article is part of the doctoral dissertation entitled "The Barriers to the Production of Theory of International Relations in Iran: The View of Academic Elites". In an attempt to understand the reasons for not producing the native theory of international relations in Iran, we examined the issue from the perspective of the university elite. The present study, which was based on a Grounded theory approach and with a deep interview, yielded barriers and codes that were introduced in the final study entitled Sociological Refusal of the Production of native IR theories. The findings of this qualitative research were studied quantitatively by the method described below. The frequency and percentage of qualitative code obtained in the interviews as the raw data of the first-hand were based on this comparison. In order to elaborate the obtained theory, the sociological requirements of science production were extracted through a study of relevant library sources. The result of this study were nine criteria that met the findings of the present study. Comparison of research findings with the required requirements indicates the lack of social contexts necessary for native theorizing and the theory of qualitative research was strengthened in the light of quantitative research and comparison. That is, the reason for not producing the native theory of international relations in Iran is "sociological refusal of science production."

Since long time ago، the questions such as ethics occupy a place in politics or should we consider politics from an ethical point of view، have been controversial. Specifically، this dispute along with the claim made by modern science regarding the necessity for science to be value-free، have reinforced this general belief that politics and international relations should be free from value judgments. Our question in this article is that does theorizing in social science and especially in international relations theory involve considering ethical considerations? This article explores this belief at the theoretical and meta-theoretical levels in the framework of international relations theories. Having reviewed the principles of IR theories and their approaches towards ethical values، the authors show that first at the meta-theoretical level and especially in terms of methodology، science-value dualism cannot be essentially possible and second، at the theoretical level، we can recognize deep and extensive ethical elements in international relations theories.

Westernization was the dominant political trend in 1990s Turkey. Domination of this approach on Turkey's foreign policy in 1990s was, in fact, continuation of globalist viewpoints which governed the country's foreign policy throughout the Cold War. According to this foreign policy approach, Ankara reduced its role in Middle East equations to a minimum in 1990s. This paper argues that after Justice and Development Party swept to power in 2002 and despite continuation of the aforesaid approach inTurkey's foreign policy, the country has been more actively involved in regional equations of the Middle East. Involvement of Turkey in regional equations and establishment of close relations with other Middle Eastern countries has its own reasons, dimensions and consequences which have been discussed here.

The article studies Kurdish ethnic movements in Turkey and their impact on its national security. First, referring to the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School, the authors highlight important issues such as correlation between the nature of government and the necessity of securitization. The process of securitization creates new potentials through making specific issues an urgent priority for the country. However, keeping these issues for medium term in the national agenda would lead to the erosion of national power for solving the problem on the one hand, and to the spread of this weakness to other areas, on the other, which finally would bring about a high degree of instability. In the final section, the authors analyze the impact of increasing influence of Kurds in Northern Iraq and establishment of the regional government of Kurdistan on the intensification of separatist activities among Kurds in Turkey and Turkish government's reaction to them. As for the Kurds inhabiting the Republic of Turkey, it is a proven fact that the Turkish government will use all of its available means to prevent the creation of an independent Kurdistan. On the other hand, the protraction of Kurdish crisis shows that how ethnic differences can undermine the military and economic capabilities of a country such as Turkey.

War is one of the man's first social experiences, and, the systemic wars, because of their destructive consequences, are considered as the most key subjects pertaining to international peace and security. The great power's relations are believed to be as one of the most significant subjects in the systemic wars. In this regards, china's behavior and itsinteraction with the great powers considered to be crucial and thus immensely focused by scholars of International Politics. Conceptualized China's behavior therefore, has shaped the path of many current researches. A concise look at the analytical frameworksof China's foreign policy behavior and ways of its interaction with the great powers signify that, despite the current attempts, there is a lack of appropriate intellectual framework for this subject in the discipline of International Politics. Thus, there is a need for serious analytical studies in this domain. This essay tries to introduce the relevant theoretical discussions, including the contending theories in this subject, beginning by the theories which focus on the political domestic developments and their impacts on China's foreign policy orientation, as well as the systemic theories and the mechanism on how these theories analyze China's foreign policy behavior. Lastly, the research presents its chosen perspective.

This paper elaborates a new approach to the recent changes in Pakistan. Reasoningpresented in this article signify that the nature of recent changes and challenges is distinguished from all the periods after the independence of this country. The proponing of Islamic forces new demands (resulting from international, regional and national changes), has confronted the foundation of power structure in Pakistan with a new challenge. Doubtless, the certain effects of this process would be the redefining of religion’s role in politics. Having suggested this proposition, it can be claimed that the state formation’s trajectory in Pakistan has lost it’s logic, external and internal sources after the independence and confronted with a serious crisis. Presently, two alternatives, Islam and democracy (emphasizing the separatism of religion from politics), have initiated a new challenge for affecting the new state formation process in Pakistan. It can be inferred from the above that the existing theoretical and practical ambiguities and uncertainties in Pakistan’s political society that results from clashes and different confronting perceptions in state formation domain in the country, have greatly changed the nature of security issues in this country and differentiated the conflict and cooperation pattern from the past.