جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « political culture » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

The culture of political participation is the cornerstone of having a dynamic and politically stable society. In societies with an acceptable political participation culture, decision-making will lead to the growth of the society. In this study, an attempt was made to determine the political culture of participation of natives and non-natives of Khuzestan province and the factors affecting it in the first half of 1402. The data collection method was done by survey method to investigate the political participatory culture, through standard questionnaires. In this method, the information and opinions of the citizens of Khuzestan province were collected randomly and through standard questions and analyzed through spss software. The findings of the research showed that being native or not has no effect on people's political participation, which itself shows the effect of other variables such as; Political culture has cultural and especially economic factors on people's political participation. In this regard, the variable effect of people's political attitude on the economic variable was significantly prominent. The results of the study showed that there is no significant difference between natives and non-natives living in Khuzestan province in terms of the culture of political participation as a dependent variable. Also, ethnicity and nativeness in Khuzestan province do not have an obvious effect on the culture of political participation and other variables such as; The variable of intention and political attitude affects the culture of political participation.

The study of Iranian temperament has been a wide-ranging subject that is in a sense under cultural studies that emphasize the relationship between political culture and development. In this article, the main question is what are the characteristics and weaknesses of this approach to Iranian temperament? The main question was the hypothesis that all these studies are based on Berkeley and are ethically ignored and generally consider the consequences of moods in terms of their impact on the category of development. They are neither provable nor, if they are true, specific to Iran, and the attributes attributed to Iranians are the product of relations that will have the same consequences wherever they prevail, and are a general phenomenon in any society within which relations exist. Are caught.specific to Iran, and the attributes attributed to Iranians are the product of relations that will have the same consequences wherever they prevail, and are a general phenomenon in any society within which relations exist. Are caught.

Revolutions have always been in danger of "restoration". This issue has also been raised about the Iranian revolution. From the very beginning days of the victory of the revolution, the monarchists had created an organization abroad with the desire to return the monarchy and started their conspiracies and crimes against the Iranian nation and the Islamic revolution. The royalists and their supporters, with the help of Western governments and some of their politicians, with the tactics of media diplomacy, and to overcome the discourse of the revolution, through the launch of dozens of sites and satellite networks and the cooperation of television channels, such as ManoTo, tried to revive the monarchy project.  But the project of restoring the Sultanate has not only been unsuccessful so far, but sociological evidence (such as the hashtag "you are my lawyer") has also shown that it will not be successful in the future either. In this regard, this research will address the main question of why the media diplomacy tactic has failed in the West's soft war against the Islamic Republic.

The theoretical framework of the article is based on the investigation of the evolution in political culture. Political culture has been defined as follows: patterns of orientation towards political issues, such as parties, courts, the constitution and the history of the state. Orientation means having talent and readiness for political action, which factors such as tradition, historical memories, motivations, norms, feelings, emotions and symbols determine these actions. Orientations can be divided into different types: cognitive orientations, which consist of knowledge and awareness of political issues; emotional orientations, that is, emotions and feelings about political issues; and value orientations, meaning judgments about political issues.The research on political culture evaluates four criteria: (1) How much does a person know about the nation, the political system in its general sense, history, size and position, power, the characteristics of the constitution and things like these? What are the characteristics ofhis emotions? What are his more or less noticed beliefs and judgments about them? (2) What knowledge does he have about the constructions and roles of different political elites and the proposed political policies that exist in the emerging policy-making process? What are his feelings and beliefs about these constructions, leaders and proposed political policies? (3) What knowledge does it have about the downstream flow of policy implementation, structures, people, and decisions involved in these processes? What are his feelings and beliefs about them? (4) How does he identify himself as a member of the political system? What does it know about the rights, powers, obligations and strategies related to access to the point of influence?Discuss:Iran's political culture before the revolution was authoritarian, which was rooted in the patrimonial power structure. The Islamic revolution caused a change in the political culture. The most important factors that caused the transformation in Iran's political culture after the revolution are: the change in the power structure from the monarchy to the republic; the number of elected positions (representatives of parliament, leadership experts, presidency, city council, and the like); Holding multiple elections (once a year on average); the growth of civil parties and institutions; The formation of the public sphere that has enabled dialogue between citizens and elites (especially with the emergence of social networks that have provided a good technological tool for criticism and dialogue). Therefore, with the change in the political culture of Iranian society, the possibility of returning and restoring the monarchy has been lost forever. Therefore, the media actions of royalists for the project of reviving the monarchy could not be successful in principle due to the change of social contexts. Therefore, actions such as media campaigns; Campaign no to mandatory hijab; And the I advocate hashtag basically failed. The media war to overcome the discourse of the Islamic revolution could not be successful, because the political culture of the society was no longer receptive to the monarchy.

Political culture determines the emotional-cognitive basis of how citizens relate to the government. The authoritarian culture of the Pahlavi era, which was the legacy of long centuries of oppressive monarchies in Iran, had created a vertical and authoritarian power structure that did not allow the society to act and participate in politics. This construction of power followed politics in a closed circle and basically promoted a limited political culture. The Islamic revolution changed the political culture of Iran. With the transformation in the political culture, the possibility of reviving the monarchy was lost forever. For this reason, the project of reviving the monarchy, which was followed by the tactic of media diplomacy, could not be successful, because basically the social platforms are no longer receptive to the monarchy and the construction of authoritarian power.

The anti Zandiqeh movement has been a prevalent issue in Iran's political culture throughout history due to the intertwining of religion and politics. However, their applications have varied in each period. During the Qajar era, their applications underwent a transformation due to the clash between tradition and modernity. The question is how did the circumstances of the new era, particularly the influence of European modernity on religious and political reformists, affected the transformation of Zandiqeh? The hypothesis is that in religious-dominated societies like Iran, the applications of Zandiqeh undergo changes in accordance with the requirements of each era. This article seeks to analyze the actions of certain fanatic traditionalists and extremist reformists who, by polarizing society, contributed to the spread of Zandiqeh. Data collection for this article is based on library research and analytical methods. According to the findings, the transformation of Zandiqeh during the Qajar era was influenced not only by religious concerns but also by the cultural and religious conditions of society and personal motives.

The present paper aims to identify the characteristics of the political culture and the revolutionary insight of the police in the thoughts of Grand Ayatollah Imam Khamenei (Madazla Al-Ali). The research method is of a qualitative type and the theme analysis technique has been used to analyze the leadership's statements. The studied material includes all written texts of Imam Khamenei statements about the political culture and revolutionary insight of the police. Selected examples of his statements in three stages of basic, organizing, and inclusive themes have been examined and analyzed by thematic analysis. The findings, according to the analysis and analysis of the content of the Supreme Leader's statements regarding the characteristics of the political culture and revolutionary insight of the police, indicated that in total, 98 basic themes, 23 organizing themes were obtained in 3 overarching themes (insight, charactristic, and action). Therefore, the results of the qualitative findings confirm the fact that the character of the J.A. police is the promotion of political culture and revolutionary insight in the three layers of insight, character and, action. The responsibility of strengthening the political culture and revolutionary insight of the police from an organizational point of view is the responsibility of the ideological-political organization of Faraja, which should be included in the cultural and educational program of this organization

Political apathy refers to someone’s disinterest, reluctance, and passivity towards political participation. The present research aimed to investigate the factors that contributed to political apathy during the period 2001–2022. To accomplish this, the study employed a meta-analysis approach to synthesize the results of scattered experimental studies and answer the question of what factors influenced political apathy and to what extent they explained it. Materials and Methods This study employed a quantitative meta-analysis approach to identify and categorize studies related to the factors influencing political apathy during 2001–2022. The statistical population comprised 23 research documents, from which 11 documents were selected based on the criteria such as method, validity, reliability, and scientific findings. The selection criteria included method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and year of publication. Having been analyzed in terms of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, the selected studies were entered into Comprehensive Meta-Analysis 2 software, and the final effect size of each research study was estimated. The funnel plot and Q-test were used to determine the homogeneity or heterogeneity. After confirming heterogeneity between the studies, the article used a moderating variable to explain the factors affecting political apathy in the period. The current research employed specific criteria to select the relevant studies for analysis, including: Specific subject area: The research must have examined the factors influencing political apathy, either as the primary or ancillary objective. Specific geographical location: Only scientific–research articles and theses conducted in Iran were examined in this study.

Only quantitative studies were selected for analysis since meta-analysis focuses on quantitative research. Research validity: Given the fact that the validity of any meta-analysis depends on the validity of the studies analyzed, the present research selected the relevant studies based on their validity and reliability which were ensured through strict evaluation criteria such as validity and reliability reports. Clarity of statistical

In line with the protocols of meta-analysis, the studies were selected based on the accurate and correct reporting of statistical findings, as well as their compliance with the assumptions of statistical tests and input criteria of the software. The research studies on the factors influencing political apathy were selected based on the above criteria, which indicates the use of a purposeful sampling method. As a result, 23 research documents were selected for analysis in the current research. Results and Discussion The study revealed a significant and positive relationship between political, social, cultural, economic, and demographic factors and political apathy. Political factors such as political distrust, dissatisfaction, alienation, lack of citizenship rights, anomie, and low political culture were found to be closely associated with political apathy. Social factors, including social anomie, commitment, health, national identity, low social vitality, organizational and occupational identity, lack of social transparency, feeling of social injustice, lawlessness, and low quality of life, were also found to contribute to political apathy. Cultural factors such as domestic media consumption, the level of religiosity, social and satellite networks, cultural anomie, and individualism were identified as influencing political apathy. Concerning economic factors, economic capital, relative deprivation, unemployment, and socio-economic class were found to be associated with political apathy. Finally, demographic factors such as education, place of residence, age, and marital status had a significant relationship with political apathy. Conclusion The study concluded that political apathy is influenced by various economic, political, cultural, and social factors. To prevent the emergence and occurrence of this phenomenon, it is necessary to encourage political participation of citizens in societal affairs by improving their socio-economic status, enhancing self-esteem and sense of efficiency, increasing political and social trust, strengthening religiosity, promoting social justice, and providing greater life satisfaction. Other strategies to increase people’s political participation and prevent political apathy include raising political awareness, fostering hope for future change, ensuring proportional reward for participation, promoting social satisfaction and sense of effectiveness, cultivating citizens’ optimism about the future, increasing political and economic efficiency, strengthening socio-political capital, enhancing political education, empowering citizens, fostering social belonging and individual motivation, promoting accountability of rulers, improving efficiency and effectiveness of institutions and organizations, preventing corruption and political violence, increasing incomes, expanding education, improving social status, building trust in the government, promoting economic development, expanding traditional political culture, and ensuring political and social equality.

With the re-domination of the Taliban over Afghanistan and the fall of the republican system in 2021, this country underwent dramatic changes in various aspects. The changes that went to the core of Afghan society and spread different ideas in the governance system and the public sphere. This research has analyzed the issue of the political culture of this country's society due to the necessity of analyzing the consequences of the re-domination of the Taliban on Afghanistan. The main question of the research is based on what effects the re-establishment of the Taliban has left on the political culture of the Afghan society.To answer this question, Almond and Verba's political culture theory was used and components such as political violence and authoritarianism, xenophobia and xenophobia, ethnic and tribal political culture, dogmatism and absolutism, mistrust of the government and lack of passivity and lack of Participation and evasion were considered.According to the hypothesis of the research, all elements of the political culture of Afghan society have been weakened and regressed during the Taliban period. Also, according to the theory of Almond and Verba, the political culture of the Afghan society during the Taliban period is a combination of limited and subservient political culture, and the citizens do not expect any change from the political system, and the government does not create an opportunity for citizens' participation and freedom.

Political leaders and elites in every society and political system play a key role in managing the country and making important and strategic decisions to the extent that the national development or non-development of countries is attributed to political leaders and elites. This research investigates the positive and negative aspects of the political culture of elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The current research applies qualitative research, using the document analysis method to study books, articles, and existing documents related to the political culture of the elites.

The most important components of the political culture of political elites in Iran in both positive and negative dimensions are: spirituality and morality, sincerity, simplicity of life, being a people, rationality and scientific orientation, honor and invulnerability, humility, courage and selflessness, worldview.

Negative dimensions: 

self-conceit, exaggeration, law-abiding and relationship-oriented, uncriticism, duality of personality, pessimism and suspicion, ethnocentrism.

The role of party leaders in socio-political dynamics is one of the most important issues for researchers in political and social sciences. The historical course of developments in Iran shows that the role of elites in Iranian political culture has often been accompanied by a tendency to be personality-oriented and excessive attention to the individual abilities and capabilities of political figures, as well as disregard for the rules and structural requirements governing party activities. Among these, the similarities and differences around the concept of Axial personality in Iranian political parties in the two periods before and after the Islamic Revolution are important. This article, while examining the causes and factors affecting the prevalence of Tendency to personality phenomenon in Iranian parties, tries to answer the question: what are the components of Tendency to personality in Iranian political parties before and after the Islamic Revolution? The present study has investigated the role of influential factors such as the structure of the political system, party structure, party ideology, mass media and the pattern of relations with foreigners in the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary periods with a comparative qualitative analysis method. The findings show that the components related to each of these factors are different in the political parties of these two periods and Tendency to personality in them has substantial differences.

This research is a qualitative research that was done with a descriptive method. The purpose of this research was to answer the question, what kind of culture is the political culture of the West? The result of which was as follows; The word culture in the meaning that is used today is the result of a historical transformation; Because until the 18th century in the West, culture was used to mean cultivating, protecting and worshiping. But from this century onwards, culture finds its modern meaning; It means the way of life. But with the formation of modern and quasi-modern governments and the democratization of societies, a new form of culture is created, which is called political culture; Because the modern government needed people's participation in various social and political fields to confirm itself. In one definition, political culture can be people's orientation towards political affairs. But with the formation of modern and quasi-modern governments and the democratization of societies, a new form of culture is created, which is called political culture; Because the modern government needed people's participation in various social and political fields to confirm itself. In one definition, political culture can be people's orientation towards political affairs. In general, there are three types of citizens and three types of political culture in Western societies; First. isolated citizen with limited or closed political culture; In this type of political culture, people's orientation towards political goals is extremely weak. Second. indifferent citizen with subservient or passive political culture; In this type of political culture, people cannot have much political efficiency. Third. A committed citizen with a participatory or active political culture: In this type of political culture, people are relatively involved in the development of laws. However, according to the research, there is a significant relationship between the type of society and the type of political culture in the West. In other words, the more cooperative and submissive the society is, the more civil the political culture of that society will be. This is like citizens influencing the political structure and being affected by this structure. Also, there is a significant relationship between the type of citizen and political culture in the West; Because the more competitive the political culture is, the more committed the type of citizen will be; And the more isolated the type of citizen, the more limited the political culture will be.

The heart of any state or government's stability is its legitimacy, which confirms the validity of governmental decrees and ensures the continuity of governance. The Sassanid era is one historical period where the very foundations of the state's authority and political ideology were called into question in Iran. Challenges to the religious values, which were the mainstay of the government's legitimacy, led to both social and political upheaval. This was particularly evident following the emergence of new religions and rituals, which posed a threat and underscored the urgent need for the restoration of legitimacy. In response to this crisis, the ideological apparatus of the Sassanid state employed various strategies. Among these, the 'Ardavirafnameh' stands out as a cultural mechanism that articulated the principles, values, and ideals embodying the political ideology meant to reaffirm the state's legitimacy and ensure the survival of Sassanid rule. The research posits, through the application of Skinner's intentionalism hermeneutic framework, that the 'Ardavirafnameh' was written under specific conditions, within a particular context and intellectual milieu, with a definitive purpose. The hypothesis suggests that the text was crafted as an ideological instrument aimed at addressing the legitimacy crisis faced by the Sassanid government. The primary objective of the author in composing this text appears to have been to influence the political culture of the time, thereby reconstructing the foundational legitimacy of the Sassanid state.

The research employs Quentin Skinner's internationalist interpretive methodology to delve into the underlying messages of the text. Skinner's approach underscores the importance of understanding the text's examination in conjunction with the author's intentions and the objective and intellectual circumstances under which it was produced. In the initial phase of applying Skinner's method, efforts are made to grasp the political issues and debates of the Ardaviraf era, as well as the responses and solutions that were proposed at the time. By reconstructing the socio-political climate and the intellectual milieu in which the 'Ardavirafnameh' was composed, we can illuminate the challenges that confronted the Zoroastrian Monads, under Ardaviraf leadership, allowing for a more accurate comprehension of how these issues influenced the author's thinking. Following this, the analysis aims to discern the unique language, meanings, concepts, and prevailing propositions employed in the 'Ardavirafnameh.' This step involves examining the traditions, norms, principles, and conventional rules that shaped the political arguments and discourse of the time. Suchan exploration is crucial for understanding the societal context of the period and the author's intent behind creating the text.

The Sassanid government, during its four-century rule (224 to 651 AD), sought to establish legitimacy through various means to maintain public support. Their legitimacy was built on tradition by associating themselves with Parthian and Achaemenid kings. Additionally, the charismatic personality of the kings and the support of the people formed the basis of their authority. However, the most significant foundation of Sassanid legitimacy was Zoroastrianism. The king derived power from God, and Zoroastrian decrees became the official law of the state, shaping Iranian culture, politics, and ideological legitimacy. The authority of Sassanid clerics, the Mobdans, unified society around religion, unprecedented in pre-Islamic Iran. However, the collision of Zoroastrianism with other religions led to the emergence of religious heresies. Mani's religion, a blend of beliefs, aimed to end conflicts and class divides, subtly guiding followers to oppose the government. Similarly, Mazdak Bamadan's reinterpretation of the Avesta protested Sassanid laws and structures, advocating for equality and sparking socialist changes that led to the collapse of the state system and upheaval in the country. Mani's religion marked the first instance of sedition and religious heresy arising from conflicting beliefs. His teachings combined popular beliefs and religions of the time, aiming to end wars and social injustices by uniting different religions. He offered followers a path of peace and mystical isolation in response to nobles and pious individuals. Mani's religious doctrines concealed a political agenda, subtly guiding people's beliefs towards opposition to the government. Mazdak Bamadan, a prominent cleric of the Qobad era, initiated a social uprising by reinterpreting the Avesta in protest against Sassanian structures and laws. His movement sought to rectify the deviations caused by religious leaders, representing a protest against the Sassanid social and political system. Emphasizing the equality of all individuals, his teachings garnered numerous followers and led to revolutionary socialist changes in Iran. Those advocating fundamental societal changes pushed to extremes, resulting in the collapse of the state system and pushing the country to the brink of ruin. In this way, the emergence of new religions led to people`s suspicion towards the country`s official religion and the threat of political power, which ultimately led to severe repression and the brutal killing of Mani and Mazdak and their followers. However, these religions did not disappear and even after the fall of the Sassanids, they also opposed the muslim religion in the form of social movements. The Sassanid era, which was the era of prosperity and influx of religious opinions and new thoughts, forsed the Zoroastrain rulers and priests as agents of the religious institution to take a stand and react against these new religions and religious opponents, and writing the Ardavirafnameh book as an ideological tool of confrontation. It is with these religions that he trais to define the framework of condition of political conflict and draw the legitimacy clamis of those in power according to the type of political regime and power structures based on cultural contexts.

Based on the explanation provided in this research, the Ardaviraf era's timeframe, transformations, and historical developments underscore the restoration of political legitimacy as the central concern of Zoroastrianism. The text Ardavirafnameh, portraying heaven and hell, serves as an exposition of Mobdans' thoughts led by Ardaviraf, aiming to influence the political culture of society. It is evident that the societal transformation is linked to changes in the ruling political culture, emphasizing the text's role in shaping this culture and sustaining the state's political legitimacy. Despite being a religious text, Ardavirafnameh reflects the ideology of the Sasanian government and Zoroastrian priests. The Mobdans, as the primary decision-makers and influencers in vital cultural aspects, established the idea that the perpetuation of the royal line depends on their resourcefulness and persistence, taking advantage of the kings' weaknesses for their own benefit. As the most influential class in Sassanid society, the Mobdans sought strategies for integrating and legitimizing political values, norms, and structures with a focus on the campaign. Consequently, this text, as a strategic choice by the political elite, underscores religious ideology's aspects, aiming to foster a sense of political unity, common values, norms, and shared political goals among society members. It serves to capture the minds of individuals and emphasizes the importance of religious and moral beliefs in accepting and obeying the king, religious values, and governmental requirements. Recognizing that political legitimacy hinges on societal beliefs and perceptions, religious leaders aim to leverage Ardavirafnameh as a political instrument to cultivate legitimacy among the people. Therefore, the document's purpose was to return to religious foundations, signifying a return to the basis of Sasanian state legitimacy.

Understanding the political attitude of university professors is one of the most important issues for political and social planners and even thinkers who are concerned about reforming the country. The present article, inspired by the political typology of Almond and Verba on political culture, examines the political culture of professors at public universities in Mazandaran province. The main research question is; What is the type and amount of participation of professors of Mazandaran public universities? For this purpose, the survey method and selection of the desired samples have been used in accordance with scientific methods, the results of which can be generalized to all professors of public universities in the province. According to the research findings, which were extracted from 310 samples, the perceptual dimension of professors' political culture is more powerful than the emotional and judgmental dimension. From another perspective, the findings show that participatory culture is more widespread than subordinate and limited culture, and professors want active rather than passive participation in political issues. It therefore demands that political and social planners provide the platform for the realization of free-thinking seats.

It is obvious that the political behavior of a nation arises from the political culture of that society, which will determine their destiny, and their current situation is also a sign of the political culture that has been institutionalized in the past generations. This research has been conducted with the aim of investigating the place of political culture in the developments of Afghanistan, from the fall of the Taliban to their re-establishment. The data of this research was conducted through semi-structured interviews with 35 people of Afghan nationality. Interviews have been extracted and analyzed by the method of ground theory, coding, and then their themes. According to the findings of this research, the platform that was formed in the development of an ethnic political culture at all levels of the Afghan society, along with causes such as the weak and corrupt performance of the government and the intervention of factors resulting from the negative performance of political institutions, caused the strategy of the Afghan nation to respond to these conditions. , to express feelings of hatred and despair towards the government, and to lose hope and despair towards the government. The consequence of this process was that Afghanistan still has a long way to go to democracy due to lack of necessary social base and structural weakness. The result of this incorrect procedure was the preparation of the necessary conditions for the re-rule of the Taliban.

The main purpose of the article is to examine the reasons of change and continuity in Russia-U.S. Relations during Putin's fourth term, 2018-2024. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, these relations have been characterized by various fluctuations, including enthusiasm about promoting mutual understanding and collaboration during the dominance of the Euro-Atlantic discourse in the early 1990s, and the heightened tension during the realist discourse led by Putin. The U.S.-Russia relations have been deteriorating as a consequence of the uncertainties and insecurity which have increased due to the international order transition. The 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War, as the greatest challenge in the relations between the United States and Russia in the post-Soviet period, is a clear manifestation of the gloomy situation. Russia considers this conflict to be a proxy war which is only part of the broader U.S. grand strategy to limit Russia’s geopolitical influence by lessening its strategic depth. The West’s support for Ukraine is viewed as a continuation of Washington’s previous attempts—including inciting the color revolutions in the post-Soviet space, gradually infiltrating the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), interfering in Russia's internal affairs, supporting the war in Yugoslavia, NATO's Eastward Expansion, and the establishment of an anti-missile shield — aimed at containing Russia without resorting to direct confrontation. On the other hand, American policymakers who seek to maintain U.S. supremacy in the international system, view Putin's Russia as a challenging and destructive actor that has improved its international position and has been trying to change the regional and global balance of power to the detrimentof Washington by acting as a revisionist force, individually or collectively in collaboration with other members of the international revisionist front.  In  this  context,  the U.S. has adopted the strategy of ‘broad offensive deterrence’ (BOD) against Russia. Out of an abundance of caution, Moscow is pursuing the strategy of ‘active offensive defense’ (AOD) in the hope of reviving and strengthening its great power position. The adoption of these two competing strategies has intensified tension in the bilateral Russia-U.S. relations, and have had repercussions for other states.
The author tries to answer the following research questions: 1. What are the causes of the persistence of  conflict and tension in the U.S.-Russia relations? 2. How has the confrontation between the two strategies of ‘broad offensive deterrence’ (BOD) of the United States and ‘active offensive defense’ (AOD) of Russia led to the escalation of tension in their bilateral relations? Using the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, the analysis is focused on three inexorable variables (i.e., geopolitical power competition, security, and political culture) in order to find conclusive answers to the two questions. In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the persistence of tension in the U.S.-Russian relations is caused by three tension-generating variables of geopolitical power competition, security, and political culture. The method of qualitative textual analysis of the official documents and previous works on the subject revealed the impact of these variables on the nature of the relations between the two rival powers. The findings show that transformative variables (e.g., the circulation of the elites) had a positive effect on the bilateral relations between the United States and Russia in the short term, but the three above-mentioned factors have caused tension to prevail.
However, Russia and the U.S. will probably continue their cooperation in three issue-areas:  1. Maintaining security and strategic stability in the international system as manifested in their support for the nuclear non-proliferation regime; 2. Confronting certain destabilizing regional challenges, particularly in the Middle East and the CIS; and 3. Dealing with asymmetric security threats such as international terrorism and cyber security. Nevertheless, the failure of the conciliatory approach and the perceived NATO-U.S. belligerent approach to Russia (including the "Reset" project), as well as the continual U.S. aggressive actions against Russian national interest have deepened their mutual mistrust. This perception of the U.S. intentions has been strengthened in Putin's third and fourth terms; and the Kremlin continue to believe inactions, restraint, and disengagement in response to the U.S. actions will not lead to a mutually-advantageous balanced relations. Russian leaders are concerned that a flexible and appeasing attitude towards the U.S. might result in  increasing use of coercive and aggressive foreign policy instruments by Washington. This perception has forced Russia to adopt a posture of resistance and the strategy of ‘extensive aggressive defense’ against the U.S. It is expected to see the continuation of the tense bilateral relations and the situation of mutual mistrust between the two great powers in the medium term.

Good governance refers to achieving the rule of law, transparency, accountability, participation, equality, efficiency, effectiveness, accountability, individual freedom, press freedom, and active civil society. Along with these prerequisites, political culture, and in particular the political culture of the elites, is crucial in institutionalizing the principles of good governance, especially in developing countries. This subject has drawn the attention of certain good governance studies academics in recent decades. The results showed that if the political culture of the elites is democratic or accepts at least some minimal democratic values, it can act as the basis for advancing democracy or political development in the sense of raising political participation and competition. In societies where, for various and complex reasons, the political culture of the elites is anti-participatory in the sense of being anti-democratic, authoritarian political structures and an ideology consistent with it can pose a significant barrier to the advancement of democratic indicators. A political culture that is authoritarian and non-participatory acts as a factor that hinders political development. In contrast, democratic and participatory ideals and attitudes significantly influence a country's political development. This is more evident in emerging nations when elite political culture has a more robust coefficient of determination.

The political culture of any country is formed from the characteristic attitudes of its people towards the major features of the political-social systems that exist within its borders, the nature and essence of the political system, the definition and determination of the powers and rites of government, and the role of individual and collective participation in government. With the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the start of the war imposed by the Iraqi Baath regime, the Islamic Republic of Iran reproduced many indicators of political culture in order to advance its goals. This research seeks to answer the main question, what were the indicators of Iran's political culture in the holy defense. This research has been carried out in a descriptive and analytical way using documentary and library studies. The findings of this research show that the indicators of participation in elections, myth-making, xenophobia, enjoining good and forbidding evil, tolerance and tolerance, supporting the oppressed, seeking martyrdom, issuing revolution, anti-Westernism, waiting for the appearance of Hazrat Qaim (AS), Political mobilization, political parties, security environment, bigotry and imitation, factionalism and organization, and the political agency of the elites have played a significant role in the eight years of holy defense and Iran's passing through this fateful moment in history.

The present study examines the relationship between modernization and political culture among the villagers of Mako. This study is directed to test the theories of the first and second waves of political development. The theoretical framework of the research is based on the theories of Daniel Lerner and Karl Deutsch and uses Gabriel Almond's classification to measure the variable of political culture. The type of research is quantitative and it uses the survey technique to collect data. The data was extracted from 381 cases through a questionnaire. The findings show that there is a relationship between political culture and religiosity, the use of new communication media, and the education of villagers; In this way, the low and high level of religiosity among the villagers will lead to, respectively, the participatory and parochial political culture. Also, the higher the level of education and the use of new communication media among the villagers, the more the tendency towards the participatory type of political culture. In this way, the present research shows that merely being a villager does not mean having a traditional political culture such as a parochial and subjective one, and macro-narratives and essentialist classical theories of political development should be avoided about villagers.

"Political culture" always expresses the epistemological approaches of political activists, men's government and social forces towards the events and orientations of the political system. The current research in the framework of "discourse theory" and questioning; How the political culture affects the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran was done based on the study of the political culture of Iran. And while explaining the theoretical framework of the research, we explained the nature and nature of political culture and foreign policy as a discourse and came to the conclusion that the symptoms and components of Iran's political culture in different historical periods and the hegemony of political discourses (governments) affect foreign policy making. we explained the nature and nature of political culture and foreign policy as a discourse and came to the conclusion that the symptoms and components of Iran's political culture in different historical periods and the hegemony of political discourses (governments) affect foreign policy making.

One of the topics that is of great interest to political science thinkers and researchers in this field today is the issue of political culture, therefore, the issue of developing political culture and identifying the factors and components affecting it is one of the most important topics for researchers and researchers in this field. The present research was conducted in this direction and with the aim of investigating the relationship between the nature of decision-making and the political behavior of managers of Sistan and Baluchistan province with their participatory political culture.The statistical population in this research includes all the political managers of the Ministry of Interior working in (including governorships, governorates, districts, etc.) Sistan and Baluchistan province, based on the collected information, their total number is 168 people, and all the required information has been collected from all of them. Therefore, the sample size in this research is equal to the total size of the statistical population of 168 people. In this research, non-random and purposeful sampling was used, and the reason for using this type of sampling method was due to the limited number of the statistical population and the sample size. In order to measure the validity or reliability of the research tool, face validity was used.The collected data were also analyzed through SPSS software. The results of the research showed that the nature of managers' decision-making has a significant relationship with participatory political culture and its dimensions, i.e. cognitive, value and perception dimensions.

Since the formation of the constitutional revolution until today, many efforts have been made by the governments and the ruling apparatus to achieve the transition to democracy. Therefore, the main question of the article is how was the transition to democracy in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis is that due to the prominent role of ideology and the lack of coherent parties, the Islamic Republic of Iran has not been able to transition to democracy. The findings indicate that in Iran, the status of the disorganized elites has happened one after another. But the deadlock of conflicts has not occurred. Rather, a group or faction of elites could impose its power on other political factions, and because of this, the possibility of compromise among elites has disappeared. In different periods in Iran, the legitimacy of democracy has not been at a high level. The type of research method was descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.