جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « سودان » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

A series of events since 2011 made the international world undergo changes that affected the Middle East and North Africa region more than before; From Syria, to Yemen, and today, when the crisis has spread in Sudan, this country with a complex population composition, although it is generally divided into Arab and African descent, but the social layers of the population are more diverse and add to the internal chaos of this country and the background It has become a source of foreign interference. So this question is important that why and how the roots of this internal turmoil become the basis for foreign interference? It seems that the main reason for this problem is the political structure and the lack of authority in this country, which still remains in a pre-modern tribal-monarchy system; Although modern institutions such as parliament, army, etc. can be seen, many coups in this country have increased the severity of this intolerance and the lack of formation of institutions based on political function and prevented the construction of a rational bureaucratic system and the emergence of tolerant political agents. In this regard, this research investigates and analyzes by collecting the necessary data through library and internet data and using a descriptive-analytical method, and at first it has an overview of Sudan's past and internal problems (economic, political, etc.) and then deals with current events and discusses and interprets the set of influential factors and interventions; This discussions will show why the internal disturbances and foreign interventions of this country have been talked about.

The Quran is a source of Arabic resources, and its significance and value is recognized when compared to other books. The Holy Quran and its high contents are undoubtedly among the most important sources of Arabic poetry, so many poets were inspired by its subjects and personalities that were the axis of their great literary productions. Intertextuality is a new phenomenon of an old concept that emerged as a result of linguistic studies in the West. It was rooted in the ancient critical studies with different terms such as quotation, inclusion, citation, imitation, and similar in modern studies such as application of myth and so on. Quranic intertextuality is considered to be a direct and the most prominent source of poetic experience in modern poetry. This research is an attempt to study this phenomenon in Muhammad Miftah al-Fittouri's poetry (contemporary Sudanese poet) to obtain information of the most prominent forms of intertextuality in his poetry (the present text) from the Holy Quran (the absent text). It is concluded by this research that Fittouri's poetry is influenced directly or indirectly by the Holy Quran.

There has been a great deal written about the relationship between sharia law and international human rights law, particularly with regards to the treatment of women.  The tensions between sharia law and international law norms of equality and non-discrimination have been well documented, and the possibilities for interpreting sharia law in a manner that accords with international human rights law have been insightfully explored by scholars of human rights and Islamic law. It has been shown that Islam is a religion of peace, tolerance, justice and equality.  It has been said that the Qur’anic passages describing the role of women should be understood in the context in which they were written, which was a time in history in which women were seen as vastly inferior to men in almost every society throughout the world, particularly in the Arabian peninsula.  Read in this context, it is argued, Islam must be seen as an advocate for gender equality, and should thus be interpreted as standing for gender equality today. This paper argues that, while this may indeed be the preferred interpretation of Islam, this is of little assistance to women in countries such as Sudan whose national legislation enshrines and enforces the most discriminatory aspects of sharia law.

Removing of immunity from elements of international crimes in accordance with provisions of Article 27 of Statute is Cooperation’ prospect of members with the ICC. However, this cooperation is specific to members and to their status. Sudan is not a member of the ICC. Referral of his condition and the need for his cooperation with the ICC is not due to his membership, but because of the resolution, which has serious ambiguities regarding the recognition of Sudan's membership in the Statute and removing of immunity. This situation has led to the confrontation between the AU and its members with the ICC, that is purpose and subject of this article. Research question is; what is impact of confrontation between the AU and its members with the ICC on international judicial procedures? The findings of this study indicate that Judicial proceeding of the ICC has not only failed to narrow the scope of this confrontation for more than a decade, but also has been weakened by the lack of cooperation of AU's member states in the arrest of Al-Bashir. This approach adversely affects the status of the ICC on protection of Security Council in Sudan's situation, which is becoming increasingly evident.

The cooperation of Parties and non-parties with the International Criminal Court is one of the most important factors for the realization of justice by this institution. The commitment of states in this area is based, as the case may be, on the Statute of this institution or on the Security Council resolution, or both. When referring the situation by the Security Council, the basis for cooperation for non-member States, is the resolution of this council, and for States Parties, is the statute. If the resolution of the Council entails the commitment of the members to cooperate, then both the statute and the resolution shall be considered as binding sources. This article, while investigating the legal foundations of a commitment to cooperation of non-member states with the Court, concludes that although the Security Council is able to impose obligations beyond the statute to non-member states, it has not yet exercised its discretion with regard to the cases of Sudan and Libya. Therefore, the commitment of such states to "full cooperation" with the Court should be regarded as a commitment based on the Statute.

The Nile plays a key role in the economies of Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia, and is a major driver of competition between them. Despite the competition between the three countries, they had no challenge until the early 1990s. But since then, as a result of increasing demand, the competition for the Nile water rights increased as a result of the Ethiopian government's move to build the Renaissance Dam in 2011. This descriptive-analytical study explores the impact of the Nile hydropolitics on geopolitical relations between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia. The findings of this study indicate that colonial conventions, the lack of a proper mechanism for water division, population growth, agricultural and industrial development in the Nile Basin, the construction of the Renaissance Dam in Ethiopia, and finally the involvement of foreign powers have caused the Nile Basin became an area of hydropolitical competition between the beneficiary countries. Consequently, due to the insistence of the upstream countries on the fair share of the Nile water, the Nile Hydropolicy will create the “geopolitical confrontation” among the three countries.

No country can maintain its political, economic and social stability without having sufficient water. Due to population growth and the development of industries, freshwater resources and access to them has become a "geopolitical crisis" in some countries. A striking example is a dispute between the three states of Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt over the water right from the Nile River. Although there are about eleven countries, locating along the Nile River route and each complaining about its share of water, the largest disagreement on how to exploit the Nile is among the mentioned three countries as they do not use the same amount of water from the Nile. The highest level of water from the Nile is consumed by Egypt and Sudan. In recent years, issues such as population growth and the urgent need for water for domestic and agricultural use have led Ethiopia to demand a fair share of the Nile water. Therefore, in 2011, Ethiopia started constructing the Renaissance Dam, which will have negative consequences for the downstream countries.

This theoretical study employs a descriptive-analytical method. The data are collected using a library technique from different books, articles, first-hand references, and valid internet resources. The study explores the impact of the Nile hydropolitics on geopolitical relations between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Accordingly, it is hypothesized that the Nile has placed Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia on the verge of a geopolitical confrontation.

Heterogeneous rainfall distribution contributes to the irregular distribution of freshwater worldwide, with 40 percent of the world’s land mass being located in North Africa, Australia, and the Middle East, which holds only 2 percent of the world's freshwater resources. The war on water is one of the most repetitive events in history, and the likelihood of it happening again in the future has increased. A striking example is the dispute between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia over the exploitation of the Nile and the construction of dams on it. The need for water for consumption and agriculture led to the conclusion of the agreement on the exploitation of the Nile between Britain and Italy in 1920, whereby about 48 billion cubic meters of water entered Egypt annually and about 4 billion cubic meters were Sudan's share. The proposal to build a major dam in Aswan revealed the necessity of revising the 1929 agreement. As a result, another agreement was signed for the full exploitation of the Nile water, whereby Egypt received 55 billion m3 of water annually, while Sudan received a share of 18.5 billion m3. After many years of exploiting Egypt, the Britain turned to Sudan and Ethiopia in the upper part of the Nile in order to produce more cotton and wheat. Dam construction on the Nile continued nonstop, but peaked in the 1960s, with a greater number of dams built on the Nile by Sudan and Ethiopia. Such a process was not pleasing to Egypt in the Lower Nile and led to the construction of the Aswan High Dam in 1970 by Egypt.

Since the mid-1990s, a result of the growing demand for new irrigation schemes, population growth, and a higher standard of living, the competition for the Nile water rights increased, resulting in the 1999 Nile Basin Initiative Agreement, which later on proved to be ineffective, followed by another agreement, known as Entebbe Agreement, between Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. But Sudan and Egypt refused to sign the agreement, saying their rights had been ignored in the agreement.

In 2011 amid protests by the Nile Basin countries, the Ethiopian government began the construction of a dam that was strongly opposed by Egypt and Sudan that believed exploiting this dam is a Renaissance in Ethiopia, but it is beginning to ruin them. Egypt has a pessimistic view of its construction and regards it almost like a barrier to its boom. In contrast, Sudan is less concerned. Although the dam has made 60% physical progress, its operation is still undecided because of its threat to Egypt and its destructive effects on human and agricultural life.

Although competition for water use between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia continued in the following decades, as a result of the increasing demand for water, the competition for the Nile water rights has intensified from the 1990s onward especially when the Ethiopian government started the construction of the Renaissance Dam in 2011. The Egyptians believed that the construction of the dam would damage their country. But Ethiopia considered the fair exploitation of the Nile as its natural right, and the negotiations between the two countries so far have not yielded a positive result. Thus, if the upstream countries insist on a fair share of Nile water, it will cause significant damage to Egypt's drinking, agriculture and tourism water and to some extent to Sudan.

Although most characters in Tayeb Salih – Sudanic author – are from the traditional, Arabic and African Sudan; the colony country of England with unpleasant experiences of post-colonial era – his attitude is philanthropy and free of political, social, color, racism, sex and religious orientation. Iranian poets and authors' affect by social and political conditions is confirmed and inevitable by most of the scholars and literary men. Mirza Mohammad Farrokhi Yazdi is also affected by social and political conditions. The aim of the present article is to introduce Tayeb Salih and his novels to the Iranian academic society and express his view point on social phenomena in his novels. The applied method is librarian or documented and the data has been collected by note taking.

The foreign policy of any country in the international system is the outcome of variables inside and outside the borders of that country. This is also relevant for the countries of North Africa. The depth of anti-Zionist culture among Muslim communities in North Africa and the root of the culture of resistance derived from anti-colonial struggles has made attention to the issue of Palestine and resistance groups one of the main features of these societies and foreign policy of these countries, although the influence of some components Has removed them from this path.
The main question is that what is the position of the North African countries (Sudan and Algeria) in supporting resistance and its components? According to the main question, the purpose of this paper is to examine the positions, policies and components that affect the foreign policy of North African countries in supporting groups and the axis of resistance. In this article, the foreign policy of Sudan and Algeria will be examined as a case study. Research findings show that, in spite of the deepening of the anti-Zionist culture and the support of resistance groups in North African countries, to the extent that these countries have weakness and economic dependence, their foreign policy in various fields, in particular support for the axis Resistance is variable. In this paper, we try to answer the question of this article by using a descriptive-analytical method and library tools and internet resources.

One of the most important mechanisms and tools for attaining the goals of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iranian which are based on fostering the Iranian-Islamic culture is to develop and pursue an effective cultural diplomacy. This is of critical importance in Sudan as one of the countries with the most permissive attitudes towards the Sufi movements. Despite the presence of two intellectual-cultural movements, Sufism and Shiasm in Sudan, currently the active presence of Wahhabi currents poses a serious threat to these two movements. It seems that pathology of the cultural diplomacy of Iran in Sudan could pave the way for development of cultural relations and countering the threats to the relationship between Iran and the Sudan.
In order to identify the opportunities and weaknesses of cultural diplomacy of Iran at Sudan, this study seeks to explain the cultural and religious movementsin this country. The main objective of this study is to answer the fundamental question of "what religious and cultural currents exist in Sudan?" The hypothesis of this paper is that three important cultural-religious movements are found in Sudan: Sufism, Shiasm, and Wahhabism. In this paper, descriptive-analytical method and library research were used to answer the main research question.

Since Iran's Islamic revolution, Israel has tried, on the one hand, to make Iran's regional areas insecure and uncertain with its presence in the environment of Islamic Republic and, on the other, cause damage to Iran's regional connection by intercepting Iranian policies in its environment. In the meantime, Tel Aviv is faced with both opportunities and limitations.During the past three decades, Azerbaijan, due to the Aliyev family's old relations with Israeli leaders and because of its fear of Iran's Islamic revolution influence on the countrie's Shiites, was subjugated to the impact and opposition policies of the Zionist Regime. Yet, there have been various issues, sometimes with a degree of exaggeration, about this relationship and its continuity.Sudan was among the first African countries which experienced the fall of a West- dependent Arab regime and the rise of an Islamic state in 1985. Because of its size, population, economic status and access to the Red Sea, Sudan soon turned into a major threat to Tel Aviv. When Hamas emerged in the occupied Palestinian territories, Khartoum became one of the most important supporters of the movement. Therefore, security and political behavior of Sudanese government has been under Israeli consideration, which led to several unilateral airstrikes of regime's army against areas in Sudan.The present paper seeks to study the degree of influence or effectiveness of the Zionist Regime on political-security process in the two countries, Azerbaijan and Sudan. It, also, analyses things related to Iran's national interests and security in these countries.

Precipitation is the first important parameter in studying dry and wet years. It has a direct relation with precipitation systems entering Iran and the sources of humidity which inject humidity into those systems.
Studies performed on Sudanese system indicate that precipitation in southern parts of the country have a close relation with the activities of this system in cold days of the year and it plays the most important role in heavy rainfalls. Reviewing synoptic maps of high and low precipitation reveals that two different dominating patterns exist in the area. In the high precipitation pattern, Sudanese low pressure is located on the South West of the Red Sea and continues toward North East and influences South and South West of Iran.
This pattern dominates South East of the Arabian Peninsula. It inject heat and humidity from the Oman Sea and the Arabian Sea on one hand and the Adan Gulf and the Red Sea on the other hand to the mentioned systems. Then, this heat and humidity enters Iran Southern area with the Sudanese system. Due to the deepening of east Mediterranean trough, and the falling of cold weather from eastern latitudes in the Sudanese system, the system becomes extremely powerful and changes into dynamic status, creating a heavy rainfall on the area. In the weak precipitation pattern, Sudanese low pressure system is extremely weak and it crosses the southern areas of the Arabian Peninsula in east-west direction. Moreover in this pattern, a cyclone system covers South Eastern areas of the Arabian Peninsula.

In this paper by considering the importance of the independence of South Sudan in 2011 and the breakup of one of the largest African countries, and considering the influence of two main factors including internal and foreigner factors in the process of South Sudan independence, is seeking to understand the influence of these factors on the independence of South Sudan. Present paper attempts to describe several issues related to Sudan including the conflict in southern Sudan and northern Sudan since independence until the beginning of the new century, Bashir’s government policy towards regional issues, and the motives and interests of America's foreign policy toward Sudan and the entire region. Findings of this study showed that since Sudan's independence in the 1950s, except for a brief period of peace during presidency of J. Alnmyry, was involved in the crisis of civil war between southern rebels and the central government. However several factors such as the pressure of America on the Sudanese government at the beginning of the current century, support of southern rebels by various countries such as US, Uganda, Kenya, Libya and Egypt, and the motivation to control the energy resources of Sudan, the financial and informational supports of southern rebels by the Zionistic regime, and lack of association between Sudan's Islamist government with regional policies of other countries resulted in accelerate the process of independence and separation of southern Sudan from the central government.

Possessing one the most diverse culture and socity, sudan is a hot bed for messianic claims, fundamentalist trends and shia and the most important one Ikhwan al muslimeen. With this main trend, Sudanese Islamic movement established the first Islamic Arab state in 1989; the author believes that different thinking – base, and different impressions of Islamic principles, distinguishes the Islamic movements. The paper will assess the political, social, economic, military and international experiences. Upping Against numerous ups downs, the state, achieved certain progress of development.

Sudan enjoys significant geopolitical position in the Dark Continent as the largest country in Africa. The vast outspread of this country bearing natural sources such as oil, gold and a variety of mine sources has given high diversity to this country. Also, Sudan bears a prominent status in the region and the Islamic world in political and cultural aspects. Therefore, it has constantly been a prey for the colonizers and one of the most important spots for great international disputes. A review of the transformations in the region level and this country shows that several of the crises, added to the internal and regional disputes, particularly disputes of the district countries with Sudan, has been based on the benefits and desires of colonizing and beyond district countries. On the other hand the opposition of certain country parts with the central government and the enforcement of one-sided policies by the central government, in addition to the crises in the south of the country, has gradually led to crises in identity, resource distribution and ultimately civil war between the central government and the countries in dealing with forming minorities of country's geography, lauding to that which racial and linguistic discrimination, it's managed properly, not only results to political divergence; But also strengthen the country's political unity. Thus type of interaction and policy of ruling construct to Kurdish minority in Turkey will determine Kurdish behavior construct.So that the positive interaction of Ottoman Empire leads to political divergence and strengthen imperial authority, But non –making extrovert – interaction for centralization of power and establishment, of nation – state in Turkey, which have a lot of minorities, towards Kurdish People have been cursed to ethnic conflicts, political regional–orientation, and ultimately to political divergence.

With referral of Darfur situation following the report of the UN Commission of Inquiry, established by the Secretary General pursuant to SC Res. 1564(2004), to ICC prosecutor and issuance of the warrant of arrest against Sudna’s Omar al Bashir by pre-trial Chamber, International Community has faced a great challenge. Sudanese government and its supporters among Arab and African countries and also members of Islamic Conference Organization and some nonpermanent members of the Security Council opposed the warrant saying it would complicate the peace process in Sudan and might pose a threat to the international security. They request to defer the proceedings against Omar al-Basher under article 16 of the ICC. In contrast, ICC prosecutor and some permanent members of the Council as well as U.S. supported the issuance of the arrest warrant against Omar al Bashir and considered the request for suspension unjustified. This paper tries to echo the reactions of the states, international organizations and other international actors and at the same time discuss the possibility of a request by UN Security Council for deferring the proceedings against al Basher.