muhammad amin saadat mehr

During the reform period of Abdul Malik Ibn Marwan (65-86 AH), in 76 AH it was decided to replace Arab-Sasanian and Arab-Byzantine coins with a completely Islamic form. The first gold dinar was minted in Kufic script in 77 AH, and the first Islamic dirhams were minted in 78 AH. The minting of new dirhams spread rapidly, so that about a hundred mints minted these dirhams. The knowledge of numismatics can solve many historical mysteries. The period of the Umayyad caliphate was not free of historical uncertainties, so knowing the coins of this period is very important. There are 42 silver dirhams belonging to the Umayyad period, confiscated from antique smugglers, in the coin collection of the Southeast Regional Museum of Iran. This research focuses on these valuable coins' identification, classification, and typology. The descriptive framework of "Stephen Album" numismatics was used to carry out this research. This method was proposed for the first time in 2012 in Santa Rosa (California, USA) by the Stephen Album Rare Coins Institute and was welcomed by numismatists. Also, the abundance chart of each mint's coins in relation to the total number of coins is presented. The results show that the Umayyad silver dirhams of this collection were minted sporadically between 82 and 128 AH in Wasit, Basrah, Damascus, Merv, Darabgerd, and Kerman mints (in order of abundance).

Layla b. Nu‘mān was one of the great Alawite commanders of Tabaristan who was able to conquer the second main pillar of the Samanid rule simultaneous to the rebellions, at the early period of the rule of Amir Nasr b. Ahmad Sāmānī (301-331 AH) of Neishabur and mint coins in his own name. The Iranian commanders' inscriptions on the coins in the early Islamic centuries, in addition to the name of the coin owner and the ruling family, contained verses from the Qur'an that were engraved on the coins according to the beliefs of the rulers and the people of the region, as well as titles of coin owners. Therefore, by considering these expressions, we can understand the thoughts and intentions of the rulers and their status among the people and high-ranking officials. One of the main questions of this research is, "What were the general features of Layla b. Nu‘mān's dirham design like (minted in Neishabur in 309 A.H.)?" Also, "How can the events of that era be reconstructed by using inscribed writings, such as verses, titles, etc. on this dirham?" In addition to introducing this distinguished coin, this article aims to reconstruct and introduce the causes of some of the events of that time with the help of numismatic data along with historical texts, with the approach of perceptual archeology and historical approach.

In the 19th century, under the pressure of imperialism and due to the neo-Shinto developments along with the national-aristocracy revolution of Meiji, the empire of Japan came out of isolation and began to carry out the process of modernization. One of the requirements of modernism is globalization and knowledge of the nations and peoples around the world. From this point of view, especially after the formation of pan-Asian ideology, Islamic studies also started in this country. Pan-Asiaism soon merged with extreme Japanese nationalism, and the idea of Hakkoichiu, which was its most extreme form, was dominated by the military. The main data of this research are the articles and research of Japanese people during the Hakkoichiu era, also the approach used in this research is the 19th-century national-global studies that emphasize the interactions and the nature of native culture. The question of the present article is that How Islamic studies from the perspective of Hakkoichiu during the years 1926-1945 was created and what process did it go through? The result of this research is that due to the political conditions of Japan, which was connected to its economic power, indifference towards the Islamic world gave way to large investments not only to study this region but also to attract the support of Muslims to create harmony between Islamic and Japanese values.

In the first half of the first millennium BCE, the invasion to Manai, Urartu, Media, and Assyria by two large military forces was one of the most significant events in the West Asian region. This invasion is reflected in both the inscriptions of the Assyrian court and the texts of later Greek authors. This is significant because with the arrival of these emerging groups, new cultural materials infiltrated the conquered territory, and the previously established border equations were disrupted. Concerns have been expressed regarding the population from which these invaders originated, their ethnicity, and their cultural background. While examining these aspects, leading research also addresses where Assyrian cognition and later Persian descriptions of Gimeri/Cimmerian identity originated and how they were created. The present study shows that the two terms “umman-man-da / ma-an-da / man-du” and “ÈRIM/N-man-da / ma-an-da / man-du” in the first millennium BC, in particular, carry both the Medes identity and the prevailing mentality among the kings and court scribes, its expression was specific to the Medes, which, of course, along with them, other forms and sounds have also been used in the mentioned texts. The fact that the name manda was first applied to the land of the Medes in the mentioned millennium is a fundamental point that is discussed in this article.

In the nineteenth century, the process of globalization with international trade which created by the colonial powers reached a point that directly affected the economic relations of different states. For this reason, due to the imbalance of trade, the economy could have witnessed a collapse. As a result, because the Iranian climate is suitable for poppy cultivation and the demand for this product was significant outside Iran, especially in China, large-scale opium trade began. On the other hand, Japan expanded its territory in the main body of Asia, as a result of which Japan also entered the path of Iranian trade. With that being said, several questions arise: what internal factors led to the widespread cultivation of poppies in Iran, through which centers did Iran export opium to Japan, how did Japan enter the opium trade, and why did the trade survive? The nineteenth century approach and historical method have been chosen to find the answer because international trade is one of its common topics. It is concluded that Iran's agricultural economy, the pressure of social structure and the negative balance of Iran's trade due to the decline in silk production, encouraged the people and government of Iran to massively produce opium. The trade began in Isfahan and after passing through Yazd and Shiraz reached the southern ports, from where it went to the ports of India and then China to finally enter Taiwan under Japanese rule. Of course, this trade did not change because there was no change in

Various views have been proposed about the religious beliefs of the Medes. Some consider them followers of Zoroastrianism and others have the opposite opinion. This research deals with the following questions: Did different groups of the Medes have the same religion? What are the characteristics of their religion? To what extent was it akin to Zoroastrianism or the common beliefs of the people of Mesopotamia? Contrary to the views insisting on the influence of Mesopotamia worldview on the attitude of Iranians living in the western regions of the Iranian Plateau, the present study shows that based on the content of Mesopotamian documents as the first-hand written sources, Greek-language reports as the second-hand sources, and according to some cultural elements of the Medes (e.g. individual names), the dominant religion of this group of Iranian descent, on the one hand, has similarities to Zoroastrianism and on the other hand, has clear differences with Mesopotamia beliefs. The fact that the religious mentality of a group of the Medes was in complete opposition to the religious culture ruling Mesopotamia forms the foundation of the current paper

In these few decades, and especially The recent two decades, the debate over the date of arrival of Aryan populations on the Iranian plateau has been one of the topics in the world of historical and archaeological studies in Iran. There are two diferent historical-archaeological views in this regard, one of which is more common, the arrival of the Aryans is associated with the Iron Age and the late second millennium BC. Another theory traces the history of the presence of these peoples on the plateau to pre-Iron Age. Ghirshman, Cameron, Dyson and Young's articles form the basis for field examining the interpretations made in the first view and the third volume of Encyclopaedia of Kashan, analyzing the arguments of the second view in this article. The leading article, while examining and criticizing the arguments of the first theory, analyzes the critical reasons of the second view based on the Encyclopaedia of Kashan and the documents presented in it and analyzes each of these components. This, on the one hand, using the study methods available in the archaeomythology approach and, on the other hand, establishing a comparative-analytical study between the data cited in both theories and the data in the written sources of the Mesopotamians that have been overlooked by both sides, and then by stating the strengths and weaknesses of both views, introduces a third theory with a mediating view between the two perspectives.

One consequence of urbanization in ancient times was the emergence of complex states. However, the structure of ancient Iranian states has not been examined in detail compared to the Greek and Roman worlds. Most researchers believe that the political structure of ancient Iran was autocratic and hereditary. This theory can be challenged by carefully assessing the contents of documents and comparing them with archaeological data. The following article discusses the state of the governmental structure of the Median period in the 8th century BC. The purpose is to identify the governing structure of the subjects based on written sources, specifically during the time of the Medes. The chronology and their place of precedence and backwardness compared to what was implemented in Athens and Rome will also be examined. The research questions are based on the examination of the data of the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian period sources about the structure of the Median state and the evaluation of the possibility of the existence of democratic structures in some of the Median settlements or at least in two of them before the kingdom period.This research was conducted using the library method. Based on the study of written sources and analysis of documents, the research shows that in a period of eight years in the history of Media and also in the political structure of a part of the history of the Persians before the rise of the Achaemenid Empire, there were strong elements of the establishment of a democratic governance system.

The battles of the Achaemenid Empire against the European Greeks, alongside the battles of Thermopylae and Marathon, are among the most famous military events in world history.Nowadays, the description of this great Persian campaign is only available to researchers through Greek writings, and therefore, the Eastern perspective on what happened in this event has been left out. Based on Herodotus' reports in his seventh, eighth, and ninth books, and following it, Diodorus in his eleventh book, the Persian army of the Achaemenid Empire was ultimately defeated in the Battle of Salamis after several victories, and with their voluntary withdrawal from the captured city of Athens, the Achaemenids returned to Asia. This was followed by the initial victories of Mardonius and his ultimate failure, which led the military borders of this empire back to its previous European satrapies.This article analyzes another report that depicts a vivid narrative in an Arsacid palace, according to which, Xerxes himself called his final victories in these battles, contrary to the claims of the Greeks.This article concludes that firstly, memories and details related to the events of the Achaemenid era were preserved in the historiography of the Arsacid era, and secondly, based on the ancient Eastern perspective, Greek narratives related to the subject of the Achaemenid campaign in Europe can be seriously criticized.In sum, this article states that the forces of Xerxes and Mardonius were not defeated by the Greek forces. However, due to the damage caused by two storms, their military power was weakened, and as a result, they failed to achieve all their goals. Furthermore, this research suggests that the Battle of Plataea did not unfold as described by Herodotus and Diodorus regarding the role of the Greeks in its outcome.In conclusion, Xerxes' military operations weakened and brought severe calamity to Northern Greece's foundation.

The Caspian Sea has always been the most important northern waterway of Iran during all historical periods. The Safavids played an important role in establishing the security and commercial prosperity of the Caspian Sea ports by restoring Iran's sovereignty over its borders and the existence of local governments subordinate to them in the north of Iran. With the fall of the Safavids and the dominance of the Afghans, a turbulent period was created, which brought commercial stagnation, especially maritime trade. After Nadir Shah Afshar (1735-1747 AD/ 1148-1160 AH) came to power, it became necessary to be directly present and seize the vital resources of the Caspian Sea, so Nadir, by providing facilities for the establishment of the navy, created a suitable ground for the resumption of activity. provided maritime trade. The central issue of this research, in addition to examining the policies and efforts of Nadir Shah in improving the state of trade, seafaring and shipbuilding, is his motivation and goals for establishing a naval fleet in the Caspian Sea and the reasons for the Russian government's suspicions regarding this matter. Is the main data of this research consists of historical texts and content analysis extracted from them, and in addition, archaeological evidence such as the sunken ship on the shores of Chamkhale, Langarud and its analysis using a historical approach have also been used. The findings of the research indicate that Nadir Shah intended to help commercial prosperity by forming a naval fleet in the Caspian Sea and, in

The reign of Hormizd IV (579-590 AD) faced many battles in a series of unending conflicts with other neighboring states and tribes, mostly on the western front. Thus, all the government’s attention was focused on the western neighborhoods. Sakastan was one of the most important states of ancient Iran during the Sassanid period, where a member of the Shah’s family was always elected to rule Sakastan. Although minting the royal coins was very active since the beginning of the Sassanid period, after the reign of Khosrow I, coinage with the abbreviation SK became common and continued until the Islamization shift that changedall of their ancient symbolism. In the Hormizd IV period, Sakastan was considered a state far from the center of power and was out of the focus of attention. Studying the issue of coinage in this region is important because coins are considered a valuable document in describing the archaeological identity of a region. Therefore, relying on the library resources, the central issue of this research was to identify and prepare a list of coins minted in Sakastan by Hormizd IV, the Sassanid Emperor. The results of this study reveal the fact that during the 13-year reign of Hormizd IV, coins were minted in only four separate years, namely years 3, 5, 10, and 12 of Hormizd IV and possibly to meet the economic needs of the region.

When Shamshi-Adad V, the powerful king of Assyria and the successor of Shalmaneser III, overcame his brother's revolt, a new world of people and eastern settlements appeared before him and his army. Among these peoples, the Medes and their royal city, Sagbita, have determined one of the most interesting martial fates in the history of the western plateau of Iran. With the victory over this city, the king of Assyria was able to gain a great territory and thus, after his father, he became the founder of the era of plunder of Median people in the next two centuries. What happened to the royal city of Sagbita in the ninth century BC, and whether there was a connection between it and Ecbatana in the Greek texts and Hagmatāna in the inscription of Darius I in Behistun, is the aim of this research. Also, the relationship between the historical and mythological content of texts related to the emergence of this city is a topic that this study has addressed. The present article shows that although geographically there is no similarity between Sagbita and Bitī-Sagbat with Hagmatāna, the name and memory of the two, as well as the proximity of their geographical boundaries, gave rise to Hagmatāna or Ecbatana in the next century.

The Sassanid Shapur I (242-270 AD) was able to defeat three Roman emperors in several battles with the Roman Empire. Considering that political-religious propaganda is one of the requirements of the remnants of the Sassanid era, Shapur I decided to create his victories by creating embossed designs and even minting binary coins. Immortalize. In the meantime, a new title to the titles of Shapur I, that is, the title of "king of kings of Iran and an-Iran" appears in the inscriptions, especially the inscription of the Cube of Zoroaster; Although this title has been engraved on two unique silver coins, but it raises the question for this research and that: 1- Creating the title of " king of kings of Iran and an-Iran" in the period of the Sassanid Shapur I and creating a propaganda atmosphere around it How was it? 2- Despite the use of political-religious propaganda in embossed designs and inscriptions, why the title of " king of kings of Iran and an-Iran" has not been used on all official and common coins? This article intends to examine the main reasons for not using the title of Shah of Iran and Iran on coins by examining historical texts and numismatic evidences. The results of this study showed that in addition to the victories of Azineh on the Western Front, which were suggested by some researchers, silver coins were probably only for domestic use, and gold coins were not common coins that could be used by the public. Therefore, only a limited number, which today are limited to only two coins, two commemorative dinars and a single silver dirham, have been multiplied from eastern Turkey for propaganda purposes.

Based on the data extracted from Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions, this is a famous fact that the report of Shalmaneser III is the earliest text, which has mentioned the political presence of a group of people named Parsuans as the league of 27 rulers" in the second half of the 9th century B.C. Archaeomythology is an integral part of the analysis of culture and historiography of historical nations. The information provided by Greek-speaking authors about the roots of the name of Persians (Πέρσαι) may be one of the basic data used in the background of Archaeomythological research. In this article, based on the components of this archaeological approach, the possibility of dealing with older evidence of the identity and political presence of Persian ancestors or people of Parsua was investigated. The present study showed that a solution could be proposed to establish a connection between the mythological data in written sources and those archaeological written documents obtained from excavations and obtain an older trace of their presence based on this method.

KURPár-su-a-a was a land located in the west of the Iranian plateau on the way of the Assyrian army into the settlements of "A-ma-da-a-a" or Western Medes regions close to "māt Úrarṭu", "Mannai", "Zamua", and "Gizil-p/bunda". The first document referring to the Assyrians' approaching to the Persians was the third paragraph of the fourth column written by Šalmanaser III (A.0.102.6) (Luckenbill 1926: 206; Grayson, 1996: 40). It referred not to a land or a country (KUR or māt), but to a city (URU) by that name. After the reign of Šalmanaser, a land with the same name or in the form of KUR.par-su-áš with the same geographical area was mentioned in the inscriptions of his successors until the 7th century BC. We encountered KUR.par-su-áš in the South Zagros near Anshan (Grayson, 2014: 194, 335), which created some challenges.

In this article, two types of components were considered to analyze the data. One of them was historical nomens (geographical  and ethnical toponymies), which were related to political-ethnic groups and their lands of residence. The other one included the names derived from the mythological justifications in the old texts that were mentioned later in relation to the events or subjects. For example, there was an awareness that the geographical descent name of Pārsa appeared both in Mesopotamian texts (Component A1) (old Persian (comparative evidence of Component 1)) and in Greek texts. In the contents of these Greek texts, there was mainly an explanatory narrative (Witness Component B1) as to why an event occurred or why a name was given to a population based on Greek mythology. In this case, the origin of the Persians nomen in Herodotus's text (Πέρσíς) was also traced back to the myth of "Πέρσης" (Component B1). Herodotus spok of an older historical name for the Persians (Component B2) and its mythological roots (Witness Component B2) (Herodotus, VII: 61), which formed the basis of the study. This article sought out the historical written form (Component A2=unknown) that was associated with the older name of the Persian population.

According to a mythological view that seemed to have prevailed among the Greeks and that Herodotus wrote in his work, the Persian and Persian names had their roots in "Perseus" (Περσεύς), the Greek mythological hero. Herodotus wrote that the Persians were formerly called "Cephenes" (Κηφῆνες) by the Greeks and "Artai" (plural: Ἀρταῖοι) by themselves, as well as their neighbors. When Perseus, Andromeda, (δρονδρομέδα), a son was born to them, who was named "Persis" (Πέρσης). It was from this child that the Persians got their new name (Herodotus, VII: 61). Although Herodotus's reference was clearly derived from an ancient worldview and classical view of demographic etymologies (naming an ancestor after a city, country, or population), it contained a point that was very important from the point of view of the present article. In the report of Aššr-nāṣir-apli II, son of Tukulti-Ninurta II, which related to his campaign in the first year of his reign (883 BCE), he wrote that he left Kalhu (modern Nimrud), crossed the Tigris and down to the other side of the Tigris coast (south), and reached a land called "K/Qipani" (Kipani; KURqi-pa-ni). In a city called "Ḫuzirina" (URUḫu-zi-ri-na), its rulers took tributes (Luckenbill, 1926: 127; Grayson, 1991: 219). The present village of "Khazraniyah" (coordinates of39.36° 35' N and 26.264° 43' E) located in the eastern part of Sharqat in the province of Salahiddin in Iraq.

Based on the analysis of the geographical data of Assyrian texts, as well as the mythological roots presented for the demographic letters in Herodotus's text, an anonymous comparison was made between the 4 components mentioned in this article. In the Assyrian texts, a demographic identity was sought in the coordinates related to the Assyrian neighbors to see if a suitable case could be found to determine the original form of the ancestral name of the Persians before the time of Shalmaneser III from the phonetic, geographical, and temporal points of view. In the era of Aššr-nāṣir-apli II, the father of Shalmaneser, "Kipani land" was seen. From all the three perspectives, it was appropriate to introduce the historical equivalent of the ancestor of the Parsuan people in the mythological narrative of Herodotus, as well as the issue of Cephenes and Persians.

In the contemporary view, washing culture is considered as one of the components of the evaluation of ancient cultures, and therefore, research on it is a necessity. The root of the subject, which is, the need to clear up, is the first step in examining the subject matter. Next, study on when and where the structures associated with bathing, originated, and how they emerged elsewhere, provides the basis for research. Then, the reason of founding thermae and the culture of washing with warm water are studied and their archaeological evidences are evaluated. In this paper, although according to an important principle in Zoroastrianism, the possibility of establishing and disseminating the culture of bathing in Greco-Roman thermae was not possible during the domination of this religion, but it does not mean that Iranians were far from the culture of cleanliness and for this, some, interesting documents are available. This can be proven even in special places for swimming. In fact, the varieties of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures in the Iranian plateau, does not allowed to judge one-sided in this field. The current article shows that in Zoroastrian culture, in addition to a method of creating a reasonable space to facilitate bathing with cold water, a type of thermae emerged that was different from the Roman ones. It was also stated that the culture of washing can be traced in the mythology of ancient Iran, and this can be the basis for some field-comparative studies in Archaeomythology.

By the so-called Silk road, Iranian goods entered the Far East and in this case Japan, but due to the closeness of Japanese culture, artifacts did not reach Japanuntil the Sassanid era, and after that communication was almost completely cut off and only a few geographical records in The Islamic world remained about Japan. With the beginning of the era of exploration and colonization, Western countries, including Portugal and the Netherlands, traveled to Iran and Japan, and their products, although limited, were transferred to the two countries, including Safavid carpets and fabrics. The question of the present article is which areas or ports of Japan have been used for the transportation of artifacts used in foreign / international trade since the beginning of the colonial age, whether the designated areas had a background and what factors were involved. Have been influential. The answer to the article is that Sassanid-type products are more of a show of Koreabeing some Client states than of Japan's trade or political ties with Iran, but locate areas in Japan that became major trading centers in the Safavid era, such as the port of Osaka to Kyoto and Nara domains, the port of Nagasaki and the ports of Kanagawa Bay. However, the trade has always been influenced by the culture of Japan and has been discontinued after a short period of time.

Arabs did not know the techniques of coin minting at the time of Jahiliyah and at the beginning of Islam, but they accepted the coin in their economic system due to the trade and business position of the city of Mecca, And used the Sassanid silver dirhams, gold solidus and Byzantine copper follies Until the conquest of the lands of Iran and parts of the Byzantine Empire, they also acquired coin minting technology and minted coins by the peoples of those lands. Today, the first Islamic dirhams have been named Arab-Sassanid, which has a high status in terms of research. The numismatics of Arab-Sassanid coins can be a turning point in the coinage of Sassanid and Islamic coins, which, with their study, a lot of information about the process of conquests, conquerors and rulers, political and administrative geography, and … will be gained. But the focal point of this study was to study the evolution of minting these coins from the early moments to the last days, by carefully examining the characteristics of these coins, such as the type of scripts, motifs, dates, mint names and the names of the rulers. As a result, it became clear that at the beginning of the conquest of Iran, some coins were minted with the date of last year of Yazdgird III -the last Sasanian king-, 20 Yazdgirdi (AH 31). After that, the Kufic phraseswere added around it; after some time, Yazdgird's name changed to Khosrow's name. The firstcoins with Arabic names were minted, during the reign of Abdullah ibn Amir, Muawiyah bin Abi-Sufyan and other rulers in Pahlaviscripts (some in Kufic scripts).In these coins, the motifs were still like Sassanid coins,

During the reign of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, there were multiple versions of silver Qirans. A version was struck in the northeast region of Astarabad. Although all versions nominally followed that of Tehran, as each city had an autonomous military system, in practice coins of most regions were struck with different amounts of silver purity. This article tends to gauge the economic power of Astarabad and compared it with other regions including Mashhad, Tabriz, Isfahan, and Shiraz, by measuring the silver purity of its coins.

Elemental analysis of coins of this period using the PIXE method was the main basis of this research and 22 coins on 22 different dates were elementally analyzed.Finding and

Changes in the purity of silver on average in periods between 1849-1857 AH. 90.10%, 1860-1871 AH. 86.56%, 1873-1876 AH. 84.20%. Overall, throughout the three periods, it multiplied by 87.42%. This explains the position of Astarabad coins to those of Mashhad (84%), Tabriz (82%), Tehran (90%), Isfahan (84%), And Shiraz (90%). This research showed how to change the grade of coins with copper and iron metals, and the type of silver mines used, namely Cerussite mines.

The city and province of Kerman has always been of special importance due to its many economic and commercial opportunities, in addition to which it has had a high political position for the Qajar rulers; For these reasons, the mint has been active for a long time until 1878 AD. It was established in this city that during the period of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar (1847-1895 AD) many silver qirans were written between the years 1848-1849, 1852-1855, 1860, 1863-1867, 1869-1871, 1873, 1875-1876, and 1878 AD. Had beaten. The coinage system of the Naseri period, although nominally following the system of Tehran, but in practice each city had an autonomous military and the coins of most cities were minted with different amounts of silver purity. These issues raise two questions for the Kerman Mint: 1- What is the purity of the main elements (silver, copper, iron, gold, and lead) of the coins minted in Kerman and how has it changed? 2- What is the purity of silver coins of Kerman city, in the position of important economic city, in comparison with other important cities of Iran, such as Mashhad, Tabriz, Tehran, Isfahan, and Shiraz? Therefore, in order to answer these questions, elemental analysis of coins of this period using PIXE method due to its non-destructiveness, speed and high accuracy, became the main basis of this research. In this study, 23 coins in 19 different dates and 4 coins were analyzed to measure the validity of the results and analyzes, which resulted in a trend of changes in the purity of silver on average in three time periods between 1848-1855 AD. He explained 90.09%, 1860-1871 AD 86.53%, 1873-1878 AD 84.17%, and in the whole multiplication period 87.16%, and its position in terms of the purity of silver in front of Mashhad mints (84%), Tabriz (82%), Tehran (90%), Isfahan (84%), and Shiraz (90%). Also, valuable information was obtained on the type of silver mines used, namely the Cerussite mines and how the coins were minted with copper and iron metals.

Based on the text of the Holy Quran (Haj: 17), Zoroastrianism is a monotheistic religion, and its followers are considered Ahl al-Kitab. Zoroastrianism was the religion of the majority of Iran plateau residents until 622 AD (when Muslim Arabs attacked Iran). After the arrival of newly-converted Arabs, based on the political and cultural necessities of the time, Zoroastrians had to accept the new dominant religion. Otherwise, they had to pay Jizya or be killed, and some of them were forced to immigrate. Some of the immigration stories are written in Islamic texts; some other were later written in the form of legends or myths during modern centuries. One of them which is nowadays available as a book is Qissa-i Sanjan. In this story, the immigration story of some Zoroastrians is narrated who immigrated to India, in several phases. The present study focuses on the religious concepts of this book of poetry. The Zoroastrians immigration to India has a time index and a place index, therefore, it is necessary to study the conflicts created by the cultural effects of time and place on both countries. The questions of the researchers are as follows: how much overlap exists in Qissa-i Sanjan narratives with the major concepts of Zoroastrianism? Also, what is the effect of the dominant culture of the book’s composition time and place on its content and narration style? The purpose of the study is recognizing and comparing the Zoroastrianism religious concepts mentioned in this book with the reality of Zoroastrianism. Moreover,this study investigates the India’s dominant cultural effects while this book ofpoetry was being composed considering the narration style.

The preliminary studying of the book, as the research main core, was the aim of the authors. However, other Zoroastrian and historical texts were taken into consideration in order to compare the religious rituals, historical information, and various religious impressions. The authors of the present study have divided the Qissa-i Sanjan (Razi edition, 1350) into ten sections and have marked each section with the help of Abjad letters from A to Z. in this way, the poem lines are recognizable by two indexes: Abjad letters and numbers, for referencing. For instance, the twelfth line of the fourth section of the book is referenced as (Bahman Qighobad, 1350: d: 12) in the footnote of the same page after writing the line of the poetry itself.

After the seizure of Iran by Muslims, Iranian Zoroastrians had to accept the conquerors’ religion, otherwise, they had to pay Jizya or be killed. Some of them decided to leave Iran. They had to immigrate to other places especially India. Qissa-i Sanjan narrates the story of such immigration to India. This book of poetry is composed based on an old story narrated by Dastoori Dana almost 1000 years since the beginning of the immigration in 1600 AD. The significance of this story is the Zoroastrian religious concepts narrated in a remote place after thousands of years. Bahman Qighobad, the composer of this book of poetry, has numerously mentioned the words God and Yazdan meaning the same; the words Ahooreh, Ahoora, and even Mazda are not used. However, the word God means owner, king, etc. in Pahlavi literature; Iranian Muslims used the word God instead of Allah, but Zoroastrians never used God instead of Ahoora Mazda. Even in one of the lines, Izad is described as Subhan which introduces a new outlook. Also, in some lines of the book, the composer refers to the supreme position of mankind as the Head of Creation; in Zoroastrian texts, it rarely happens. Therefore, such diction can show the co-life of Indian Muslims with Zoroastrians. In this story, having arrived in India, the Zoroastrians visit the Indian ruler, Jadirana. There, an old Mubad explains about the Zoroastrian philosophical and religious foundations and talks of the importance of cows, water, and fire; in the next lines, he talks of worshiping water, fire, cows, sun, and moonlight. Here, one can observe the similarity between worshipping cows in India and worshipping or respecting cows in this book of poetry which could be rooted in Indian Zoroastrian belief changes. The composer, while narrating the transfer of Bahram fire from Basandeh to Nosari, mentions that it happened at the time of Sadeh celebration. The composer believes that this celebration was performed in Azar day of Azar month, but this celebration is performed in Aban day of Bahman month. This date change is thought-provoking and remains a mystery to the authors. Another important issue is not mentioning the rituals of Zoroastrian burial ceremonies; they are not even mentioned by the old Dastoor while talking to Jadirana. However, it seems necessary to establish a Dakhmeh after arriving in India. It is shocking that the composer of Qissa-i Sanjan has never talked of this significant Zoroastrian ritual. 

During the first days of emergence of Islam in Iran, Zoroastrians tried to revise many of their texts to change some parts based on Islamic texts in order not to be misused by Sassanid opportunist clergymen. Qissa-i Sanjan is not an exception, it has tried to make Zoroastrianism close to Islam. This book, considering the immigration of Zoroastrians to India, enjoys new religious concepts which are the results of places changes by Indian cultural indexes and time changes by their own society’s domestic indexes and the co-life with the newly-spread community of Muslims. Therefore, this story cannot contain new ideas about Sassanid Zoroastrianism: this story, instead, is a mixture of time and place effects of its own era.

The Beginning of Ishaq Ibn Ahmad Samani's Emirate (301 AH) in Samarqand Based on Numismatics Evidence Abstract After the death of Ahmad ibn Ismail (295-301 AH), at the same time Ishaq ibn Ahmad (301 AH), the great of the Samani family and Nasr ibn Ahmad (301-331 AH), emir Ahmad's young son rose to claim Emirate, which eventually led to the infighting and victory of Nasr. Since historical books have been widely dispersed, coin science can provide researchers with valuable information to address these discrepancies. emir Ishaq is the name of the late emir, also known as Ismail ibn Ahmad (279-295 AH) and dates to 301 AH. He was beaten in Samarqand. The main questions of this study are: 1. How can a part of the history of that era be reconstructed by using the copper coin of emir Ishaq (issued by Samarqand in 301 AH)? 2. emir's name is dead, why has Ismail insisted on this type of coin, and what role did Ishaq have in legitimizing it? In addition to introducing this first coinage index, this paper seeks to reconstruct and identify the causes of some events along with the cognitive cointegration data along with historical texts, using a cognitive archaeological approach and a historical approach. The main result of this study was the issue of legitimizing the Emir of Ishaq from the Baghdad Caliphate, which can be concluded that this coin was minted during the process of legitimizing the Emirate of Ishaq by the Abbasid caliphate, and since the coinage was considered a sign of power. And his legitimacy for the Emirate was also in the offing, bringing the name of the emir down to the coins could guarantee Ishaq's legitimacy at that time. Keywords: Ishaq ibn Ahmad, Samarqand, Numismatics, Samanids, Nasr ibn Ahmad. Keywords: Ishaq ibn Ahmad, Samarqand, Numismatics, Samanids, Nasr ibn Ahmad.

During the reign of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar (1264-1313 AH) there were many silver Qirans between the years 1264-1294 AH. He was beaten in Yazd Mint. Although the Naserite coinage system was nominally a follower of the Tehran system, in practice each city had an autonomous military system, and the coins of most cities were struck with different amounts of silver purity. In addition to measuring the purity of silver and its changes in the coins minted in Yazd, this article explains the economic power of Yazd and compares it with the main cities of Qajar Iran, namely Mashhad, Tabriz, Isfahan, and Shiraz. Therefore, the elemental analysis of coins of this period was the main basis of this study using pixie method and 22 coins in 11 different dates were analyzed as a result of the trend of changes in silver purity on average throughout this period. Multiplication of 90.09%, explained and its high position in terms of silver purity compared to the mints of Mashhad (84%), Tabriz (82%), Tehran (90%), Isfahan (84%), and Shiraz (90%) ), Determined. Finally, valuable information was obtained on the type of silver mines used, namely the Cerussite mines and how the coins were minted with copper and iron metals.

Abstract The ruling era of Piruz, the Sassanid king, must be considered one of the most challenging historical periods. The reasons of political-economic tensions could be traced in drought, successive and long wars, the capture of Iran from two different directions, and, ultimately, the tribute paid by Iranians to Hephthalites. Generally speaking, the coins belonging to Piruz ruling era were minted in four different forms throughout four different periods of time in various places; therefore, the elemental analysis of the metal used in these coins provides us with valuable information about the economic-political conditions, the type of mines, and the minting process of the coins. Hence, to conduct an elemental analysis of these coins, the non-destructive PIXE test was employed. The data of the present study is extracted from 41 non-repetitive coins out of 183 coins belonging to Piruzgat Treasure discovered in Tis, Chabahar, in 1380. However, unlike the supposition that the coins alloy must have been low due to the political tensions of that era, PIXE proved that the alloy has always been above 96 percent on the average. The amount of gold in these coins has always been at an average of one percent. Since this value ranged from 0.2 to 1.5 percent, the use of Cerussite mines in that period is proved which is also confirmed by the presence of lead in some coins. Only one type of coin (120,GOM) had a low amount of gold (0.15 percent) which could be the sign of using Galena mines in the 4th period of the ruling era. But the low amount of copper could signify a hurry in minting and inadequecy of silver extraction as a result of not using copper in these coins, existence of lead, and elemental variety especilly in the second and third periods. Keywords: PIXE; Numismatics; Piruz, the Sassanid King; Piruzgat; Sassanian.