فهرست مطالب mohammad ali mirali

Seyyed Ahmad Barelvi is one of the few revolutionary Sufis of the Indian subcontinent who transformed his political thought from theory to practice through jihad and armed uprising. Barelvi's political thought was not unrelated to the crises and disorders of his time. The central issue of this article is the relationship between Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi's political thought and the crises and disorders of his era. The core question of this inquiry is: according to Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi, what were the crises facing the society of the Indian subcontinent at that time, what did he consider their roots and causes, and what was his ideal political order and the solutions he prescribed for overcoming these crises?

This article employs Thomas Spragens' "crisis theory" model as the theoretical framework and research methodology to explain Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi's political thought. Spragens developed his method to uncover and understand the "inner logic" of political theory. According to him, every political theory emerges from the crisis of its time, considering the current state (what is) and the desired state (what ought to be). Spriggans believes that the great art of a political theory is to provide a way to integrate the "what is" with the "what ought to be."

Sayyid Ahmad perceived the political powers of his time as being in conflict with his theoretical foundations and value system as a Muslim. Additionally, the contemporary political systems were acquiring power illegitimately, and the Islamic political order was gradually losing its ability to sustain itself. Therefore, by contemplating concepts such as Imamate, Jihad, and governance, he sought to pave the way for a transformation in the political order and a legitimate transfer of power. This set of efforts came to be known as "Tariqat-i-Muhammadiya" (the Mohammadian Way). Ultimately, although "Tariqat-i-Muhammadiya" failed to establish a new order and implement a legitimate governance based on its politico-religious principles, it was somewhat successful in delegitimizing and discrediting the "right to rule" of colonial and despotic powers. Barelvi was ultimately defeated due to the greed and betrayal of certain Pashtun leaders who disregarded his directives for a principled jihad. Barelvi's concept of jihad entailed a specific understanding of warfare that was incompatible with material goals aimed at collecting spoils. These principles effectively imposed constraints on his fighters, who were primarily from the Pashtun tribes. The Pashtun leaders rejected these constraints, abandoned Barelvi's principles of jihad, and instead focused on accumulating war spoils. The Pashtuns' strong desire for booty created the first rift in Sayyid Ahmad's movement. Subsequently, this rift expanded to other issues, such as the incompatibility between Sayyid Ahmad's orthodox principles and the tribal traditions of the Pashtuns, leading to the failure of Barelvi's movement. Despite this, the ‘Tariqat-i Muhammadiyya’ movement had a significant religious impact on contemporary Islamic movements and notably influenced the Taliban in Afghanistan both militarily and politically.

According to Barelvi, the main crises are categorized as "political" and "religious." He considers the root of these crises to be "shirk" (polytheism) and "kufr" (disbelief). Barelvi's ideal political order involves eradicating polytheism and disbelief, elevating the word of God, reviving the Quran and the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad, and establishing a native Islamic state. His practical solution to resolve these crises and transition from the current state to the desired state involves the continuous implementation of "military jihad." However, ultimately, Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi fails in the execution of his strategies.

One of the prominent aspects of Afghanistan's contemporary history is the emergence of widespread crises, especially in recent decades, which is the result of numerous internal and mostly external factors. This article aims to investigate the role of orientalist discourse in the production and spread of these crises with a descriptive analytical method combined with interpretation. The results of the research show that Orientalism, often due to its colonial and racist nature, has tried to create all kinds of crises in countries under the influence of the West in order to prepare the context for the exploitation of these countries by the domination system. Of course, some orientalists are exceptions to the rule and have engaged in special activities in these regions with other motives. Orientalists have been the main cause of the crisis in Afghanistan by creating all kinds of crises and fueling conflicts between social groups (ethnic-religious) and political elites. Based on this, it can be said that orientalism is the main cause of creating and expanding the crisis in different cultural, political and social levels and layers in this country.

Considering the role of the political system in political progress, the issue is what role and function does the political system and its structures have in political progress from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence (Fiqh). The importance of the issue is due to the fact that the mission of Fiqh is to express the requirements and dos and don'ts of human behavior, while design and systematization is a dynamic matter and a method that is adapted to the evolution process of human society. The findings of the study suggest that Fiqh has a wide capacity in the design of structures and system building, and as the knowledge of discovering the rulings and methods of applying Islamic Sharia as the ideology of the system, it explains the position and mutual relations of the Islamic ruler and the people, and within the system, the structure of the power network is adjusted in a way which leads to the vertical plurality and horizontal distribution of power in the system, even with the presence of the internal unity and coherence of power. This doubles the role and function of the political system in political progress and leads to the efficiency of the government and institutions within the system in responding to the demands and output of political progress. Analytical and descriptive methods have been used to explain the problem.

“Justice” and “convergence” are two valuable political-social categories with a cause-effect correlation assumed between them. “Convergence” as a necessity for social life and the main cause for a leading society in the path of growth and development is the result of “justice”. The main idea of this article is that teleologist “justice” plays an effective role in creating “convergence” in the Muslim world; while naturalist justice not only does not have sufficient potential to create and expand convergence but also sometimes brings about divergence in especially Islamic communities. The results show that true justice, which is inclined to the source and resurrection and is confirmed by the Qur’an, is not achieved through forcing convergence and neglecting differences but rather it can be obtained relying on commonalities, justice seeking, and pluralism. Therefore, true justice should be considered as the basis and cause of convergence to establish religious civilization and avoid waste of forces, talents, resources, and facilities.

The theory of ‘state of nature’ which is considered as the cornerstone of the theories developed about social contract is not the creation of the western politica philosophers; rather, one can trace it in the Holy Qur’an and in ÝAllāmah ÓabaÔabāi’s political-interpretive approach to the problem in question. The theory refers to the situation prior to human civilization (precivilization) and when there has been no political sovereignty. Considering the fact that the need for a comparative study as to the views of western phiosophers and Muslim philosophers about state of nature is badly felt, it seems necessary to make a comparison between the views of John Locke and those of Allamah Tabatabai in this regard. Drawing upon the comparative-analytical method, the article seeks to study the views of these two thinkers in order to find the extent to which John Locke’s views differ from or resemble the views of ÝAllāmah ÓabāÔabāi. According to the findings of the research, both John Locke and ÝAllāmah ÓabāÔabāi hold a view that in the state of nature, human beings were inclined to have a peaceful social life or coexistence and live together in unity and the reverse situation was something accidental. Both thinkers believe what makes human beings live a social life or have a civilized way of life is urgency. However, Locke makes references to the natural law (reason) and ÝAllāmah ÓabāÔabāi to primordial or innate nature(fiÔrah). Locke thinks the way out of the state of nature is reliance on reason, but ÝAllāmah lays emphasis on man’s turning back to religion and obedience to the divine prophets and following their teachings. Given the fact that the state of nature as depicted by ÝAllāmah is of a real aspect and Locke’s state of nature is symbolic, it seems that the ‘state of nature’ theory of ÝAllāmah is capable of meeting the objection levelled at the unreal nature of Locke’s theory.

The rights of the Afghan Shiites, as a considerable part of the citizens in that region with their special identity and cultural features, have always been ignored throughout history. It was just in the recent era after the compilation of new constitution in 1382 SH (2003) that a window of hope was opened to that ethnic and religious minority. The question in the present inquiry is posed as follows: "how much political toleration has been inserted in the new constitution of Afghanistan compared to former constitutions and what was its role in ensuring the rights of the Afghan Shiites?" To answer this question, the hypothesis is posed as follows: "The new constitution of Afghanistan has considerable theoretical capacities in regard with political toleration, and one can explore various parts of it to find that it has the capacity to discover and extract the rights of the Shiite minority as well." This article aims at explaining and analyzing the theoretical aspect of political toleration in the new constitution of Afghanistan and its role in ensuring the rights of the Shiites. However, it must be noted that, unfortunately, enforcing that article of law is far from the existing reality.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the political Islam of the jurisprudential guardianship (Imami script) in Afghanistan. In this way, we will explain the hypothesis that in Afghanistan, Islamists following the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih in the last three decades of the twentieth century, although succeeding in delegitimizing the opposition, ultimately failed to legitimize it. The findings of the study, conducted in the context of Hughes's "intellectual history" method of analysis, show that the Islamists of Velayat-e-Faqih province in Afghanistan have focused on the issue of legitimacy in historical, religious, political and external fields. In the field of delegitimization and legitimization, they followed certain trends. They had important influences in the growth of Shiite intellectual consciousness and increasing their political role, and took important steps in connection with the "export of the revolution" and the introduction of the "Velayat-e Faqih" in Afghanistan. At the same time, in some cases, due to inexperience and self-centeredness, they engaged in inter-sectarian wars and failed to create lasting legitimacy.

The purpose of the present study is to demonstrate the relationship between self-improvement and just peace using a descriptive-analytical method. The results showed that resolving disagreements and disputes in human society and the realization of just peace depend on human self-improvement at various personal and social levels and especially at the level of officials and politicians. Self-improvement as the most important step is prior to improving society and civilization. It can assist the realization of global peace in two realms of paying attention to human pure nature and overcoming sensual instincts and tendencies. Self-improvement as an innate controlling force can have two especially important tasks: One is related to highlighting human virtues such as seeking justice and morality, and another is about controlling instincts to prevent rebelling, hegemony, and tyranny against others. Undoubtedly, the above two features, after improving the human, can bring tranquility and peace in society because personal improvement will lead to the purity of soul and calmness. As a result, all the individuals living in society can feel rest and just peace.

Retaliation” has always been the focus of attention in international relations and the countries’ foreign policies. This principle has its roots in the Holy QurÞan, being raised in jurisprudential discussions under the title of a jurisprudential rule of retaliation. This article seeks to explore the ways in which retaliation is applied in international relations from the Qur’anic perspective drawing upon descriptive-analytic method along with interpretation. From the Qur’anic point of view, retaliation in all affairs, whether of positive or negative kind, has certain applications particularly in connection with peace and war in the realm of foreign policy. This divine Book has provided the Islamic state with the approaches to retaliation and its application in accordance with the existing interests and priorities in interactions and relations with others. The findings of the research show that the Holy QurÞan advises the Islamic state to react in a more positive way against other states in their good and positive acts. However, in cases where countries show their hostility and take harsh measures against the Islamic state, retaliation can be an appropriate policy. However, suggestions have been made that one should avoid using every extreme kind of retaliation as well as non-humane measures, especially against the civilians.

This article examines the experiences and thoughts of Imam Musa Sadr on social change. It first narrates his experience in creating a social change, and then emphasizes an approach and theory that supports this experience. This review involves answering six basic questions about social change including the nature, method, trends, conditions, factors, and agents of social change. To this end, while studying the ideas of the activists and observers of this change, their works have been studied analytically. The study shows that Imam Musa Sadr defines social change as an essential necessity for monotheism and human evolution, and regards it as a continuous revolution. He believes in a gradual change that focuses on service to human beings, while taking into account the existential and objective conditions of social change, and considering the cultural context to be the cause of creating social change. In the field of managing the changes, while designing the two dichotomies of people / elites and movement / organization, he believes that the necessary force for change is created through a "popular movement".

The civilizational model of Turkey, a country that has been specially considered by liberal Islamist trends in recent years, is particularly worthy of notice. Using an analytical- critical method, the present paper seeks to investigate the contemporary Turkish Islamist trends and the two prevailing civilizational models in this country and descriptively study the doctrines and social effects of each of these two models. Although Turkey has experienced two models of political Islam and social Islam, the social model has dominated turkey’s social and political atmosphere and has become a remarkable example supported by the Turkish military and the political system. However, there are challenges to this model, which hinder its achievement of Islamic civilization. Using a documentary and critical method, this paper examines the capacities of the above model and examines its shortcomings, including extreme nationalism, self-sufficiency and passivity in front of the civilization of the West for the achievement of Islamic civilization.

Rashid Al-Ghannushi, founder and leader of Tunes Islamic movement, let the movement pass through contemporary political crises by basing it on Islamic thought and adopting realistic strategy and led it towards accessing the objectives of movement, which was a matter that Muslim Brotherhood leaders in Egypt failed to enjoy it because of adopting extremist approaches and made their newly emerging political revolution be aborted by military coup. This success was indebted to a series of catalysts like explicit mental stands of Rashid Al-Ghannushi in the field of issues like democracy, elections, public activity of women, party and violence, leading the movement to choose effective, reasonable and flexibly practical strategies in the civil society of Tunes. This paper seeks to explore, analyze and elucidate the combinations of mental positions of Rashid Al-Ghannushi which influenced strategy of the movement and triggered maintenance and consolidation of its political existence in two different atmospheres of present secularism and perilous extremism of Muslim World and Tunes.

The present paper is organized to answer this question of how the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood movement has had an impact on Afghan jihadist groups? The study of this issue is important because many of the political and social problems in Afghanistan are rooted in the friendships and relationships of social forces with flows outside the borders. To find the answer to this question, we use an analytical descriptive method. The obtained results indicate that the jihadist groups influenced the Muslim Brotherhood in their goals and ideals, organizational structure, and methods of struggle, and six factors influencing these groups had a significant role in the influence of the Brotherhood: The central position of Egypt and al-Azhar in the Muslim world, the modernization of the Brotherhood leaders in interpreting religious teachings, the absorbent political ideology of the Brotherhood, the devout and religious affiliation of Egypt with the Afghan sunni community, the cultural intellectual poverty in Afghanistan, and Western support for Islamist ideas against Development of the influence of socialism. The Brotherhood's thoughts have been transmitted through religious scholars, Arab expeditionary forces, and the translation of books and magazines into Afghanistan, and specifically affected the three groups of the Muslim youth movement, the Gulbuddin Islamic Party, and the Islamic populace. The spread of extremism and the deepening of social gaps in Afghanistan can be seen as two important consequences of the jihadist groups’ influence of the Muslim Brotherhood.

In the last decade, some events happened in some Islamic countries that it sparked first in 2010 in Tunisia. The result of this incident was the birth of radical jihadi groups, especially the ISIS terrorist group, in Iraq and Syria, and in general, the Islamic world. This paper seeks to analyze the causes and the internal and external fields of the formation of Takfiri processes in a documentary and analytical method. The findings of the research show although the conditions for the formation of radical Takfiri processes have been provided in the crisis environment, but the alignment of regional and sub-regional actors has also played a significant and critical role in the appearance and intensification of the crisis and also the appearance and formation of Takfiri processes. The appearance of Takfiri processes has severely affected the foreign relations of Syria at two levels of regional and sub-regional and has provided a platform for conflicts and divergence in its foreign relations.

Man and woman as human have similar duties and rights but based on the physical, moral and behavioral differences between man and woman, created by God, distinctive duties and rights have been introduced for woman. These distinctive duties and rights for woman has caused some extremist views about woman presented by some extremist groups who have very extremist theology, methodology and intellectual foundations. These extremist groups having a minimalistic attitude together with going to extremes, go beyond the frames of true religion and make a lot of limits for women. Wahhabism as one these extremist artificial Islamic groups in contemporary history, by prioritizing Naql (Narrations and Hadith) to Aql (reason) and preferring the authoritativeness of the prophet’s companions sayings (Hujjiyyat-e Qawl-e Sahaba) have decreased the nature of woman as an object so that they deny many individual, social and political rights of woman although these rights exist and have been recognized by true Islamic Sharia and revelation. In other words, they deprive woman of her natural and divine rights and bar her from different activities in different areas. The present paper by benefiting from an analytic and attributive method tries to explain the area of social and political freedom of women’s activities from Wahhabism perspective.

Since the period of Auobiyan’s rule, the dominant scientific approach of Al-Azhar, had been based on transmitted knowledge and exoteric interpretation. At the beginning of his arrival in Egypt Seyyed Jamal introduced intellectual knowledge into Al-Azhar with the aim of changing the views and position of Al-Azhar’s scholars about social phenomena by changing the education system of that institute. Seyyed Jamal always challenged the previous education system and supported the new education system in Al-Azhar. Also, he sought to reform its education policy. He believed that philosophy of Islamic sciences and Al-Azhar University should not be limited to mere theorizations, and that Al-Azhar needed to put the fiqhi issues and theories into practice. He thought of creating an education system which could bring about a socio-political change in an attempt of putting an end to colonialism and dictatorial and imperial system. Using a theoretical and analytical approach, this paper seeks to analyze the role of Seyyed Jamal in changing the educational system of Al-Azhar and evaluate its effect on the Egyptian society.

One of the today crises in the Muslim world is the issue of extremism that mainly has been emerged by Salafist groups, especially Wahhabism in the face of modernity. its intellectual roots returns to the Ahmad ibn Hanbal and Ibn Taymiyya, who were the companions of hadith, But in the contemporary era the political and social conditions with the presence of colonialism in Muslim countries were so that their emergence has been strengthened. Salafis knowingly or unknowingly disputed among the ranks of Muslims with their intellectual positions of petrifactions. This article seeks to examine those beliefs, and behaviors that accommodate dispute among Muslims.

Throughout its history, Al-Azhar University has undergone some changes. Before and after the recession in Ottoman era, with the rise of Mohammad Ali Pasha, this university entered a new phase. In this period, Al-Azhar became completely dependent on the government financially. Seyyed Jamal took important steps toward reforming this scientific center that were followed by Abdeh. Each of the mentioned reform projects had certain social-political consequences in Egypt society. Employing descriptive-analytical as well as historical sociology approach, this paper investigated the nature of Al-Azhar reform projects and their roles in social and political transformations in Egypt. It seems that due to the nature of sciences prevailing from Ayyubian era at Al-Azhar,content reforms of Seyyed Jamal and Abdeh were not continued and did not work well. Instead, the structural reforms of Mohammad Ali Pasha were effective at Al-Azhar and minimized the role of this university in the social and political changes of Egypt.

The confrontation of modern West with the Muslim world in modern time made religious scholars think of giving appropriate response to different events resulting from this confrontation in the different sociopolitical dimensions of Dar al-Islam, including scientific- cultural hegemony and military attacks, in order to protect the Islamic territory against the serious damages caused by the way of the attacks of infidels and enemy aliens. The late Seyyed Mohammad Kazim Tabatabaii Yazdi was among the religious scholars who made full-scale efforts to protect Islamic territory at his time. The present paper elaborates on Shiite jurist's fiqhi (legal) views, especially that of the author of 'Urvah, about the necessity to protect Dar al-Islam and makes reference to his most important political conduct which was mostly influenced by this fiqhi view.

A comparative approach towards the issues and the jurisprudential instructions in view of diverse religions can lead to the elucidation of the different and similar aspects along with the advent of the weak and strong points of each view. One of the significant issues being disagreed upon among the jurisprudential religions is the matter of civilly disobeying the tyrant ruler. The acceptance or rejection of this issue has a great impact on the political – social alterations of Islamic societies. According to the political thought of Shi’ah, it is essential to disobey the tyrant ruler. This issue has led to the development of movements as well as assertive actions against the internal dictatorship and tyrant rulers such as the initiation of Islamic Revolution in Shiite societies.On the contrary, in the Sunnite political jurisprudence, this disobedience is considered a forbidden and reproached matter. In spite of the existence of a variety of opposite ideas among the Sunnite jurisprudents, this idea is dominant due to the historical reasons.This interpretation is a hindrance towards the development of Revolution and the extended political fights against the internal dictatorship in Sunnite societies.This article is to study the issue of civil disobedience through a jurisprudential view together with a comparative approach.

Nowadays, the voter's consensus and following it are new and central issues in democratic systems. Mostly, the political and humanistic systems, based on their approved intellectual principles, try to grant an increasing credit to the voter's consensus and in this way they intend to prove that they are democratic. However, in a religious democratic system which has a different basis and considers the Most High God to be in the center of the affairs, the issue should be studied from the viewpoint of the jurisprudence of Quran and traditions. This article provides an account on this subject from the viewpoint of the Quranic jurisprudence and with an emphasis on the ideas of the Shiite interpreters. The major idea in this regard is that the voter's consensus has a declarative creditability and the final decision, except in especial cases, is to be made by the Islamic ruler appointed on behalf of God.