hosein mohseni

The victory of the Islamic revolution led to the formation of the discourse of resistance as an alternative to the hegemonic discourse of domination, and it was able to move from a marginalized discourse to the context of developments.  One of the most important examples of this acting can be explained in the discussion of regional order. This article has analyzed the role of resistance discourse in regional order by using the discourse theory of Lacla and Mouffe and using explanatory-analytical method. The proposed hypothesis is that the discourse of resistance after the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran, with the creation of an Islamic discourse system, has been able to transform from a discourse marginalized by the discourse of domination into an active discourse in the context of regional and extra-regional policies, and with the negation of the hegemonic discourse of domination and non-compromise in contrast to its policies will create a new articulation, which ultimately has created a new pattern of high-efficiency order-making at the regional level. However, the discourse of resistance, while having structural, military, conceptual and ideological capacities, still has many challenges at various levels, domestic (such as economic challenges), regional (such as competing discourses) and extra-regional (such as the intervention of Western powers) that can seriously threaten its goals. The innovation of this article is explaining the regional regularization of the discourse of resistance while paying attention to its capacities and challenges.

Among the communication and transportation technologies, the railway has the most connection with politics to the extent that it has changed according to the fluctuation in the policy of creating, expanding, building, and concluding railway contracts. Since at the end of the nineteenth century, railways were seen as the locomotive of countries' development, the elites of countries, including Iran, made great efforts to expand this industry in their country. So that dealing with the road was theorized as a symbol of progress in the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. In this research, an attempt is made to answer the question of what effect politics has had on the introduction of railways as an important world technology to Iran by using the explanatory and analytical approach. In response to this question, it can be argued that the railway in Iran has been a complicated political issue rather than a technical and engineering phenomenon. This hypothesis is examined in the framework of "creative (innovative) destruction theory". The findings of the research show that the establishment of the railway in Iran is intertwined with politics, and an important range of statesmen, intellectuals and other social strata have taken a position on it according to their interests. Therefore, the foreigners had a difference of opinion about it and turned it into a place of competition between them. The method of collecting information in the current research is library-based and using documentary sources and oral history.

Pandemics are among the most important events affecting various economic, social, cultural, and political aspects, hence an acid test of functioning of states. Considered as a kind of intervention in social relations, the epidemic disease, owing to its characteristics, targets the logic of established relationships and can potentially have an epoch-making capability. This internal characteristic renders the epidemic disease completely political. In this respect, the present research tries to answer the key question of what negative and positive effects pandemics exert on politics. The research is based on the hypothesis that pandemics have both negative and positive dimensions. The negative aspects include several issues imposed on societies, such as the increased instability, civil war, insecurity, increased power of the state and statism, rebellion, etc. Meanwhile, pandemics have positive aspects, such as the social and political cohesion, peace and cooperation between nation-states, growth of cyberspace activities and more pressure on the state, cessation of some wars, and growth of political and freedom-seeking movements—which are generally overlooked under the shadow of great challenges.There is ample literature, both in English and in Persian, on epidemic diseases and the global coronavirus disease. In her book The Impact of Outbreaks of Infectious Diseases on Political Stability, Menzel (2018) argues that the spread of Ebola, tuberculosis, and influenza caused unrest in some countries. Examining about 120 countries during an eighteen-year-long period, she observes that the three diseases were significantly correlated with the level of political stability in the affected countries in a particular year. Moreover, the research on the US policies in prevention of AIDS in African countries observed that the HIV pandemic caused international instability and insecurity, especially in African countries, so HIV has become a priority for the US foreign policy. Despite the research attempts, it seems that the topic has not been dealt with in a focused manner. In this respect, the present article intends to examine each of these pandemics in a historical context in order to shed light on their impact on politics and the political. The present study is thus necessary given its innovative subject.Focused on a novel research topic, the present study pursues the following objectives the scientific explanation and analysis of the political effects of pandemics (esp. COVID–19), the analysis of the impact of the COVID–19 pandemic on the nature and performance of states, and the explanation of the effects of the COVID–19 pandemic on transparency, elections, and in general, on democratic processes in different countries.Imposed on societies throughout history, crises such as pandemics are generally considered as a manifestation of the political. For example, due to the outbreak of plague, merchants closed their shops and fled to the outskirts, which left workers and artisans without a livelihood. The closure of stores caused unemployment, leading to conflict over resources and the ensuing insecurity and chaos. In addition, the pandemic was one of the apparent reasons underlying the population decline, the death of elders, and the death of political and intellectual elite, which gave rise to the urban and rural chaos, insecurity and disorder in social relations, and the political chaos. Cholera is another pandemic affecting political life throughout history. The cholera pandemic not only caused a decline in population and state power as well as an increase in protests in countries such as India, but also disturb the power of empires and the sense of security of Western powers and put their vulnerability at risk. It also created tensions over whether global communications would remain open or closed. The Spanish flu, which occurred during World War I, killed a large number of people, resulted in chaos in different parts of the world, and changed the war plans and peace negotiations. Concerning HIV, the children losing their parents due to the disease are more likely to be recruited to terrorist groups. Furthermore, individuals with HIV, especially women, are excluded from society and politics.Despite their challenges, pandemics can have positive effects, albeit minimal, on politics. For instance, the plague pandemic caused a revolution of the elite and intellectuals and could stop the Hundred Years’ War between England and France. The influenza pandemic brought a sense of urgency to improve public health, leading to advances in medical science, public health planning, and international cooperation among states. Due to the cholera pandemic, the world states start international cooperation with each other, thus initiating the efforts to conclude international health agreements. HIV has also been an opportunity to correct fundamental injustices and mobilize positive political movements concerning issues such as women’s, children’s, and homosexuals’ rights.Regarding the negative effects COVID–19, the pandemic challenged and questioned many political issues. For example, it challenged participation in elections and voting as an obvious form of political activity. Moreover, the outbreak of COVID–19 led to a decline in the process of consensus building in most countries, with the executive branch taking and implementing decisions. The pandemic was also used as a pretext for limiting media activities. More importantly, the outbreak of COVID–19 led to an unprecedented increase in injustice and discrimination around the world. Meanwhile, the pandemic created good opportunities, such as generating new forms of civil mobilization, providing the means for human convergence, and reducing defense costs at the national and global levels.In general, although pandemics fundamentally challenge human life in various fields and particularly in politics, they intentionally or unintentionally open up a few opportunities for politics and politicians. Likewise, the COVID–19 pandemic brought about sweeping changes, created positive trends, and could revive many faded or forgotten areas in the political arena—the aspect which used to be hidden in the heavy shadow of the killing and harm caused by the virus.

From time immemorial to the present day, human life has always been invaded by diseases and pandemics and has disturbed human life. Meanwhile, the corona pandemic is the newest and most widespread disease that has been able to affect all different areas of human life around the world in the past year. Naturally, the world of political science has not been immune to the effects of this pandemic. One of the most important issues in the field of political science in recent decades and has occupied the minds of many thinkers and politicians is the issue of good governance and its components. In this regard, this study seeks to answer the fundamental question of what effects Corona has had on the issue of good governance. Findings indicate that the corona pandemic negatively affects good governance and its eight components, which include participation, consensus building, law, transparency, accountability, accountability, justice and efficiency, and due to the link between good governance and democracy. With good governance, democracy is in crisis and backwardness. The research method is explanation -analytical and the data collection method is library and Internet.

In this research by using two theories namely structure- agency and needs pyramid of Maslow, has been tried to answer this question: what are achievements and challenges of impediments of political liberalization in Qatar from 1995 onward? The research hypothesis is, Qatar society has been seen some achievements and primitive political liberalization such as in media sphere specially in Aljazeera satellite network, nearly competitive election, primitive expression freedom and reformation in constitution and parliament. But nevertheless have been had serious challenges in this process due to structural reasons such as absence of serious political willingness in sovereignty for deep and comprehensive reformation, socio-political conservative structure, mootness of strong traditional and cultural norms and non- structural reasons such as: weakness of civil agents and assemblies and priority of more people’s welfare-subsistence needs to political liberalization. The main finding of this article follows that: in spite of non-denying of some reformation and primitive political liberalization, this country has had more gap with real and consolidated democracy due to structural challenges and impediments and non- structural one’s among of agents and citizens.

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, one of the important issues for promoting of Islamic culture was unity of the seminary and university which could, in addition to localizing the humanities in the country, bring together the scholars of religion and the university elites. However, in recent decades, this idea has had many problems and could not be executed. Accordingly, this research seeks to main challenges of unity of the seminary and university in order to localize the humanities in the country and to provide some solutions. The findings of this study indicate that challenges such as the lack of adequate attention to the university and seminary environments of the problem of native science, the dominance of positivist approaches to universities, absence consensus elites in the seminary and university environment(such as ayatollah Motahari and Tabatabaie), lack of compilation of joint works of the seminary and university in the field of humanities, failure to respond timely and appropriately to the doubts of the religion, has caused to remain unity of the seminary and university in the development of indigenous humanities in the theoretical field and do not applied. Under such conditions, systematic use of the media, introducing new scientific and technical topics by scientific and religious elites, perform free-thinking seats idea, can be used to the for localization of humanities through the linkage between the seminary and the university.

Tolerance and acceptation of “otherness”, is necessary for dynamism of socio-political order. Richard Rorty is one of the important post modern thinkers and philosophers that have had special attention to otherness concept in pragmatism with social utility. The aim of this research is to explain of the foundation of otherness concept and its pragmatic utility in socio- political sphere. In this study, the main question is: principally, what is the relationship between otherness concept and socio-political order in Richard Rorty thought? The final finding of this study shows that: by crticism of meta- narratives and rejecting of general truth, Rorty believes to plural order by emphasis on otherness presence and its utility for socio-political order that has been partly done in western liberal democracies with main shortcomings and difficulties. By criticism of modernity thoughts and its meta narratives and rejection of Descartes’ Cogito on the impact of Emanuel Levinas, believes that attention to necessity of otherness, tolerance and responsibility are important than the concept of “self”. In the thought of Richard Rorty, otherness goes beyond of philosophical contexts and extend to cohesion and sympathy in ethics sphere and to neo-pragmatism democracy in the politics scope.

The concept of Supervision is one of the most important issues in the field of politics and management of political systems. In this article, an attempt has been made to analyze the concept of the importance of supervision and its Symptoms in the thought and action of Khajeh Nizam al-Mulk Tusi. Therefore, the main question of the research is what is the place of supervision in Khajeh's thought? And what mechanisms has it devised for it? The general finding of this study is that Khajeh attaches special importance to surveillance and accordingly considers issues such as litigation, surveillance of subordinates, the appointment of spies and the need for covert and overt punishment as the most important oversight mechanisms. Theoretical framework of the article The theory of systems of David Easton has been selected with emphasis on the discussion of feedback, control and monitoring. Our method in this research is a qualitative interpretation and the method of data collection is library and internet.

The aim of present study is to evaluate the factor associated with functional constipation (FC) and determine a normal range of bowel movement (BM) in an Iranian Auto factory’s worker.  

The digestive system may be affected by workplace condition.  Some occupational conditions can effect on bowel habit and FC.

In this cross -sectional study, 3590 workers who worked in Tehran suburb in 2017 were evaluated. The workers were working at morning or rotatory shifts and in the official and non- official sections. In addition to demographic and stool frequency questions, workers were asked to complete the Rome IV Questionnaire.

The normal range of BM frequency was determined between one and three per day. The BM frequency had a significant association with age (P=0.002), marital status (P=0.024), education (P=0.011), expose to chemical materials (P<0.001) and work section (P<0.001). The total prevalence of FC was 9.7% and among rotatory shift working, was more than the only morning shift working, (10% vs 6%; P=0.02). Independent factors associated with FC were found as age (for 30- 40 years old: OR=1.88; 95% CI (1.20, 3.03) and for ?41 years old: OR=1.91; 95% CI (1.12,3.17)), smoking (OR=1.52; 95% CI (1.20,1.93)) and work section (for Paint section: OR=0.33; 95% CI (0.12,0.87), for Montage section: OR=0.44; 95% CI (0.18,1.10), for Press & Platform section: OR=0.12; 95% CI (0.05,0.37)).

Occupational condition probably makes difference in bowel habit. Rotatory shift, official working and smoking may increase the risk of constipation.

Wahhabism has been acted as an identical and religious key factor to maintain the political and legitimacy of the Saudi's government. On the later of 1980-1990s, in response to a number of dissatisfaction as well as internal and external factors, the Islamist opposition movement have been arisen which finally, led to the skepticism in the religious foundations of the Saudi’s political legitimacy. With the occurrence of Arab Spring as well as the implementation of (initial draft of) 2030 Plan, critical Islamist divisions to the Saudi government were intensified as well as alliance between the government and the Wahhabi scholars were faced the initial divisions. The present study attempts to answer the two following questions through using explanatory and analytical methods 1.What have been the most significant political challenges of Saudi government with the Islamist critics such as Islamist awakening movement (ASSAHVEH), Ikhvan and Jihadists since 1990s, especially in the Arab spring era? 2. What will be the political consequence of the 2030 Plan for the political legitimacy of Saudi Arabia government? The hypothesis confirms the research findings. The findings indicate that modernization in various fields, especially education, leads to the rise of the critic and reformist Islamist groups. These groups were emerged in the response to the government supports for the US-led coalition in the 1991 Gulf War, political obstruction as well as socio- political dissatisfactions took a critical stance on the government which this situation was gradually exacerbated by the Arab Spring. However, the aggressive ambitious and destructive reform plan against the religious institution stipulated in the 2030 Plan (Document), especially concerning social freedoms and women's rights, as well as scholars were neglected by Ben Salman led to the major challenges between the Wahhabi scholars or Wahhabi Supreme Council and the Saudi government which are likely exacerbated in the future.

Minimal political liberalization or democracy is not the same as maximalist and institutionalized democracy and does not lead to the necessity, consolidation and institutionalization of democracy. Achieving this goal requires favorable conditions and opportunities in the structure of power and sovereignty and political and civil actors. This research is based on an analytical-explanatory research method and a socio-political approach in the framework of structure-agent structural theory and with the aim of analyzing the roots and challenges of political liberalization in Jordan. The process which began with the economic crisis and social movements of the middle classes and the masses in Jordan since 1989, and was stirred by the Arab Spring. While it is unrealistic to overlook some of Jordan's early progress on democracy, it still faces major challenges and shortcomings. The most important research question is, "What have been the major political and social obstacles or challenges facing the political liberalization process in Jordan in the last three decades?" The research hypothesis is that the process of political liberalization in Jordan has led to some changes in the structure of power, political leadership, social movements, and democratic civil and political actors that distinguish the political system from the Persian Gulf monarchies. However, they also face significant structural, and non-structural challenges, shortcomings, and obstacles: weak political will in the rule, elite domination and dominance of traditional-tribal government and actors in the structure of political power, institutionalization of the culture of allegiance among masses , and political and ideological gaps among protesters and social forces and actors.

The exchange rate volatility as an important factor will affect the behaviour of supply and demand of financial markets participants. The importance of the spillover explanation between the two markets comes from managed floating exchange rate system in Iran and the large portion of the foreign currency-dependent industries in the capital market. This paper examines the dynamic conditional correlation and volatility spillover of the exchange rate on the capital market using three multivariate GARCH models in a 12-year period ending in 1395S.H.The purpose of this study is to explain the effect of shocks and the spillover of the currency market on the Iranian capital market. This could play an important role in investors' decisions, fundamental analysts and also sovereign institutions. The results confirm the existence of negative short-term and positive long-term sustainability of exchange rate shocks on capital market returns. Also, the asymmetric and positive volatility spillover to the Iranian capital market was confirmed.

Present study aimed to evaluate association between job -related factors and gastroesophageal reflux disease (GERD) among Iranian auto factory’s workers. Many of the gastrointestinal disorders may be caused as the result of stress-related occupations and biorhythm disruption. We performed a cross-sectional study on 3590 Iranian Auto factory employees. GERD symptoms, demographic information, work shift, work section and history of some gastrointestinal disease were asked from all employees by physician. Logistic regression was used to estimate the odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) for GERD symptoms according to the potential risk factors. The prevalence of GERD was 25.57%, which was higher in rotatory shift (91.6%) than the fixed shift (8.4%) (P-value = 0.009). Smoking (OR: 1.31; 95% CI: (1.09, 1.57)), working in official section (P-value < 0.001), history of GERD (OR: 8.63; 95 % CI (6.53, 11.40)), history of peptic ulcer (OR: 2.96; 95 % CI (2.08, 4.20)), family history of gastrointestinal cancers (OR: 1.47; 95 % CI (1.19, 1.81)) were the factors associated with GERD symptoms. The prevalence of GERD in the rotatory shift was more than the fixed shift. Smoking, family history of gastrointestinal cancers and peptic ulcer could be associated with GERD symptoms. Working in the special job with high activity, may probably lead to decrease in the risk of reflux.

Today, addressing the issue of volatility spillovers in different markets and their relationship with each other, in terms of its use in the prediction of shocks and crises, is an important issue in empirical finance research. Volatility Spillover indicate data transfer process and the flow of capital between markets.This paper investigate the dynamic conditional correlation and Volatility Spillover among returns of crude oil price and stock index by using Baba, engel, kroner and Kraft (BEKK), constant conditional correlation (CCC), dynamic conditional correlation (DCC) and multivariate GARCH model (VARMA-AGARCH) for 144 monthly data up to 2016.The aim of this study is identifing the effect of important external shocks such as oil price to stock index fluctuations in order to used for financial flactuations management, investment decisions and risk management. The results indicate a conditional correlation of volatility in the short term and the spillover effects of the oil price on the stock index.

Measuring the dynamic relationship between banking and industries with systemic importance has attracted much attention after the recent financial crisis. This paper examines the dynamic conditional correlations and volatility spillover using three popular multivariate GARCH models in the twelve-year period (from the beginning of 2005 to the beginning of 2016) among the fourteen systemically important industries in Iran’s capital market. The purpose of this study is to understand and identify the volatility spillover between industries to predict financial fluctuations, as well as policy decisions and risk management. The results of this study confirm the spillover between “Banking” and the five industries of "Basic Metals", "Industrial Multidisciplinary", "Investments", "Computers", and "Transportation & Warehousing". There is also an asymmetric spillover between “Banking” index and the "Chemical Industry", the "Extraction of Metal Ores", "Pharmaceuticals" and "Communications Devices". The results are used for mapping fundamental analysis and risk programming.

In addition to proposing some characteristics of a good translator, the current study tries to investigate common errors in the translation of the book al-‘Abarāt which are the consequence of incompetency in the source and target languages. This book was translated by Qasem Mokhtari, Mahmoud Dehnavi and Nozar Abbasi. In general, the study comprises two parts. The first part discusses mastery over target language and the resultant errors due to its absence (inappropriate translation with regard to the source text style, structure transition from the source to the target language, inappropriate application of words and expressions, and word order problems), and the second part handles the issue of mastery over the source language and errors occurring due to the lack of mastery over it (wrong translation, deletion, forgery, literal and negative transfer).