rahmat hajimineh

The statement of the second step has opened a new chapter of drawing the future in the Islamic Republic of Iran.The future of a civilization based on identity values is a realistic ideal with the recognition of the capacities that can be used to advance the realizable future.paying attention to important Civilizing factors such as human and material resources,intelligence in policy making we will try to analyze one of the most important factors,the economy.Why is the economy Strong and efficient,it has a role beyond the field of economy and can itself be a security generator for the society.In this article,the question is:What is the role of the economy in the realization of the Islamic civilization?The hypothesis is:"Economy,as one of the most important aspects of society,plays a key and security role in the realization of modern Islamic civilization."In this regard,we will use the analytical-explanatory method while taking advantage of related theories.

The collapse of Iran and the transformation of two Caspian water neighbors, Iran and Russia, and the addition of three other countries, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan, have caused border disputes between them. At the same time, the attitude of these countries has also changed towards the conditions of this water area and the methods of ownership and exploitation of it. Among the most important countries that have differences in this field are Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Despite having historical commonalities, the two countries have a fundamental difference of opinion on issues related to the Caspian Sea from a legal point of view. Thus, this research intends to answer the question that what are the factors influencing the differences between Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan in legal terms in the Caspian Sea? The hypothesis of the article has been answered by the descriptive-analytical method and the collection of library sources, that the different attitudes of the two countries regarding whether it is a sea or a lake, different attitudes towards the conventions of 1941 and 1920, the difference of attitude in determining the boundaries and differences in the issues of dividing common fields of energy and islands Artificial is one of the points of difference between the two countries. The findings of the research show that the continuation of the current approaches and their lack of peaceful resolution will hinder the convergence of the two countries in the field of water-energy cooperation.

The implementation of Turkey's huge dam construction projects on the international rivers Tigris, Euphrates and Ars has caused various consequences for the neighboring countries. This action has brought reactions from the downstream governments that are directly related to the rights of these governments and the obligations of the upstream government from the perspective of international law. Although Turkey responded to these criticisms and justified the construction of dams as an internal issue within the framework of national sovereignty, but in terms of the consequences of this Turkish policy for the surrounding countries, it cannot be considered limited to national sovereignty. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to investigate the legal aspects of Turkey's dam construction (Gap and DAP) based on the logic of its consequences on the surrounding countries (Iran, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Syria and Iraq). The main question of the research is that Turkey's huge dam constructions in the form of GAP and DAP projects can be interpreted from a legal point of view with which domestic law and international law cases? which, with a descriptive-analytical method, evaluates the hypothesis that Turkey's numerous dams on the international rivers Tigris, Euphrates and Aras in the form of GAP and DAP projects, from an internal point of view, violate the first article of the rights of minorities and article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. From an international point of view, it is contrary to Article 5 of the rule of fair use in international waterway rights and in conflict with the rule of no damage, the principle of prevention and caution in international environmental law.

Cultures, like other social phenomena, have life, in the passage of time due to communication with each other and the ease of absorption or removal of each other's elements, or they grow and develop and become new elements. Cultures are fixed things and They are not without change and even though they maintain their principles and foundations, the result of this connection is establishing a mutual relationship between media and culture. The purpose of this research is to investigate the interaction of media and cultural rights in the context of international human rights. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, and the method of collecting information is documents and library, which was done by referring to documents and examining the theoretical foundations related to the concepts related to the research. The results showed that the trends that have been experienced in the international human rights system in the field of cultural rights indicate that although no legal document is specifically dedicated to culture and all its aspects, but in a wide range of examples All or some of its aspects have been mentioned in international documents, including treaties or declarations and reports and world summits.

Iran, due to its situation between the three continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, has a unique geographical location in the world. Today, due to the emergence of economic powers in Asia and the increase of exchanges between countries in the last few decades, the importance of Iran's territorial position and the creation of corridors has multiplied. The purpose of this article is to explain Iran's position in regional and international corridors and the factors affecting Iran's position, especially rival corridors or corridors that have the ability to negatively affect Iran's geopolitical importance, emphasizing the role of the media. To achieve the desired goal, the research has been followed by using the descriptive and explanatory methods from a critical geopolitical perspective. The main hypothesis is that in addition to Iran's strategic position in the political geography of the region, three internal (including macro-politics), regional (regional cooperation and competition) and international (anarchic structure and hegemonic interests) factors promote the advantage. The relative positions of Iran's corridors compared to competing corridors are influential. The findings of the research show that the corridors are an effective factor in shaping Iran's regional and extra-regional power position; But this strategic advantage is constantly under threat from rival corridors and internal and regional factors. In corridor competition, reliance on security, cost reduction and time-saving are the most important competitive advantages of Iran's regional corridors compared to rival corridors. On the other hand, according to the function of the media, especially the overseas media, they can be present as an active observer in all stages from planning, execution and implementation to operationalisation and maintenance of the corridors. and by emphasizing the collective interests, play a colorful role in the convergence between the countries of the region in order to activate the corridors.

One of China's policies to achieve hegemony is to effectively influence international financial institutions and institutions to use their capacity to promote national power. China is the only country that is currently a strategic rival to the United States. Its actions in the international arena in the America are interpreted as a code of conduct in competition with Washington and are therefore opposed. China's accession to the World Trade Organization has become one of the most important areas of competition between China and the United States. The main question is what are the most important divisive factors between China and the America in the World Trade Organization? And this issue in macro strategic competition how does it make sense? The hypothesis of the article has been studied descriptively-analytically, the differences between the America and China in the World Trade Organization include the yuan rate, customs tariffs, monopoly on the electronic payment market, and intellectual property.The two countries are trying to use the capacity of the World Trade Organization to enhance their institutional power, and the success of each of them in the World Trade Organization affects the success or failure of the two in the competition for hegemony.

One of the important issues in the field of international political economy is the conflict between America and China in the World Trade Organization (WTO) over compliance or non-compliance with the norms of this organization. The United States accuses China of not adhering to the standards it committed to after becoming a member of the WTO, while China strongly adheres to the regulations of this international organization. China's reasoning in pretending that the country adheres to the regulations of the World Trade Organization raises the question of whether there may be political and security motives behind America's claims. In other words, is it possible that America's claim against China has a political-security nature rather than a legal-commercial aspect? The hypothesis of this article is that because economic capability is the basis of military and political capability, the US is probably worried that Beijing will take advantage of the capacity of the World Trade Organization to strengthen its economic capability and, as a result, its military and political capability, thereafter in the competition for gaining a hegemonic position is like overtaking America. The findings of the article show that in many cases America has surpassed China in violating the standards of the World Trade Organization, and this issue confirms the claim that America is more concerned about the possible weakening of its dominant position than it is about international standards. It is in the field of global politics.

Since 2011, Turkey and Qatar have played a role as two active actors in the Middle East and Persian Gulf developments. With the Arab Spring in 2011 and the Syrian crisis, important changes took place in Doha-Ankara relations. The relations between the two countries improved significantly after the Arab Spring, and Doha has gained an important position as Turkey's regional ally in the country's foreign policy. The alignment of Turkey-Qatar relations, especially after the Arab Spring, has been the result of the existence of mental images and shared perceptions and mutual identity and ideological links, especially with regard to the Muslim Brotherhood movement. In this article, using the theory of social constructionism, we are trying to explain the factors affecting foreign policy and relations between Turkey and Qatar. The method used in the article is analytical-descriptive. The main question in this article is how to explain the regional relations between Turkey and Qatar (2011-2020) using social constructionism? The hypothesis is that: Based on social constructivism, Turkey-Qatar's common intersubjective perception and perceptions derived from the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, which led to a common identity, bring the two governments closer together at the regional level between the years (2011-2020).

Iran and Pakistan, as two important players in Southwest Asia, with their vast common borders, play an important role in regional and international developments. The component of commercial and port capacities of Gwadar and Chabahar ports plays a decisive role in the development of these relations. Considering the importance of the impact of these two ports in the international relations between the two countries and the great impact they have on the growth and development of their surrounding areas, in the present study descriptive-analytical method to explain the strategic capacities of the two ports in the development of peripheral areas and growth We will discuss convergence in the relations between Iran, Pakistan and the region, and we will analyze the opportunities and challenges ahead in achieving a strategy based on solidarity and convergence in the relations between the two countries. In the present study, we seek to answer the fundamental question that what effect do the strategic capacities of Chabahar and Gwadar ports have on the mutual relations between Pakistan and Iran? It seems that the flourishing of strategic capacities of Chabahar and Gwadar ports in the field of services, transit, economy and increasing convergence and regional solidarity between the two ports and thus increasing the level of services and transit and revenue of the two regions, has a direct impact on capacity development. Economic development in the deprived areas of the two ports, as well as the quantitative and qualitative expansion of Pakistan-Iran relations.

As two strong players in the Middle East, Turkey and Saudi Arabia greatly influence the regional equations. In 2002, the Justice and Development Party's rise to power in Turkey profoundly changed the nation’s foreign policy. Ahmet Davutoğlu's ideas are known as “Neo-Ottomanism”. The 2011 Arab uprisings changed relations between the two countries from cooperation (since the Justice and Development Party's rise to power) to competition and conflict, with Turkey and Saudi Arabia adopting different and opposing policies towards Qatar. The main research question is, how has Neo-Ottomanism affected the regional relations between Turkey and Saudi Arabia (emphasis on Qatar)? The main research objective is explaining how neo-Ottomanism affects the regional relationship between Turkey and Saudi Arabia (emphasis on Qatar). This descriptive-analytical study concludes that due to Qatar's support for Iran in the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in 2017, Turkey and Saudi Arabia's conflict of interests on account of the Arab Spring and the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafist discourse led to the Turkey-Qatar coalition.

Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are three active countries in the regional developments of West Asia. Following the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, Doha-Ankara relations became closer day by day but Turkey-Saudi Arabia relations due to the closeness of Turkey-Qatar relations, Ankara's support for Doha, Riyadh's and Ankara's contrasting views on the Muslim Brotherhood and regional issues turned towards tension and conflict. The role of the media is important in the closeness of relations and interests, the reduction of tensions or the emergence of differences in the perceptions of Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia. The main purpose of this article is to explain the factors affecting the relations between Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia (2011-2020) using the theory of social constructivism with a reflection on the role of the media. In the frame of analytical-descriptive research method the main question is how to explain the foreign policy of Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia (2011-2020) based on the theory of social constructivism with a look at the role of the media. Perceiving the importance and role of the media, Turkey and Qatar, are trying to neutralize the efforts of Saudi Arabia as their ideological rival and presenting themselves as models of progress in the region.

Foreign policy decisions are often based on assumptions about foreign policy actors. Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East was confused from the beginning! But what exactly was his foreign policy? Many critics see this confusion in the president not making the right decision.A simpler and more accurate explanation for the confusion is that Trump's foreign policy did not take on a name. The purpose of this study is to answer the main question of this article: How was the US foreign policy during the Trump presidency based on decision models? The authors' hypothesis is that US foreign policy under Trump was based on a combination of systematic elements, Trump personal characteristics, the influence of domestic issues, bureaucratic policies and personal connections, and "wrong political assumptions" in Trump decisions. The research confirms the hypothesis of the authors of the article. The type of analysis in this research will be descriptive-analytical and the theoretical framework presented is based on decision theories.

Considering the increasing role of Russia and Turkey in the world, including the tensions in Libya, the war in Azerbaijan and Armenia, the increase in Turkey's economic presence in Central Asia and relations with Latin America, as well as the strong economic relations between Ankara and Moscow and the 12% population of Muslims of Turkish origin living in Russia, who always They support Ankara's policies, it can be said that the Syrian crisis has become a tool for bargaining and exchanging points between the two countries Russia and Turkey, and this crisis has had a significant impact on Russia's strategy towards Turkey. The aim of this research is the impact of the Syrian crisis on Russia's strategy towards Turkey. The main question of the research is that what effect has the Syrian crisis had on Russia's strategy towards Turkey? The hypothesis of the research is also proposed as follows: The Syrian crisis caused Russia to try to transform Turkey from an active actor capable of disrupting regional issues to an aligned actor and to remove Turkey from the Western orbit as much as possible. On the basis of contingent realism, he should adopt a cooperative strategy with Turkey. The findings of the research also indicate the proof of this issue. The method of conducting this research is descriptive-analytical.

Oman’s foreign policy during the last five decades has been in line with peaceful approach, neutrality and mediation in some of the crisis of the Persian Gulf region. The main question of this article is that, what impact will the death of Sultan Qaboose have, on the foreign policy of Oman in the Persian Gulf and Middle East region? The hypothesis of this article, which is done, based on the descriptive – analytical way of research, is that, following the death of Sultan Qaboos and the reaching to thrown of Sultan Haitham bin Tariq, meaningful changes will not take place in the main strategies of the foreign policy of this country, but we will witness some changes in diplomatic procedures and tactics. Findings show that the political and cultural structure of Oman and the position of this country in the regional and global politics and the admirable legacy that the late Sulatn Qaboos left inside and outside the county, will cause the new Sultan to continue the current foreign policy of Oman, which is based on positive neutrality. At the same time, he will try to adopt special tactics and innovations to show his own special personality to his own nation and to the region. This important point probably will cause some differences in the way of foreign policy, in comparison to the previous Sultan.

Hizb ut-Tahrir as a transnational Islamic movement, aims to unify Muslims worldwide under a single Caliphate and they consider Muslim Countries as the priority. Since the majority of the population of the five Central Asian Republics, including Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, are Muslim states, HT is playing an important and active role in the region. The study focuses on the approaches of those five Central Asian republics to Hizb ut-Tahrir. The article shows what policies have used to control this social movement among people in those countries. The question of this research is what are the approaches of Central Asian Republics to Hizb ut-Tahrir in their policies? Hizb ut-tahrir plays a significant role in expanding the extremism inside the republics and whole region. The main purpose is to identify the policies of the five countries in the region. The article tries to fill this scientific gap by considering the lack of previous research on the subject and the importance of the issue. The research is a comparative study with the descriptive-analytical approach and the method of data collection is library and Internet resources.Key words: Central Asia, Hizb ut-Tahrir, Extremism, Political party, Islamic party, social movement

From the time of mercantilism onwards, international trade has always been an arena of geopolitical rivalry, and the unipolar international order that emerged after the end of the cold war essentially created a special security architecture in the strategic Middle East so that it could maintain its status quo. Powers inevitably have to choose between two options to work within the framework or to challenge it. This paper examines the competition between the US and china in the form of strategic hedging and under the global value chain structure. The authors will seek to answer the question: What is china's middle east economic strategy in competition with the US? The research hypothesis is that China's middle East economic strategy in competing with the US is targeted influence through the most effective sections of the international value chain. The research findings are based on its explanatory-analytical method, that in the Middle East look, China according to the United States' efforts to build a unified trade front to counter Beijing's state-owned capitalism and in order to reduce its energy security risk, has focused on technology security at targeting growth in the value chain hierarchy and gaining a foothold at its highest levels.

Explanation of the factors affecting the role of Oman in the stability of thePersian Gulf region AbstractThe Persian Gulf region is one of the most sensitive and critical regions of the world. In a region with this characteristic, Oman has been able to play a role in maintaining its stability. The question of this research is, “What factors have influenced the foreign policy of Oman on providing stability in the Persian Gulf region?” The hypothesis of this study is that, “Geopolitical factors, Economic factors, the role of Sultan Qaboos, internal stability and religious believes, have influenced the foreign policy orientation of this country in the form of adoption of positive neutrality, and this important issue, for its part, has caused Oman to play a role in stabilizing the Persian Gulf region”. In this research, descriptive – analytical method is used, and library method is used for gathering data. The findings of this study show that, Oman, in recent decades, understanding the importance of maintaining the stability in the region, has always tried to prevent the spread of any tension and crisis in this region, using diplomatic means. This country, has been able to play a role in establishing stability in the Persian Gulf region, through its diplomatic power and gaining the trust of other regional actors and parties involved in the crisis, despite lack of material tools of power. Key words: foreign policy, Oman, Persian Gulf, positive neutrality, stability

This paper aims to firstly explain the significance of the U.S oil independency and its consequences on the U.S foreign strategy in international politics. Secondly, the implications of this energy policy on the U.S foreign policy in the international system context is examined. The hypothesis to address these inquiries is postulated using neo-realism theory. Accordingly, following oil independency by the U.S government has lowered vulnerability to geopolitical developments in oil-rich regions, particularly Middle East and North Africa (MENA), and has reinforced the hegemony of the U.S in rivalry with rising powers, namely China and Russia. In this direction, imposing economic sanctions against large world oil producers such as Russia, Iran and Venezuela, sparking trade war with China, escalating social conflicts and war in the Middle East, and decide to benefit of further shale oil production are among the most important components of the U.S foreign policy toward oil independency accomplishment. According to the neo-realistic method of analysis, energy resources are important elements of power in international system and proportionally, more energy production will lead to more power and security for states. The results of this study show that the U.S effort to exploit unconventional oil and gas resources through the technological revolution is in the framework of a strategy of self-sufficiency in energy production to maximize its power and security and to reduce geopolitical vulnerabilities in terms of dependence on the energy supply needed to maintain the country's hegemony in the international system. As the U.S energy supply increases, its economic and political dependence on other regions and countries has diminished and the country has been able to reduce its vulnerabilities in designing and advancing hegemonic policies.

The hegemony formed by the U.S. which has been successful since the early 1980s, faced a serious challenge at the beginning of the 21st century, because China was seen as a supporter of American capitalism for decades in order to move toward development and change its position, with a new approach to reduce dependence, more control over technology, and hierarchical growth in the international value chain; it laid the groundwork for expanding markets, taking ownership of them, and gaining a greater share of global added value which will be realized with the strategy of dominating the development of new generation technologies. The present study aims to examine the rivalry between the United States and China based on the components of the political economy of neoliberalism and focusing on the role of the international value chain. We will try to answer the main question on how China's strategy towards the U.S. can be analyzed from the perspective of the international value chain. The main hypothesis is that China's strategy in hegemonic rivalry with the U.S. is to control the most beneficial parts of the international value chain to shape the external environment favorably to integrate purposefully into the global capitalist system instead of adapting. The findings from the study are based on the explanatory-descriptive method that what China has planned in recent years as a key element of qualitative and quantitative growth in the value chain ladder among its macro policies are the influence and dominance of the global value chain by role-playing in rules and technical standardization securing the lasting interests of this country by using the existing capacities of the international system.

Georgia has experienced many developments since independence because of the presence of Russia and the West in this country, which has played an important role in making a balance of power between Russia and the West. Therefore, examining the factors that have made Georgia's role important will help to identify the issue. So, the main question in this article is what is the role of Georgia in the balance of power between Russia and the West and its impact on Iran's national security? Our hypothesis is, the role of Georgia is important in the balance of power between Russia and the West due to its unique geopolitical position and its pro-western policies, and this orientation has an important impact on Iran's national security. The hypothesis has been investigated according to the assumptions of Kenneth Waltz's balance of power theory and Mackinder’s geopolitical theory. Findings show that Georgia, as a small country, has felt threatened by Russia and has tried to join the Western structure, which has highlighted Georgia's role in the balance of power between the two sides. The West has used the energy resources of the Caspian Sea to supply its energy and Georgia is playing a key role in this process, which jeopardizes Russia's policy of monopolizing Europe's energy supply. Thus, the Western military presence in Georgia and Russia's monopoly policy to supply energy to the European Union has a negative impact on Iran's national security. The research method is descriptive-explanatory.

The waters of the South Sea of China are among the important international shipping lines and the artery of the world's sea routes.More than half of the world's trade and one-third of shipping is crossing the area. In recent years, the southern shore of the southern shore of China, especially the tin of Malacca and the Solo-Sulawesi Sea (the blue border of three Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines), has been very important for the economic and political development of the countries of the region due to its geographic and geo-economic status. However, maritime trade in this water zone has faced increasing challenges in the field of maritime security threats in recent years. The most important elements of maritime security in the region include piracy, maritime terrorism, human trafficking (one example of organized crime), illegal fishing and marine pollution caused by oil and gas fields at sea. In this area, maritime surveillance is also used as a tactic and source of income for groups associated with terrorist activities and extremism (the Abu Sayf terrorist group).... On the one hand, a significant part of the regional trade in ASEAN is carried out through this sea. The research question is, what is the international and regional legal structure dealing with theft and maritime terrorism? In response to this question, it has been shown that regional states and trans-regional powers display different behaviors. The present study was conducted using descriptive and analytical methods.

Turkey-Saudi Arabia relations between the AKP and the establishment of theAKPin2002,and the adoption of a new foreign policy known as"neo-Ottomanism",have always fluctuated between competition and cooperation.From the beginning of the party's effectiveness and the adoption of a new foreign policy by Ankara, and the beginning of the crisis in Syria,the nature of bilateral relations was cooperative,but as the crisis continued and intensified,Turkey preferred a direct military presence in Syria.The conflict changed and paved the way for a confrontation with Riyadh.TheTurkish military presence itself changed many of the equations in the region and the calculations of the countries,and Saudi Arabia also sought to reduce Iran's influence in the region and Syria.In this article,with an analytical-descriptive method, we seek to explain and answer the question of how neo-Ottomanism has changed the nature of relations between the two countries in the new foreign policy of Turkey and in relations with other countries,especially Saudi Arabia.In the Syrian crisis,the country has competed and fought in the form of cooperation.In answer to this question,we will use the hypothesis that neo-Ottomanism in the Syrian crisis,by creating a conflict of interests and goals,changed the nature of relations between Riyadh and Ankara from the form of cooperation to conflict.

Today, the role of ports as the most pervasive route of trade transit is of great importance in the foreign policy relations of countries in the world of politics, and Iran is no exception. Accordingly, this study was conducted with the aim of evaluating and analyzing the capacities and impact of Chabahar port in adopting Iran's political approaches in the region and the international system It also explains the opportunities and challenges ahead from a critical geopolitical perspective. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and the method of collecting library information is by emphasizing and citing political and commercial reports and documents. The findings of this study indicate that one of the most basic criteria of regional and international political relations of Iran regarding countries such as Pakistan, India, China and Afghanistan is explained based on the development policies of Chabahar port.

Following the conclusion of the so-called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) between Iran and the P5 + 1 countries and Trump's decision to unilaterally withdraw the United States in 2018, Hundreds of sanctions which were targeting economic, political, and military sectors was applied on Iran by the Donald Trump. Now in the United States, we are facing the new administration that the new president, Joe Biden, is seeking to return to JCPOA, if Iran returns to its obligations under it. What can be the reaction of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the meantime? Therefore, this paper aims to answer the question that, among the various scenarios including; US Withdrawal from JCPOA and Iran's gradual withdrawal; negotiating with the United States for JCPOA Plus; returning of US to JCPOA and cancellation of US Secondary Sanctions and the Security Council sanctions; leaving JCPOA and NPT and Activation of snapback mechanism and reference of Iran's nuclear case to the UN Security Council, which one is desirable Scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran?. The research findings indicate that returning of US to JCPOA and cancellation of US Secondary Sanctions and the Security Council sanctions is a desirable Scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is futures studies based on the scenario writing method which, while examining the forerunners and uncertainties, analyzes the views of experts about the upcoming scenarios.