فهرست مطالب vahideh ahmadi

The diverse and numerous issues concerning women in the Islamic Republic of Iran lack a singular characteristic and vary in their significance. For this, policy-makers cannot address all these issues simultaneously. Hence, effective decision-making necessitates a comprehensive understanding of these and their appropriate prioritization. This study aims to identify and categorize these issues based on their impact and relevance, thereby aiding policy-makers in their decision-making process. The key questions we seek to answer are: What are the current critical issues concerning women? What challenges does the decision-making structure encounter in the realm of women’s issues? How do these issues interrelate? Which of these issues should be the primary focus and priority for decision-makers and politicians?In scrutinizing these issues, prioritizing governance frameworks and policy-making necessities is crucial. However, the perspectives and attitudes of women towards their social, political, legal, and economic world - their current demands - are equally central. Essentially, women’s issues are characterized by their emergence from the interaction between political system and society. The persistence of these issues could pose challenges for governance.

This study employs a methodology that includes gathering expert opinions through surveys, brainstorming sessions, and elite meetings. These insights are then processed using MicMac software to measure the indirect effects of the components on each other, thereby determining the position and priority of each strategic issue within the Islamic Republic of Iran. To address the research questions, the study is structured into five sections, in addition to the introduction. These sections include an examination of strategic issues in the women's field; ranking of women's issues; issue analysis; cause chain analysis; and strategic recommendations.

The primary focus of policy-makers should be on transforming four key components: lateness of religious jurisprudence (ijtihad), the crisis of political representation, securitization, and politicization. Without progress in these four areas, significant development in other issues is far-fetched. The common thread linking these four challenges is the lack of a genuine and accurate understanding of social changes in the realm of women. Precise and authentic knowledge, facilitated by intellectual elites, is the government's first necessary step toward addressing these issues. These elites can equip policy-makers with a comprehensive and inclusive perspective on Iran's social changes concerning women.The “insufficiency of domestic authorities to address women’s issues” in comparison to foreign ones, and “the opposition’s exploitation of the government’s neglect of women’s demands” are two dependent variables. These variables are influenced by all factors but have minimal impact on them. To address these issues, policy-makers should concentrate on key determinants and reinforcing factors. These include “the gap between women’s formal and informal lifestyles” and “neglect of women’s emerging demands.” Identifying an effective solution to these two issues could significantly enhance governance efficiency in relation to women and mitigate costly repercussions. Abandoning the “marginalization” approach and adopting policies that acknowledge and respect diverse preferences is the fundamental basis of policy-making in this field.While identifying all aspects of women’s informal lifestyle may challenge certain facets of the Iranian-Islamic identity desired by the state, articulating the current situation and future outlook necessitates flexibility to surmount serious challenges and threats. Indeed, the state should treat this issue with utmost seriousness to prevent civil disobedience from becoming a societal conflict with itself. In other words, policies that could potentially transform women’s lifestyles into a battleground against the political system should be avoided.It's worth noting that employing harsh methods to address this issue could potentially amplify its scope and depth, fostering growing empathy with manifestations of disobedience and ultimately leading to a decline in domestic authority. Demonstrating pliability towards some of the women's demands and acknowledging certain aspects of their lifestyle does not conflict with the values of the political system. Rather, it is a necessary action, which can help prevent certain outcomes that could disrupt social order.For instance, objections to granting motorcycle licenses to women may drive them to obtain international licenses, which are also recognized by Iranian courts. Ultimately, this means that policy-makers have to accommodate a demand related to the informal lifestyle. This situation sets a precedent where people realize that their demands will only be met through coercion and civil disobedience; a model that could have costly implications for the political system.Another aspect that policy-makers are compelled to consider and effect changes in, pertains to regulatory issues that serve a moderating role. Given that most regulatory issues are agent-oriented, policy-makers encounter fewer constraints in managing and controlling these issues compared to structural ones. In this context, the political system can make proper changes in these types of problems with measures that are not overly long-term or structural.In this study, “Policies conflicting with women's sense of discretion and dignity” have been identified as a regulatory component. This issue pertains to policies that, whether at the advertising and announcement stage or the implementation stage, wrongly target women. To mitigate the impact of this problem and address its consequences, policy-makers should reassess some of these policies and pursue the intended objectives through alternative approaches.

In general, the study’s findings highlight the following as key factors impacting women’s issues:  Neglect of women’s social developments in religious jurisprudence (ijtihad); Crisis of political representation and the predominantly masculine structure of decision-making andpolicy-making; Perceiving women’s demands as a threat and securitizing those; and Politicization of women’s issues and incorrect prioritization of their concerns.

Secret diplomacy has been one of the important elements of the Israeli diplomatic system. The establishment of Israel, contrary to the legitimate and acceptable processes of nation-building, which resulted in a threatening external environment, the hostile approach of the surrounding countries, and the lack of formal diplomatic ties, is the most important reason for relying on Secret diplomacy by this regime. By promoting Secret diplomacy, Israel has been able to achieve one of the most important achievements of its regional relations, i.e. the transition from the Secret state of diplomatic relations to open diplomacy in the form of signing the Abraham Accords. This article tries to answer this question: What are the historical contexts of Secret diplomacy in Israel? What institutions and channels have promoted it? What capacities has Israel used to advance its secret diplomacy in this regard?What capacities has Israel used to advance its secret diplomacy in this regard?

Tax evasion is considered an important challenge, especially in developing countries. One of the models that can be used to identify the social and behavioral dimensions of tax evasion is the agent-based model. These models are based on simulation techniques that consider a system of agents and their relationships. In this study, this method has been used to study the structure of tax evasion in different occupational groups. The information on the occupational groups has been extracted from the results of the statistics from the expenditure and income plan of the country's households from 2001-to 2019. Three occupational groups of public sector jobs, low-income self-employed jobs, and high-income self-employed jobs have been evaluated. Three scenarios are embedded. In the first scenario (the honesty of all agents) and the second (assumption of tax evasion), the effect of risk aversion on job selection is evaluated. In the third scenario, the decision model for tax evasion is designed, taking into account behavioral factors and social interactions. Evaluation of behavioral parameters of the model shows that in moving from low-risk self-employed to high-risk self-employed, the coefficient of social norms decreases, and the coefficient of tax evasion increases. The results show that with changes in tax rates and fines, tax evasion changes with a very slope. In other words, policies to increase tax rates and penalties in the presence of behavioral factors do not significantly deter individuals from tax evasion

Increasing the water consumption, climate change, and water resource management inefficiencies in many South-west Asian countries have been associated with threats to water security, intensified rivalry, and hydro-political tensions. In the meantime, a large part of the Zionist regime's territory is justified in connection with access to the water resources of the peripheral countries. However, over the past decade and a half, the change in the compatible management model to water scarcity and advanced water desalination technology has put the regime in a position to be a pioneer in the field and supply of new water technology in addition to meeting its water needs. Meanwhile, other actors are facing serious problems in this regard. According to the authors, the regional foreign policy of the Zionist regime, based on the hydro-political considerations, has led to redefining the role of this regime in the region; in a way that a new territory can be defined based on it.

Taxes, as the most important source of government revenue and one of the economic policy instruments, play a key role in development policies. In this study, the evolution process of different models of tax evasion (from neoclassical approach to behavioral economics) is investigated, also the assumptions and variables of these models are analyzed. Then, using the analytical hierarchy process (AHP) based on the opinions of tax experts, the factors affecting tax evasion are ranked in different models to determine which model is superior in explaining and measuring the factors affecting tax evasion in Iran. The results show that instability of preferences, loss avoidance, and ambiguity avoidance are the main factors influencing tax evasion. Correspondingly, rational behavior and behavioral adaptation have the least explanatory power as regards tax evasion in Iran. Based on the results, in analyzing and measuring Iranchr('39')s tax evasion, a paradigm shift towards behavioral economy models is needed.

Formation of the concept of security in Iran, in the most obvious way possible in the constitutionalism era, if not started, at least must be said to have peaked and evolved with a wide range and intensity in the historical-political developments of this land; In a way that in the fifth decade of the Islamic Revolution, a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of it in the form of security governance has been the basis for scholars to study. However, the concept of security can be traced back to ancient times, when the term was an unknown and unfamiliar phenomenon in theology. The concept of security in this context, in its simple sense, means, order, stability, caution from anxiety and danger emanating from the ruling apparatus. Organizing the relationship between the state or government and the subjects (citizens), or in the post-constitutionalism -the nation- with the aim of expanding the power of the Shah and the continuation of his powerful monarchy, has been an important turning point in the cognitive thinking of security in the Iranian intellectual system.

The Zionist extremists' different interpretations of political decisions and their approaches and ideas on how to deal with domestic issues have been challenging for its political structure since the establishment of the Zionist regime. This article examines the nature, extent and type of extremist challenge for this regime and the approach of the political structure in dealing with them. The main question is: what kind of extremists is the most important challenges for the Zionist regime and what is the approach of the regime political structure in response to it? The hypothesis is that the "pragmatic right-wing extremists" have created the most important challenges for the Zionist regime and the political structure has selected the policy of selective confrontation in response to them; Taken some of them seriously and neglected others. The findings show that the extremists' current challenge to the political structure of the Zionist regime has diminished; Because they reorganize themselves within the framework of dynamic parties and are compatible with the political climate, in order to effectively influence the decision-making space of this regime and thus pursue their interests.

The policy of confrontation between the Zionist regime and the Islamic Republic of Iran has always been pursued by both sides. However, in explaining the mutual strategies of the two sides, regardless of the historical course and conditions of each period, overgeneralization and even slogan dimensions have been given priority. Considering the necessity of a comprehensive cognizance of the strategies of this regime, especially considering the course of developments in the foreign arena such as JCPOA and the importance of using the strengths and weaknesses of these strategies in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this paper raises the question of what strategy or strategies the Zionist regime has adopted against the Islamic Republic of Iran since the inception of the revolution, and in return, what strategies has Iran followed? The hypothesis of the paper is that the Zionist regime has so far pursued its policies in the form of four strategies, ranging from efforts to seek cooperation to active militancy. The Islamic Republic of Iran, on the other hand, has adopted two specific strategies to counter this regime.

Considering the Israel’s economic relationship with its neighboring peripheral countries, the author of this paper argues that this relationship is coverage and indeed the Israeli regimes seeks for normalization of diplomatic relationship and so to develop a security relationship. According to her findings in this paper, the Israeli regional economic relationship is based on three types of models as follows: a durable economic relationship with the aim of increase of tension; low-return relationship with the aim of influence in the strategic regions and diplomatic influence to normalize and develop the security relationship.In order to illustrate these models, Israel’s economic relationship with Jordan, Egypt, Turkey, Kurdistan of Iraq and some other Arab countries have been analyzed.

Jewish identity of Israel، one of the major problems in assessing the status of sociology، social policy and political structure. The mainstream Zionist discourse، suggests that the distinction is one of the essential components of Jewish identit. This has led to direct and control the political behavior of the inhabitants of the political structure in order to facilitate the continuation and preservation of Zionism. This paper aims to answer the question on the minds of Jewish Israeli identity distinctions how it is constructed and reproduced? This study will show that the dominant class of Zionism، the capital symbolic distinctions of Jewish identity in the mental space to maintain the strategy، the reproduction is made​​.

Construction and regeneration of the Jewish identity based on Zionist discourse, currently perused and undergone by the Israeli government, both at domestic and international levels, is one of the important processes in the said discourse. A scrutiny and illustration of various aspects of this mechanism will lead to revealing the hidden layers of the Zionist behavior and approach at internal and external levels. Given the importance of the way of constructing the Jewish identity concurrent with the Zionist discourse, the paper intends to answer the question of regeneration of the Jewish identity within the framework of its own purposes. Thus it argues that the Zionist discourse is generating the Jewish identity through a distinction construct, while emphasizing Anti-Semitism, organizing the Jews in the Zionist distinction groupings and taking position against “other” identities consistent with the above said purposes.

One of goals of deconstruction is to overthrow and create suspicion in the basic concepts of political ideologies because it is presumed that there are constructed meanings at the foundation of political ideologies which we presumed to be stabilized them because of linguistic، systemic and historical factors. As one of this deconstructionists، Paul de Man has focused on literary language in order to float the hidden meanings in political ideologies and respond to the question that why they are acceptable. He regards the features of literary language as a strong reason for discrediting the motives and concepts of political ideologies. Given this assumption، this article tries to respond this question: What trends in linguistic sphere have made political ideologies acceptable for their audiences and how does poststructuralist critique make it justified to discredit this trend? The author tries to deal with the stages of this trend in Paul de Man''s thought، meanwhile examine Fredric Jameson''s views as the critic of de Man''s theory.

Using Battese and Coelli (1992) Error Component Frontier Model, the cost function of four electricity distribution companies in Khorasan Province is estimated by maximum likelihood method for the period 1372-1381. The results indicate that load factor and customer density are negatively whereas number of distributed electricity is positively correlated with costs of the companies. In addition, based on estimated coefficients of cost model, there is diseconomies of scale in the electricity distribution companies. Estimated average efficiency cost is 3.98 which denotes high inefficiency in cost allocation of the companies.

Using Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA), this paper examines relative performance of electricity distribution companies in Iran.Technical efficiency (overall and pure) and scale efficiency are calculated for 42 Iranian electricity distribution companies in 1381. In addition, total factor productivity growth based on Malmquist Productivity Index, is calculated for the companies during 1377-1380. The results indicate that inactivity at optimum scale is the most important factor of inefficiency and labor acquirements have no effect on companies efficiency. In addition, most of companies are operating at increasing returns to scale area. Based on Malmquist Productivity Index, estimation of total factor productivity growth is negative during 1377-1380 which can be related to using old equipments in electricity distribution networks by the companies.