جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "سلطنت" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

The prevailing assumption about the discourse of the Safavids is the predominance of the Shiite religion and jurisprudence. However, the Safavid monarchy had Sufi roots and character, which were connected with Shiite jurisprudence after the establishment of their dynasty. Therefore, the Safavid Kings had three qualities: Sufi mentor, Iranian king, and Shia promoter, who invited Shia scholars to Iran and cooperated with them. The present research focuses on the interaction of those three elements and the nature of the Safavid discourse. The question is, what effects did the historical changes in the political and social position of the Safavids have on their political discourse? The main findings show that the discourse of the Safavids, from the very first days of its existence to the end of its era, was a multifaceted discourse that changed from a purely Sufi face to a royal discourse that kept the sub-discourse of Sufism in its heart and included the sub-discourse of jurisprudence in its established intellectual and political apparatus. Therefore, it seems that the prevailing notion of the dominance of jurisprudence discourse does not have full historical evidence.

Letters of advice are works that have been written in the field of politics and political reflections in ancient Iran and the Islamic period with the aim of advising political behavior on those in power. Treatises that belong to the Sassanid period and in the Pahlavi language include advice, religious and moral instructions and rulings whose content is rooted in the Avesta. Provide a framework to the Sultan and maintain and reform his power. The purpose of the letters is to provide appropriate guidance on "gaining power" and "maintaining power." Political advisories deal with how the political system works and the influence of existing factors on the production and distribution of political power. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, which will analyze the data after describing the content. The aims of this study are to explain the position of the sultan and the monarchy in the ancient writings of the Islamic period. The addressee of many advice letters is the first person of the country, namely Satan. The most important aspects of the element of continuity in these debates are the focus on the power of the king, the law, the relationship between the king and the subjects (people) and the connection between religion and politics.

The concept of "Zell Allah" (shadow of God) has been associated with the concept of "kingdom" in the history of Iran during the Islamic period, and in a way expressed the foundations of the legitimacy and power of the rulers. Most contemporary historians and researchers with a holistic and one-dimensional approach have considered Zell Allahi's thought as a continuous concept in the context of Iranian history and have not paid attention to the conceptual differences and fractures of this thought. For this reason, this concept has sometimes been interpreted in the epistemological form of Iranshahri thought and in parallel with the formulation of Farah Izadi (the divin of glory) the overseer of Iran's the historical continuity. The question of the present research is how the discourse of Zell Allahi was able to establish the legitimacy of the patriarchal rulers in light of the ruptures in the Iranian Middle Ages and what are the differences between the sanctification process of the mentioned period and the previous periods through historiographic sources. According to its nature, this research is organized with the method of historical explanation and the approach of historical sociology and the concept of history and tries to criticize and analyze the data of historiographic sources. And by looking at the "change" in the historical macro-trends, recognize this concept from the perspective of the "historical sociology of the sultan's holiness" and by examining its ideological components and structures, change this concept from the form of the "unholy-responsible" sultan of the early Middle Ages to the empire of the sultan “holy- unresponsible" to explain the late middle period. The focus of this major transformation can be traced to the "Ilkhanid" era. Therefore, the concept of monarchy underwent an important change and development in the field of "sanctifying" the position of the sultan during this period and created a new discourse in the political system of Iranian history, which can be interpreted as the beginning and development of the "Zell Allahi discourse".

In this research,how the myth of the sun affects the animals related to this myth in the period of ancient iran is investigated.The main question that has been raised and studied in this regard is how the myth of the sun has affected the animals related to this myth and what factors have been involved in this matter?This article is a historical research and the method of collecting data is library and the method of compiling and writing is a descriptive-analytical.The results show that the myth of the sun is a symbol of the sun is a symbol of kingship and the animals associated whit this myth also show that power and kingship and a clear victory over darkneaa and light and life is the basis of the sun,which along with different religions of ancient iran.It plays an important role in determining the effect of the myth of the sun on solar and royal animals.

One of the most important achievements of Iran’s “Enghelab-e Mashruteh” was the Constitution. While it was considered as the most important guaranteeing document of the principles of the constitutional movement, it was changed and revised many times over the course of seven decades. Some revisions of the principles seemed inevitable due to the reign of the monarchy in the first decades. However, the 1949 amendment which granted the Shah with the right to dissolve the Houses, the 1957 amendment which gave the Shah the veto power over the financial decisions of the parliament, or the 1967 amendment regarding how to choose the heir to the throne led to changes in the constitution which cannot be justified through the legal grounds available in historical documents. It seems, however, that behind these legal aspects, political motives of the authoritarian monarchy has been the cause that led to these changes and disregarding the foundations of the Constitution. This research is an interdisciplinary work which studies the historical circumstances and the legal arguments put forward in accordance with these conditions, and criticizes the amendments to the Constitution.

The military plays the main role in creating, stability and continuity of a government. The structure of Safavid's army had been formed by various groups such as Qizilbāsh amīrs, governors of province and Third Forces (Caucasian elements), etc. In the late Safavid's era (1677-1722), the conflict between different military groups in the pursuit of authorities, interests, superiority and military conquests broke out and in confrontation with political crisis, sprang from local and foreign events, caused to the weakness of performance and function of the military organization in a way that one can name it as a political factor of instability in the late safavids. This study seeks to analyze and explain the impact of the conflicts of the military forces on the political instability in the late Safavid era through a historical method and based on Historical sources.

The Mongol invasion of Iran in 616 AH. And the death of Sultan Mohammad Kharazmshah in 617 AH. ended the political unity of Iran within the framework of the Kharazm area and led to a period of instability and political competition. Therefore, various parts of Iran were influenced by local governments. The rule of Atabakan Lor the Small (580-1006 AH) is among these local governments formed during the Seljuk weakness. The interval between the Mongol invasion and the formation of the Ilkhanid dynasty was a difficult and critical period for the local governments of Iran. The crisis of their legitimacy and their head confrontation with the remnants of the Kharazmshahi monarchy, the Abbasid Caliphate, the Mongol central court were the most important dimensions of their political advancement. The purpose of this article, through a descriptive and analytical method and based on library resources, is evaluating legitimate efforts of Atabakan Lor and explaining their relationship with the legitimizing institutions in order to pass through this period and and to preserve their existence. The study, after giving an introduction to the discussion of this local government, shows that Atabakan, since the time of Shojaaddin,, the founder of this government, in their legitimation process, had been focusing on the legitimacy of the monarchy and the caliphate, but the fall of Kharazmshahian, the weakness of the caliphate and the seriousness of the Mongol threat led to a change in relations with the caliphate during the Hesam al-Din era until the increasing Mogol influence during Badr al-Din's time and continued the legitimacy of  Atabakan Lor to the confirmation of the Mongols.

While Agha Mohammad Khan became increasingly powerful, and the Russians land claims over the Caucasus –that embedded in the national and ideal Iranian boundaries-at the same time the Turkmen attacks on the Greater Khorasan, plunder of the region, and the capture of women and men and the prevalence of feudal system in around of Iran, the need to revive the Iranian historical borders has become significant importancefor the people of this country. Agha Mohammad Khan, aware of this fact, stated that the main goal of the long struggle was to revive the historical borders of Iran.With descriptive-analytic method, this research studies the Qajar's efforts to revive Iran's historical borders and its goals and outcomes.The findings show that Agha Mohammad Khan acknowledged and understood the borders of Iran in the ancient and Safavid times and its significance for the formation of a new government. He announced his main government program to revive Iran's historic borders and tried to legitimize his military campaigns and actions during the monarchy in this way.

The purpose of this article is to explain how and origin of religious discourse andintellectual consensus on development is the Constitutional Revolution. Absolute rule ofpolitical and cultural traditionalism of the main reasons for the neglect of attention tothe reform and development of pro-reform forces were evaluated. So this objective, theforces of moderate religious discourse and intellectual consensus to change the absolutenature of the state and political structure adjustment and participation of representativesof the people. The findings, the political reform and traditionalism absolutist rulers ofthe reasons for their backwardness is evaluated. Political and constitutional modelimported stretch it to fit the expectations of Iranians, not society. As well as cultural,ethnic and historical circumstances of the period were not mentally prepared andimplemented rationally and objectively accepting new patterns also took place.Distribution of power and the role of people in their destiny, political and economicindependence, decolonization and their influence, access to components such asdevelopment, welfare, benefit from the achievements of the new consensus forstructural changes and objectification was constitutional discourse fans. It further trieswith descriptive - analytical and based on library studies and discourse analysis to theformation of national consensus and the fundamental causes and contexts that wererevolutionary movement pay.

With the onset of serious struggle over constitutional and legitimate scholars, victims of religious leaders such as Sheikh Fadlallah Seyyed Abdollah Behbahani light, Frustration scholars and political measures such as collecting important papers that were written some constitutional scholars such as Mirza Le Nain, Clergymen political demands of religious Executive of the Second Amendment to the constitution including constitutional, secular technocrats dominate the pillars of power was derived from constitutional causes. The conditions were clergy in the passive position. Ayatollah Boroujerdi shortly after Ayatollah Haeri, regarded as one of the leading Clergymen were Shiites. Take the political life of Ayatollah Boroujerdi in a constant process not identified and codified them in the political thought of the show. He initially followed the general pattern that some scholars consider Safavid and Qajarperiod, and therefore less interference than the customary and scope of the monarchy And more religious issues in the field was, Intervened but after the West realistic approaches the reign of the Pahlavi regime and empty the function of that system of thought Clergymen Shiite Islam refuge from the king had expected, the Public Guardianship of the Jurists raised. The political thought Boroujerdi, contrary to what is known, apart from the actions and reactions to various political figures-not his ,And Glimmers of this he can be evaluated in relation to practical life. This article intends to analytical method and on the basis of written sources and interviews, the relationship between religion and state in the era of Ayatollah Boroujerdi's absence from the perspective of political thought are analyzed.

Early Qajar period, especially Fath-Ali Shah’s era, is highly important in the history of Shi’ism. On one hand, a relative peace had returned to the country and the ground was paved for the interaction between the scholars and the government due to the re-integration of Iran and creation of a central government; and on the other hand, the established rule needed various supports for safeguarding the borders and confrontation with the foreign and domestic powers, of which religion and the protection by the Shi’a scholars could be among the best choices.
The present article studies the opinions of four Shi’a master jurists (mujtaḥids) – Mīrza-yi Qummī, Shaykh Ja‘far Kāshif al-Ghiṭā’, Mullā Ahmad Narāqī and Sayyid Ja‘far Kashfī – on the legitimacy of monarchy institution. When studying the legal texts, treatises, and even the literary books of this period that have been written by the Shi’a scholars, there appeared to be a kind of contradiction and inconsistency in the opinions of the Shi’a scholars in their approach toward the monarchy institution of Fath-Ali Shah Qajar’s era, which resulted in the main question of this article as to the quality of the approach of the four Shi’a scholars toward the monarch institution in Fath-Ali Shah Qajar’s era. It is in response to this main question that by applying the framework of the theory of Islamic monarchy institution and with the provision of a trilateral pattern of ideal Shi’a government, jurist’s scope of authority, and the reality of the existing policy, we come the conclusion that such scholars as Mīrza-yi Qummī, Ahmad Narāqī, Kashfī, and Kāshif al-Qiṭā’ undertook to legitimize the monarchy institution, albeit in special circumstances, with unanimity on the jurist’s authority, the ideal Shi’a government, and with a look at the existing political realities governing the country as well as preservation of the independence of the religious field.

One of the most important developments that brought about other developments in recent centuries in Oman is the transformation of Imamate into monarchy and hereditary rule. The history of Oman after Islam is to be interpreted and analyzed only by the rulership of the doctrine of Abaḍiyya, which is based on the sovereignty of an Imam who is to be elected by the society (ahl-i ḥall wa aqd = representatives of theÇ Muslim community who act on itsÇ behalf in appointing and deposing aÇ caliph or another ruler). Despite various strengths and weaknesses and ups and downs, the rulership of Abāḍiyya has insisted on and abided by this tradition; and Imamate as being hereditary had not been common among the Abāḍiyya before the Imamate of Ya‘rabīs. The decisive formality of hereditary Imamate in Āl-i Būsa‘īd period prompted some to know the transformation of the Imamate institution to monarchy or hereditary rule to be since the time of Āl-i Būsa‘īd; whereas, it seems that the domestic and foreign backgrounds of this development had been gradually formed very long time before that in Oman community and achieved accomplishment in Āl-i Būsa‘īd period. Using the descriptive-analytical method and through library study, this research is intended to study and analyze the course of development and transformation of the Imamate institution to monarchy in Oman’s Abāḍiyya history.

This research is trying to accomplish a comparative study on the theoretical basis of divine charisma and zell-allah (shadow of God) based on historical texts and narratives of Muslim scholars and to answer the questions about their similarities and differences. Another problem of this research is about the historical periods which each of these two concepts have been emerged during it. In contrary with the commonly thought which suppose these two concepts as a same kind، this paper is trying to prove the hypothesis that divine charisma and zell-allah (shadow of God) have important distinctions and differences، and the so-called similarity is not possible. The results of this research which have been achieved by application of historical explanation and comparative method show that these two concepts belong to two distinct cultural discourses of different periods of history of Iran. The concepts which the emergence of them were depended to conditions were only possible in their own especial periods. Thus divine charisma belonged to political culture of Ancient Iranian Kingdom and zell-allah (shadow)

Royal ribbons، as one of the important symbolic elements to determine the status and position of the kings and courtiers، had a special place in the art during Iranian royal eras. This article is trying to explain the process of this revolution by researching these royal ribbons from the Medes era to the end of the Sassanid era. To achieve this goal، the patterns with ribbons from Medes to the Sassanid were studied، in which a logical and evolutionary process was observed. Initially، these ribbons were part of Medes'' hats and a symbol for courtiers. In Parthians era، they found an independent identity and became a symbol for kingdom. Royal ribbons found their places in the Sassanid era through Persian rulers and found a high magnificence and glory، because the art of Sassanid kingdom needed such a symbol for majesty. This claim is visible in researching the position of elements، objects and people، represented in the art of Sassanids with ribbon، is observable

Sultan is a Concept which was in Circulation in Political Literature of Islamic World from 4th A.H onwards; The Term almost referred to Governor and Occasionally Government (Sultanate). However, until 4th Century, It endured a lot of Conceptual/ Applicable Evolutions. After Abbasid Caliphate Fall and Weakness of Dependent and Independent Dynasties, Sultan endured Scholarly and Mystical Implications too. In this Study, through Analytical - Descriptive Method, we will review the process of conceptual - applicable changes of Sultan with a special reference to its Hadith and Quranic implications and Political, Scholarly and even Mystical ones. Historical facts show that political implication is the most fundamental implications which repeated in other implications of the term Sultan.

The book Al-Shuhub al-Lāmi`a fī al-Siyāsat al-Nafia is about the manner of governance, and the ways of ruling, written by Abdollah Ibn Yousef Ibn Ridwan Malaki that was the secretary and the scriber in the Marinid court. The book was required by the Sultan Abu salim Ibrahim Ibn Hassan Al-Marini. The thought of Ibn Ridwan is a political domination that is based on social justice by Sultan. The book has been written in four chapters: Introduction, introducing the book Al-Shuhub al-Lāmi`a fī al-Siyāsat al-Nafia,The Political Thought of Ibn Ri∙wānand its Originality. This is a survey of his thoughts about the Sultan and domination, its sources and originality. This paper shows that Ibn Ridwan's ideas were not originally structured and his book is based on the works of ýTurtushi and Mawardi as well as other thinkers.

Mlkshah Seljuk commissioned a group of scholars making up to write a book on statecraft He aims to strengthen the state's administrative and political behavior of the people who write policies and compilation of Nizam al-Mulk was highlighted and choose the Was partially Seljuk Sultan said: I have this book on their Imam would .go by the book's structure and spirit of the Seljuk rule, and it puts the five institutions. And duties of each of the marks. Duties of his reign as king and kingdom points. Then Secretary of the Department and pay duties . The judiciary and the judicial system and bureaucracy speaks and then examine the And finally, the idea of ​​casting an army of guards and eunuchs and ideas to consider , Khwaja ideas and thoughts about each of the five important government institution, He pointed to a device of the caliphate ruled by the Shah, it is not legitimate, He established the Department as an institution and established a stable regime posed to the independence of the kingdom, Bureaucratic and administrative arrangements to be carefully planned, and the judgment of the Court of Justice considered. And finally, because it is the foundation of any government, military and the main structure of the Seljuk rule was militaristic , In an attempt to create a permanent army., He stressed the Multinational Corps. Courtiers and eunuchs in a harem of women, as well as directives issued when the chorus is pretty remarkable.

after the Ottoman Sultan Selim I`s the conquest of Egypt ,Islamic Caliphate was transferred from Egypt to Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century. Sincethen, Ottoman Sultans were both sultans and caliphs till their overthrow in 1922.Ottoman government lost some of its political power in theeighteenth century after its continuous losses to the European governments; and Ottoman religious power and situation declined in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Nationalists opposed the Ottoman government after the occupation of Ottoman at the end of world war I and during independence war. Inability of the government to stand against the occupiers alongside with the contribution of the sultan ,who was considered as the Islamic caliph , to the allies had a grave damage on the political and religious status of the Sultan . Having used this opportunity in 1922,Mustafa Kemal Ataturk overruled the monarchy by legislating a law and then he overruled the caliphate after passing a law in the Turkish parliament, having the last caliph leave the country .In addition to political factors which brought about the decline of the Ottoman caliph there were other factors which were effective in Sultans religious status decline. Ataturk established a laicsystem and this new system stood against the religious-based Ottoman government. Therefore ,collision of both systems brought about the dissolution of caliphate.

Establishment of Safavid dynasty, with the backing of Imamate Shiism, paved the way for the expansion and recognition of this religious sect in Iran. Meanwhile, theattitudesheld byShiitereligious scholars (Ulama)towards the issue of kingshipduring the age of the occult Imam were of great importance. In other words, the issue of politicaland religious legitimacy of the Safavid kings wasamong the focal issues taken into consideration by theShiitereligious scholars in this time. In some occasions, such debatesled to protests and movements against the Safavid government. The main goal of this article is studying the underlying ideological and intellectual causes of these protests and movements. Despite the existence of a bulk of research on interactions between the religious scholarsandthe Safavids, the present issue has remained unstudied. The research method adopted by this study is content analysis of Safavid sources and itineraries written by the Europeans in that historical period.