mohammad hasan raznahan

Iran's strategic position has always been coveted by the colonialists due to the existence of oil wells in the north and south of Iran and its great importance in the world arena. During World War II, when Iran was occupied by the Soviet Union and Britain, and after the end of the war, Britain withdrew its forces from Iran, but the Soviet Union sought to gain concessions under the pretext of that. It was at this time that Ghavam's role as prime minister of Iran, which had relatively good relations with the Soviet Union, was evident in the evacuation of Soviet forces. The main question is what was the role of Ghavam Al-Saltanah in handing over the northern oil concession and what was its purpose? Ghavam's policy on this issue was very complicated, because he, as prime minister, had to protect Iran's interests, and on the other hand, he had to protect the interests of the Soviet Union, which had supported him. This article aims to examine the relationship between Iran and the Soviet Union during this period and why Ghavam handed over northern oil to the Soviet Union, and tried to discuss how to negotiate and resolve the issue of Soviet withdrawal from Iranian territory. The research method is also qualitative and has historically described and analyzed the events. Findings show; Ghavam's main purpose in handing over this concession was not to betray the country, but only as a means to expel Soviet forces from Iranian territory.

The three-year reign of Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar has been filled with scenes of conflict between the monarchy and its supporters and constitutional elements. In the meantime, the use of powerful coercive forces to protect the monarchy was obvious. Silakhori Regiment from Lorestan region, which during the Qajar period, always succeeded in local conflicts and was known for its inherent courage and loyalty, was appointed as the Shah's bodyguard and was the vanguard of Mohammad Ali Shah's army in the case of bombing the parliament and arresting and killing constitutionalists. The purpose of the present study is to mention the reasons for Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar's attention and reliance on the Silakhuri regiment in the constitutional developments and also the impact of the regiment's performance on the society of that time. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical and the method of collecting information is mainly library and based on documents. Examining the documents, it can be concluded that the conditions formed based on the indicators of the Shah's "perceived power" of the loyal military forces; "Mental hatred" of people in response to the actions and behavior of the government and the military forces attributed to it; Finally, the formation of "attitude of dignity" in the soldiers of the Silakhori regiment was due to the acquisition of a special position by Shah Qajar, and although it caused confrontation with his fellow countrymen, in the end, the occurrence of war and subsequent conflicts was inevitable and inevitable.

Preserving territorial integrity is one of the vital ideas of any governments. As the Safavid dynasty took power in Iran, Iran's territorial integrity, which had previously been seriously threatened by domestic and foreign claimants, …. To consolidate their sovereignty, the Safavid rulers needed to define and solidify the elements that highlighted their differences from other countries, while establishing internal unity based on shared characteristics. In their sub-discourses, they introduced their value system, which included Shiism and Iranian nationality with several provinces within their territories, redefined another concept, and presented a way of survival based on other concepts by emphasizing differences in religion, nationality, language, culture, and so on. Accordingly, by employing discourse analysis from Ruth Wodak's perspective and focusing on the two basic notions of "self versus the other" and "survival," the present study aimed to analyze Iran's territorial integrity during this period and examine the features of this discourse.

Hassan Taghizade is a leader of Iran constitutional Revolution and also he is a political cultural and scientific person , he is so controversial and the most unknown political actor in Iran contemporary history. He was a person who had a lot of fan and also a lot of against and both of these groups had their reasons and their opinions . Fereydoon Adamiyat was one of the person who had a lot of criticism and insult about him in his writings . He not only criticized Taghizade severally in his writings but also he criticized and insulted everyone who protected and complimented and made him the most important person in constitutional Revolution . As far as Iraj Afshar and Mojtaba Minavi to Mrs . Lambton and Niki Kedi. In this research we follow the investigations of Adamiyat's opinions about Taghizade and understand its reasons sif they're true or false. Printed sources in libraries, documents and magazines archives, books written by Admit and Taghizadeh , different Iranian and foreign articles and the parliament’s minutes of meeting have been used to conduct the present research.

The rule of the Safavids in Iran provided the perfect basis for the widespread political and social activities of the Shiite scholars, and they not only maintained good relations with the Safavids but also assumed the highest religious positions in the government. This collaboration was the result of a shift in the jurisprudential political views of the scholars that had previously been unprecedented in the history of the Shiite jurisprudence. Mullah Khalil Qazvini is one of the prominent scholars of the time of the second Safavid Shah Abbas, who is in the spectrum of Akhbari scholars. His political jurisprudential attitude is somewhat different from that of his contemporary scholars because he praised Shah Abbas II as the Shiite king, while he disagreed with one of the religious ceremonies signifying the legitimacy of the government, namely, Friday prayer. He explains the legal and rational reasons for this opposition in his Friday prayer treatise. This article is a descriptive-analytic one. Based on the historical sources and his written works, his views on the Safavid government, Shah Abbas II and Friday prayer are examined.

This paper reports the Baluch population of Iran resistance to the law of national identity card in the 1930s.

Data for this research eas collected from archival and library resources as well as an interview with informants.

Implementation took place in two stages.  In the first stages, some parts of the population accepted their national ID cards voluntarily. The second stage was carried out in a compulsory fashion backed by the army and security forces. As a result, a great number of people refused to obtain ID cards. Many migrated to India, Zanzibar, and Oman, and some fled to the mountains and remote areas in the region.

The despotic nature of the government of Seljuk kings and the unparalleled status of the Sultan in the structure of this government are important in analyzing the causes of the Seljuk collapse. The weakness and decay of the successor of the Malikshah was also a result of such political instability. In this article, we seek to answer the question of what is the relationship between the policies of the successors of Malikshah, such as the struggle for succession, the lack of attention to people's welfare, the blowing up of religious wars, the conflict with the caliphate, and the rise of political instability in this period. The authors' theoretical framework is the theory of David Saunders about political instability. Accordingly, the political instability in the successor of Malikshah is based on two fundamental concepts of change and challenges, and its indicators have been identified through four categories of change of norms, the change in key executive positions, changing borders and violent challenges. The results of this study indicate that there has been a significant correlation between the policies of the successors of Malikshah and the emergence of political instability in this period.

The purpose of this article is to examine the representation of the notions of Iranian identity in ValiGholi Shamlu’s thought in the book of Ghesas al Khaghani. The field of historiography is a proper context for Iranian to recognize their identity in different periods. Shamlu is the narrator of consolidation period of Iranian identity in the second half of the Safavids. The central question this article seeks to answer is how Iranian identity notions of Shamlu’s historiography thought represented? For this purpose, by using descriptive and analytical method, based on text analysis of Ghesas al Khaghani, identity elements which affected Shamlu’s mind in event report are evaluated. In the narrative of historical events of his time, influenced by the cultural context and the dominant discourse of writing his book; Shamlu represents and provides a meaningful narration of his historical report. The effective presence of cultural identity elements in the official text of Ghesas al Khaghani shows the dynamic aspects of Iranian culture.

In This Study, We Have Tried Economic Status Holy Shrines, Between Iran And Ottoman Review And Reflection On Political Relations Between The Two Countries Evaluated The Safavids And The Ottomans. In This Article We Talk About Three Pillars: 1. Pilgrimage Shrines (Pilgrims) 2. Endowment 3. The Burial Of The Dead. Accordingly, The Findings Suggest That In This Era Of Domination Of The Region, Especially Iraq, The Atabat Aliyat And The Pursuit Of Economic Interests, Including Important Issue For The Government Was The Safavid And Ottoman. If Iranian Pilgrims To Holy Sites In Iraq, Boom, Business Creation, Business Development, Prosperity And The Elimination Of Unemployment Was Caravanserais And Toll. The Massive Arrival Of Pilgrims This Kind Of "Invisible Exports" To Iraq, Which Could Help To Solve The Economic Problems Of The Iraqi People. The Safavid And Ottoman Sultans Endowments And Offerings And Shiite Pilgrims On The Holy Places Of The Region's Economic Importance And Economically Flourishing Area Was Added. Other Economic Income Of The Region To The Ottoman And Safavid, The Multiple Funds, For Burial Of The Dead And The High Price Of Land In The Holy Shrines.

The existence of a common enemy between the Safavids and the European countries from the 10th C. of Hijrah / beginning of the 16th C. led to the close ties between Iran and Europe. They tried to establish Political – Military Unions against the Ottoman government so as to force and finally defeat this powerful enemy. The Safavid government in their foreign policy oriented itself toward coalition and union with the Europeans and against the Ottoman. This coalition never took place in despite the diplomatic debates with the European countries involved in war with the Ottoman government. The Zuhab Treaty (1049 Hijrah/ 1639) between Iran and the Ottoman, caused changes in the Iranian orientation in the Ottoman-European debate. Disappointed with the Europeans, the Safavids chose an neutrality oreintation that continued to their downfall. The present article aims at investigating the processes, hows and whys of taking such new strategy in the foreign policy of the Safavids from the Zuhab Treaty to their downfall. The research method was descriptive – analytical historical method and the means of data collection was library sources and documents. The findings of this research show that after the Zuhab Treaty the Safavids chose an neutrality oreintation in the Ottoman-European debate; the Safavids’ lack of trust in the Europeans, their commitment to the Zuhab Treaty, their safe and friendly relations with the Ottoman as well as the weakness of the Iranian armed forces during this period were the causes to take an neutrality oreintation by the Safavids.

During Qajar era, Afghanistan became the central of attention as a result of reasons such as temporal rebellions, the invasion of rulers of regions i.e. Herat, Qandehar and Kabol to Khorasan and also Qajar king's tendency for restoration of sovereignty on such regions. Internationally, some factors including the domination of England and East India Company on India, England's fear for Dorani Afqan's Attacks and colonial rivalries with Russia and France had a remarkable role in the importance of Afghanistan. England succeeded in provoking Fath Ali Shah against Zaman Shah Dorani by sending ambassadors and signing the treaties. Subsequently, England prevented the alliance of Iran with France and the influence of France by invalid promises for financial and military assistances against Russia troops and restoration of Caucasus region's control. Under Mohammed Shah's kingdom, the fear of Russia's influence on Central Asia and Afghanistan obliged England not only to provoke the rulers of Herat against Iran's government but also to attack Persian Gulf's islands preventing from Iran's conquest in Heart and other regions by utilizing the policy of threat and challenge. During Nasser Al din Shah's period, at first, England imposed the contract of 1269 A.H on Iran and then the separation of Herat by occupation of south of Iran and Paris treaty, which was as a result of incompetence of Iran's authorities.

The article tries with referring to sources search through modality of Nazariyan and Absi Caliphate relationship in the mentioned era. The political relationship of Alamoot’s Esma’eeliye changed a lot in years of 487 – 654 (A.H). Nazariyan Esma’eeli in this era for several reasons behaved with Abasi Caliphate in framework of policy of tolerance and dialog: one reason was Abasi couldn’t bring danger for their occupations and Abasi Caliphate couldn’t reach to Khorasan and Iraq of Ajam. The other reason was the weakness of Saljooqiyan after MalekShah’s death and accession power of Esma’eeliyan of Alamoot. Furthermore, the attempt of Abasi Caliphate for returning to their exile status in stage of socializing with Muslims on other hand, cause to a new political situation for both governments.Political movements of KharazmShahi against Abasi Caliphate and the begging attacks of Mongols to Islamic lands made changes in relationship of Nazariyan and Abasi Caliphate. Thus both tolerance policy and make changes in methods for Abasi Caliphate and Esma’eeli were necessary.