جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "post isis" در نشریات گروه "علوم انسانی"

Given the realities of the international system within the current arena of war and its resulting damages, actors persistently focus on each other’s economic advantages. In this context, the West Asia region, characterized by tension and volatility, specifically highlights Syria—a country that has endured a decade of conflict—for its favorable economic traits. These attributes stem from Syria’s access to open waters and its proximity to European and African nations. Notably, Iran has maintained positive relations with Syria for many years, dating back to the era of Hafez Assad. During the eight-year defense against Iraq, Syria supported Iran, fostering strong ties. Considering Iran’s continued presence in Syria, prioritizing economic components to advance national macro strategies becomes a constructive governmental response. Both regional and global powers actively seek to enhance their influence and economic standing in other countries. Since the end of the Cold War, regionalism and power dynamics have gained prominence, prompting large governments across geographical regions to assert their roles in economic and political spheres. Consequently, the power struggle among actors in Syria extends beyond its borders, projecting an external image.
But despite the efforts of some powers to change the power dynamics in Syria, the ISIS caliphate came to an end, and the conflict zone was confined to the north and northwest of Syria. Meanwhile, Bashar al-Assad remained at the helm of power, and relentless attempts were made to overthrow him. This situation opened up opportunities for other governments to establish a presence in Syria, particularly in its economic sector.
Over the past decade, Iran has gained greater importance and status in the eyes of Damascus, especially within the context of the fight against ISIS in Syria. A notable example of Iran’s significance to the Assad government is the administration of the Latakia port, which was granted to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran has also engaged in favorable economic activities within Syria.
In light of these developments, the Iranian government has transitioned from military spending and the fight against ISIS to a focus on soft power and economic influence in Syria. It now occupies a unique position in the country’s economic geography.
Based on this fact and Iran’s presence in the Syrian war against opposition forces and ISIS, as well as its support of the central government, this article analyzes the impact of Syria’s geo-economic position on Iran’s strategic situation in the Middle East region between 2018 and 2023. The hypothesis of the article posits that Syria’s geo-economy, following the fall of ISIS, has solidified Iran’s influence within Syria and enhanced its regional role in both political and economic dimensions.
This article has collected data and analyzed it based on geoeconomics theory. According to this theory, controlling and influencing global and regional markets, as well as having access to the economic highways of many countries worldwide, ranks among the most crucial objectives. Achieving these goals necessitates tools such as attractive foreign investments and long-term, low-interest loans.
 
In light of this, concepts that hold significance in the economic sector—such as trade, investment, financial policies, economic aid, and sanctions—have gained prominence in the field of geo-economics. These components, once less critical before the collapse of the Soviet Union, now play pivotal roles in the competition among major powers since the 1990s.
 
These economic tools can spark competition between nations across various domains, particularly within different geographical areas. According to the principles proposed by the theory of geo-economics, Syria possesses a favorable economic geography for other states. Given the challenges faced by the Syrian government over the past decade, revitalizing both the political and economic aspects of the country necessitates attracting foreign capital and engaging in trade with other governments while distancing itself from security-related discussions.
 
This article analyzes the data using a documentary and statistical approach, employing the descriptive-analytical method with the assistance of geo-economics theory.
Based on the obtained data, Iran’s presence in Syria stands as one of the most critical levers within the West Asian region. According to available information, Iran has consistently expanded its cultural and economic footprint in Syria, particularly during the presence of ISIS and even more so afterward. This proactive approach by Iran underscores its recognition of Syria’s unique situation, especially following Ebrahim Raisi’s visit, and its strategic intent to enhance its position in West Asia.
 
Investing in Syria promises significant economic success for the country and contributes to bolstering regional prestige. Consequently, Iran’s presence in Syria, coupled with the creation of economic incentives for domestic investors, will further strengthen its influence in the country and facilitate the return of capital to Iran. From a political perspective, this presence aligns Iran more closely with its allies and strategically positions Syria within the depths of West Asia. As a result, Iran finds itself in the closest proximity to other regional competitors, poised to play an even greater role in shaping the future of regional dynamics compared to the past decade.
Therefore, based on the data, the following results have been obtained: 
1- With its presence in Syria, especially after the fall of the self-proclaimed ISIS government, Iran has demonstrated its intention to leverage the country’s economic interests.
2 -Iran has firmly established its presence in areas like Latakia, strategically exploiting Syria’s economic potential.
3 -Following the liberation of Bokmal by Iranian forces and under their directives, the Al-Tanf route—previously controlled by the US—has been significantly neutralized. This has ensured the continuity of an economic route connecting Iran, Iraq, and Syria.
4-By establishing a transit route between the resistance forces and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Iran facilitates connections across multiple corridors, including the North-South corridor, the China-Pakistan corridor, the China-Central Asia-Iran corridor, and the West Asia corridor. This network enables seamless access for Iran to the Mediterranean Sea via Latakia.
As a result, Iran’s presence in Syria has deepened the country’s strategic significance within the region and the global context. Syria, particularly Latakia, has emerged as a pivotal gateway to other lands.

Changes in the post-ISIS Middle East and the emergence of new security threats have given Turkey a new understanding of its role in the regional and international environment, the focal point of which is strengthening through activation in the region and dynamics. New is international. Based on this new strategy, Turkey seeks to balance its foreign policy in the Middle East and the international environment. For this reason, it pursues the strategy of "both the West and the East" in its short and medium term in its foreign policy in order to become its main goal in the long run, which is to become an independent world power with Turkish-Islamic values. Using neo-realist theory and descriptive-analytical method, this study seeks to answer the question of what is Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the post-conflict Middle East? The research findings show that the components of Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the political field are reviewing in relation to ISIL, regionalism with a touch of internationalism, re-establishing relations with Syria, maintaining the balance of power with Iran and looking at Russia is seeking to regain its regional role in the Middle East. In the economic field, the policy is the stabilization of energy resources and the development of regional and international economic cooperation. In the cultural field, it seeks to strengthen soft power and expand its influence in the Middle East.

Research findings have shown that U.S strategy toward western Asia has undergone fundamental changes in recent years. Creating ISIS emerging phenomenon, and providing it with financial, intelligent, military and logistic support is a manifestation of this new strategy. Literature review shows that ISIS and its relation with U.S interests is investigated thoroughly, however, after physical eradication of ISIS by regional powers and axis of resistance, no systematic research is conducted on the U.S strategy in post-ISIS world. Thus, the current research is an attempt to employ the principles of regional security complex theory and adopt documentary research method to investigate resistance power elements and virtual caliphate of U.S in post-ISIS period comparatively. It was revealed that after ISIS, resistance structural development has overpowered U.S coalition making. Also, the pragmatic nature of the resistance has strategically defeated American military kinetic actions. In addition to that, the U.S attempts aimed at recovering the virtual caliphate of ISIS through media and propaganda is blocked by realities of Shiite crescent. This research has implications for researcher in politics, regional studies, and theoretical and military strategists.

Compared to Iran's other neighbors, Iraq has had the greatest impact on Iran's security and national interests. Especially after the withdrawal from the ISIS crisis, steps have been taken to strengthen the new national identity and reduce the influence of foreign powers, and as a result, regional and international actors have sought to recruit in the new Iraq. Therefore, the future developments in Iraq will play an important role in drawing the power lines in this region. During this period, domestic, regional and trans-regional actors are seeking to increase their role and influence in the equations of this country and finally to draw their desired scenario. Based on the scenario writing method, the present article intends to examine the impact of possible future scenarios in Iraq on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. n this regard, the author identifies the key factors affecting the developments in Iraq and then identifies the uncertainties in Iraq by identifying the drivers, and finally identifies six possible scenarios for the future of Iraq. hese scenarios range from low probability to high: The scenario of changing the political structure in Iraq through the change of the constitution, the coup d'etat, the civil war, the disintegration of Iraq, the unity and cohesion between the parties and the increase of Iraqi national power (non-cooperation with Iran) and finally: the scenario of fair and democratic division of power Iran).

Salafi-Takfiri groups, as one of the most prominent intellectual branches of Islamic history, have always faced the Muslim world with a lot of tribulations and problems and by the vicissitudinouses, they have survived so far. Today, given the weakening and decreasing of the power of the Salafi-Takfiri groups, especially ISIS, in Iraq and Syria, which have entered into conflict in the midst of Arab revolutions in the Middle East and gradually became a global challenge, it is important to consider the future of their movment in order to prevent the recurrence of recent events. Therefore, in this research, it has been attempted to use the scenario method as one of the important methods of Futures Studies knowledge, to analyze the perspective of the life of Takfiri groups in the post-ISIS era in different scenarios (desirable future, possible future and probable future) and in this regard, the following scenarios have been proposed: A) Desirable future of Salafi-Takfiri groups and their opponents; B) Possible Futures: 1.State-building Takfiris in Muslim countries; 2.Integration of Salafi-Takfiri groups together; 3.Acceptance of democracy as a temporary alternative to the caliphate by Takfiris. C) The probable future which is the result of a set of scenarios. The findings of the research suggest that, despite the defeat that the Takfiri groups, will not completely be eliminated, they will be waiting for an opportunity to return arena of conflict like a fire under the ashes.

The National Interest and Iran’s Military Strategy toward ISIS   Abstract: Fundamentalists, like ISIS, emerged as a result of domestic factors such as civil war and global reasons as the intervention of western countries in Islamic countries. ISIS formed as a result of the crisis in Iraq and Syria, and regional factors such policies adopted by Turkey and Qatar found the strength in 2015. Since 2017 it has lost its territory. Iran’s strategies had an impact on ISIS decline. Iran has had a particular impact on the geographical decline of ISIS in various dimensions of military, regional, international, social and cultural affairs. Iran provided military intelligence to Iraqi and Syrian forces, and established intelligence and security networks in the region. In the international arena, Iran internationalized the ISIS issue, formed a coalition with Russia and Turkey against ISIS, and neutralized Saudi policies on ISIL.

Turkey is one of the main actors that is influential in the Syrian crisis. From the very time when the Syrian crisis started, Turkey made every effort to topple the Damascus regime by creating a fundamental change in its policies towards Syria, providing total support for the terrorist groups, and leaving its doors opened to the Takfiris in order to restore the Neo-Ottomanist Empire. However, the developments in Syria, a concern on the part of the Turkish officials that insecurities in Syria may spill over Turkey's borders, as well as the potential formation of a government model similar to Iraq's in Syria all caused Ankara to turn away from its policies towards the Syrian developments and adopt, instead, the policy of proximity to, and approaching Iran and Russia only to meet its regional objectives and interests. The main question in this research is: What are the reasons of rotation in Turkey's foreign policy towards the Syrian crisis (i.e. war to diplomacy) and favouring a diplomatic settlement of the crisis? The hypothesis in this article is that failures in the battlefield, the division in Turkey's camp between its regional and transregional allies accompanied by the upper hand that the opposition gained in action, have been among the main reasons for Turkey's rotation in its foregn policy. Also, the method of quality analysis has been used to collect data.

From 2000s onward, dilemma of security has been complicated by expansion of globalization and development in social movements. In the region of Middle East, we have seen more complexity in security and identity-based violence duo to reasons such as: incensement of involvement and negative role of regional and Trans -regional powers and ethnic, religious and Takfiri groups. In this study, by explanative – analytical method and future study, the authors try to answer this question: how would be the future of security in Middle East in post ISIS? The hypothesis IS: Middle East in the era of post Isis would have seen the continuance of insecurity by takfiri (ex-communicative) groups due to these reasons: institutionalizing and rootedness of fundamental minds and continuity of social contexts for formation of Salafi- ex-communicative Groups because of humiliation and religious threats by globalization and globality of western values and cultures, poverty, economic- class inequality and gaps due to globalization of neo-liberal economy, in-efficient governments, dependency to foreign powers and so on. Findings of this study shows that, due to continuity of above- mentioned contexts and dissatisfactions, in future we have been faced to ISIS and ex-Communicative thought in the masses, so falling of ISIS, necessarily doesn’t mean the ending of violence. Perhaps we can decrease temporarily the Ex- communicative groups’ violence in this region by international political and military actions, but this actions is not eternal. So the permanent peace need to necessary social and mind preconditions by formation of trans- regional social movement and recruitment from peace elite and activists beyond of religious, ethnical and national prejudice as well as the mind and belief reformation in the masses.