جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "caucasus" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

Chroniclers of the Safavid era recorded the military campaigns of the late Safavid sheikhs in the regions of Northern Azerbaijan and parts of the Caucasus during the second half of the 9th/15th and 10th/16th centuries. Initially, the main purpose of these reports was to justify the religious approach of the aforementioned sheikhs towards non-Muslim regions beyond the borders of Azerbaijan. However, relying on this information, we can also find brief examples of issues related to ethnography and the historical geography of the mentioned regions. In this regard, the research question is: what topics do the Safavid historians' statements reveal in the field of political and human geography of Northern Azerbaijan and the Caucasus? This question leads us to the hypothesis that the geographical factor played an influential role in the historical events of that period. Consequently, the routes chosen by the Safavid sheikhs in Azerbaijan and the Caucasus became the subject of the historians' keen curiosity and scrutiny. The research method is based on "narrative and causal" explanations. The data is collected based on Safavid sources and new conventional research. The main finding of the research indicates two essential points: First, the information provided has an acceptable compatibility with the current features of Northern Azerbaijan and the Caucasus. Second, from the point of view of the mentioned historians, the geographical distribution of the regions is only important because of their role in communication networks. Therefore, this knowledge only answers a small part of our unknowns about that period.

The anthropomorphic monoliths culture has been common for several thousand years, from the western borders of China to the Baltic Sea and Spain, and it has been manifested in various forms in archeological findings and written sources in the Eslamic eras. It seems that the most important reason for the temporal expansion of this culture lies in its religious and ritualistic nature, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. The anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility The current research tries to answer these questions that what are the most important factors of temporal and spatial expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture of anthropomorphic monoliths? And what are the concepts used in the anthropomorphic monoliths, culture in the prehistoric and Eslamic eras? The present study, while examining the temporal and spatial expansion of this culture and introducing its key examples in the geographical area between the Black Sea and the cultural area of the Caspian Sea, investigates the meaning of the erection of the anthropomorphic monoliths This type of research is of a cultural-historical analytical type, the information of which is collected based on documentary and library studies The results of the present research show that the most important factors in the temporal expansion of the anthropomorphic monoliths culture were due to their relationship with traditions and religious rituals, and what caused the spatial expansion of this culture was probably related to commercial exchanges and, as a result, cultural exchanges. Also, over time, the anthropomorphic monoliths can be seen in human and animal forms and symbols of fertility, which in many cases have been manifested in the form of the deceased person in connection with his burial. The results of the present research show that although there is no chronological and archaeological connection between the pre-historical and AD samples, all the samples are related to the ritual burial of religious rituals and represent a person who probably has a high social rank. This issue has been reflected in the archaeological texts.

Following the decline of the power of the Afsharid Empire, remote areas such as the Caucasus, whose control and protection were more difficult, faced numerous disruptions. In such circumstances, Zandieh's government became a new successor to power. Karim Khan Zand and the successors after him tried to create an era of authority and glory for Nader Shah Afshar, but their interrupted efforts were not fruitful. Based on the descriptive-analytical method and based on library studies, this research tries to examine how the Caucasian political and economic conditions influenced the time of the Zandieh Dynasty. The results show that the Zandiyeh government not only could not return to the glory era of Nader Shah Afshar, but the Caucasus was one of the first areas to show separate tendencies, which stemmed from ethnic and religious differences and weakness of central government led to the intensification of it. Following such conditions, the Caucasus community suffered a political and economic crisis and an unstable situation with a declining trend. The process was the result of the political weakness of the Zandieh government's power structure in the remote areas of the territory of Iran.

The second period of the rule of Kalbalikhan (1219-1235 AH/1804-1820 AD), one of the powerful rulers of the Kangarloo Dynasty over Nakhjavan, coincided with the first round of wars between Iran and Russia. At the beginning of these wars, he cooperated with Russian military commanders, however, during the war of Yerevan (1219 AH/1804 AD), he turned to the Qajar government. So the question is raised that “What were the causes of Kalbalikhan's inclination towards the Russians before the war, and then his turning to Iran and continuing to hesitate to cooperate with the Qajar government? “This issue has been investigated based on the collection of manuscripts of the Kangarloo family's correspondences, Qajar historical sources, and Russian documents. The findings shows that Kalbalikhan turned to the Russians to deal with the policy of eliminating and integrating local elites in the structure of the unified government of Iran with the aim of his political survival, which resulted in his dismissal from the Nakhjavan government by Agha Mohammad Khan. In contrast, Fath Ali Shah's tolerant policy, along with the promise of Nakhjavan's rule and the presence of hostages from his family in the Qajar court, led to Kalbalikhan's inclination towards the government of Iran. However, this cooperation continued along with mutual suspicion due to Kalbalikhan's erratic behavior.

The migration of Iranian labor to the Caucasus began in 1850/1266 AH, so that every year several thousand people left the country and worked in factories, oil industries, farms and docks in the worst conditions. One of the most important issues that these immigrants faced as soon as they arrived in the Caucasus was the issue of how to live and its conditions. Therefore, the main goal of the current research is to investigate the housing situation of Iranian workers in the Caucasus. The following article, with the approach of history from below and with the inspiration of "Edward Palmer Thompson" (1924-1993 AD), tries to answer the question of what kind of settlements were chosen by Iranian migrant workers in the Caucasus, and this was influenced by What were the components? The results of the studies show that the workers in the Caucasus had three types of housing, i.e. housing at the workplace, rented housing and dormitory buildings. Considering the low wages of Iranian workers (between 12 and 21 rubles per month), most of them did not have the financial ability to live in dormitory buildings. For this reason, some farm and garden workers lived in their workplaces, and some A significant number of workers in the oil industry and factories rented cottages, basements and crypts on the outskirts of the cities and lived in them collectively

The first step of the Russi’s expansionism in the Caucasus was trying to acquire knowledge about this land and its people, which manifested itself in the form of “Orientalism”. Communicating with the ethnicities and Khans of the region, the creation of the Caucasus defense line and its expansion to the south was an important and final step in the conquest of the Caucasus. In order for establishing their sovereignty in the Caucasus and exploiting its natural resources, the Russians set up a new administrative system in the form of the Caucasus administrative- territorial unit. This descriptive-analytical research seeks to answer the question of how the Caucasus administrative-territorial unit was formed in the political geography of Tsarist Russia. The findings show that the process of integrating the Caucasus into the territory of Tsarist Russia was a gradual process in the form of a long-term strategy. This was achieved by combining the scientific achievements of orientalists and the actions of Russian military forces. The establishment of military bases in strategic places and settlement of Christian tribes in these places was very effective in stabilizing and consolidating the defense line of the Caucasus.

Ziyad Oghli Qajar dynasty was among the important and influential families in the Caucasus who emerged from the transformation process of the political and administrative structure of the Safavid government. This dynasty developed from the Qajar tribe and gained power in Karabakh by the support of the Safavid kings. Ziyad Oghli dynasty was one of the most important advocates of the establishment and perpetuation of the political sovereignty of the Safavid state in the Caucasus. There is no clear picture of their political and military role in Karabakh during the reign of Shah Tahmasb I, and therefore, further studies is essential. This research attempted to answer the question: What was Ziyad Oghli dynasty’s role in the political developments of the Caucasus during the reign of Shah Tahmasb I? The findings showed that the Ziyad Oghli dynasty was responsible for the security and protection of the Safavid frontiers against the Ottomans. Moreover, they had to deal with Georgia's internal affairs and suppress the riots against the Safavid state in the eastern parts of Georgia. In other words, their most important role was to stabilize and perpetuate the political sovereignty of the Safavid state in the Caucasus.The research was a descriptive and analytical study.

The scarcity of resources in the social history of Iran and particularly the Caucasus has hindered our historical understanding. Meanwhile, documents, as primary written sources, are deemed valuable for historical research, lending credibility and citation worth to historical findings. Given its strategic significance, the Caucasus has been a focal point for Iran's and regional governments' attention since ancient times. The diverse commercial potential of the Caucasus region has fostered an environment conducive to economic prosperity. This study aimed to shed light on the social and economic conditions of Ganja and Karabagh states, focusing on the manuscripts of Ottoman writings from two distinct periods, "1001 to 1003 A.H. and 1142 to 1143 A.H./1595-1593 AD and 1733-1732 AD", based on unique manuscripts. The article was structured in a descriptive-analytical manner, delving into research achievements, the demographic division of states, taxation, agricultural products, ethnic composition, economic activities, tax revenue, and political developments in the region. It identified economic and social drivers of migrations and elucidated social changes to the best extent possible.

Smugglers were an anti-government movement in the lands of Tsarist Russia. A part of this flow only turned to creating disorder in the society and looting, but a significant part of it, as an active popular force in the South Caucasus region, sought to eliminate oppression and establish stability and peace in this region. Therefore, in order to achieve this goal, they clashed with the rule of Tsarist Russia and the local feudal lords dependent on it, and due to the lack of forces, they chose guerrilla warfare on the borders of Russia and Iran on both sides of the Aras. This escape in the border areas caused them to be referred to as smuggling. This research aims to investigate the problem of smuggling in the borders of Iran in Qajar rera and Tsarist Russia in the 19th and 20th centuries by using library sources and in a descriptive-explanatory way. The findings show that the urgent need for land and water and its lack, the arbitrariness of the rich and those dependent on the government, were the main reasons for the emergence of smuggling in the South Caucasus. The issue of lack of land and soil became a big crisis when the tsarist government pursued its policy of Christianization in the Caucasus and accordingly confiscated a significant part of the land and water of the native Muslims in the region for the benefit of the newly arrived Christian populations.

Mohammad Hasan Khan ruled over Shaki at the same time as the rivalry between the Ottoman and Russian governments in the Caucasus region. In those days, the Ottomans established political relationships with local heads such as the ruler of Shaki with the aim of countering the influence and domination of the Russians in the Caucasus. Mohammad Hasan Khan had been also inclined to the Ottomans due to the fear and concern of the aggressive policy of the Georgians against the territory of the local Muslim rulers of Ganja and Yerevan. Mohammad Hasan Khan was in contact with the Ottomans in the form of exchange of correspondence and the ambassador's(elčī) movement. The main question of the article is what issues did Muhammad Hasan Khan Shaki's letters to the Ottoman government covered and what goals did he pursue? This research relying on printed books from Ottoman archival documents and local historiographical sources of Shaki and the Caucasus and with a descriptive-analytical approach indicates that confronting the expansionist policy of the Georgian ruler with the Russians’ military support in the Muslim land and constant invasion of their forces to the Ganja state in the neighbourhood of Shaki, was one of the important issues raised in the correspondence of Mohammad Hasan Khan Shaki with the Ottoman authorities. He demanded political-military aid from the Ottoman government for this issue. It seems that these letter writings did not have any special achievements due to the lack of practical action from both sides.

The city of Baku became the main center outbreak of cholera in the Caucasus region on June 6, 1892, due to an extensive rail network, a modern shipping line, and a large population of migrant workers. With fleeing 75% of the infected and frightened people of Baku via the rail network, shipping lanes and carriages, the entire Caucasus region quickly contracted a deadly cholera epidemic. The main aim of this research, which is done by analytical-descriptive method, and conducted via library resources, is to answer the important question of what was the role of the government in the catastrophic outbreak of the cholera epidemic of 1892 in the Caucasus region. With fleeing 75% of the infected and frightened people of Baku via the rail network, shipping lanes and carriages, the entire Caucasus region quickly contracted a deadly cholera epidemicAnalysis of the evidences indicates that the government did not take effective action to prevent and control cholera in the Caucasus region, especially in the city of Baku, which led to the rapid spread of the disease and the death of many people in this region and compared to the European part of the Russian Empire, it had a very high relative intensity.

The Caucasus region has been a special importance to Iran throughout history, and when the central government of Iran was weak, the first part that separated from Iran was the Caucasus region, and during the strong rule of central Iran, the first part that was annexed to Iran was the Caucasus region. The successors of Peter the Great wanted the north of Iran and the Ottomans wanted the west of Iran and over the years they have tried to infiltrate this region. During the Afghan occupation of Iran, the Ottomans occupied Azerbaijan and made the Russian Empire envy. Nader Shah (king of Iran) came to the Caucasus region in 1725-1726 AD and realized the political-military goals of Russia and the Ottomans, who had seized parts of the region by force. Nader was able to defeat the Ottoman forces and capture the Karabakh region. The reasons for the instability in dominating of the central government of Iran in this region have been partly related to the policies of the Iranian rulers and partly to the territorial expansion of the neighbors of this region throughout history. In this article, we will examine Nader Shah's policies in this region with an analytical and descriptive method. Findings show that Nader Shah's policy weakened the ties of the Karabakh region with the Iranian government and the tendency of the Khans to join the powerful governments.

The Caucasus region and especially Central Asia will be a hot spot in the region's developments in the coming years due to the wrong policies of the ruling governments and support for extremist groups. The geopolitical importance of Central Asia and the Caucasus and the efforts of important regional and extra-regional actors to be present in this region add to the need to know the situation of extremism and Takfirism in Central Asia and the Caucasus, and due to the fact that this region borders with Islamic Republic of Iran, this recognition is of double importance for us. The favorable internal conditions and the geopolitical importance of these regions have made Russia consider it as part of its traditional private life, Saudi Arabia provides the necessary platform for the promotion of extremist ideas, and the Islamic Republic of Iran due to its continuity and cultural commonality. consider it as a subset of cultural geography and NATO member countries, especially the powerful European countries and the United States, in addition to the economic and commercial view to act in the private life of Russia and also prevent the development of the regional influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Pay attention to these areas. In the meantime, what is worthy of attention and cause for concern is that some countries in the region, including Saudi Arabia, and some western countries, including the United States, prioritize supporting and equipping religious extremist groups in order to achieve their goals and have defined their foreign policies in relation to these regions. The result of internal weaknesses, problems and disturbances, along with the interference and role-playing of foreigners in Central Asia, explains the reality of the spread of extremist ideas in these regions.

Pan-Islamism was the Ottoman Empire’s plan to limit and contain Russia’s expansionism. Their purpose was to bring the local Khans under one banner in the name of Islamic Unity to resist against Russia’s colonial policies. Ahmad Khan Donboli (1176-1200AH/1786-1762AD), the ruler of Khoy, in the Azerbaijan region, was an influential and powerful figure. Despite being a Shiite, the Ottoman government saw him as a valuable asset for the purposes of the Pan-Islamism and thus approached him. This study aimed to unravel Ahmad Khan’s position and role in Ottoman government’s regional policy and shed light on the dimensions of their collaboration. The present study also intended to answer the following questions: How much did Ahmad Khan cooperate with the Ottomans? What was the ruler of  Khoy’s purpose from collaborating with the Ottomans on their Pan-Islamism policy? Using historical Persian manuscripts, documents printed in the Ottoman Empire, and Ottoman historiographical resources, this study attempted to answer the above-mentioned questions by an analytic-descriptive method. The findings indicate that the cooperation between them was beyond mere exchange of ambassadors and correspondence and had move to a whole new level of joint military and intelligence collaboration against Islam’s enemies. Also, it was found that Ahmad Khan intended to upgrade his status from a local ruler to a claimant to the throne and to establish himself as an independent ruler in the absence of a powerful central government.

The economic growth in the South Caucasus led to the emergence of new industries such as oil, cement, mining, construction, textile, etc. A significant manifestation of this development was the extraction and industrial exploitation of Baku oil wells on a large scale. These new industries created a greater need for labor in the Caucasus region, which the local workforce could not meet. However, seasonal unemployment in the agricultural society of Iran, particularly Azerbaijan, and the proximity of this state to the Caucasus, provided new job opportunities for farmers and workers in the Caucasus.This study aims to answer the question of what life was like for Iranian workers in the Caucasus and how comfortable they were. Based on statistics and information obtained from archival documents of Russia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan, this article concludes that Iranian workers played a critical role in the agriculture, oil, and communication industries of the Caucasus during this period. However, they earned very little income and lived in a deplorable state of well-being. Most of these workers were uneducated and unmarried, and due to the exhausting nature of their work, the rate of illness and death among them was very high.

One of the issues faced by the Qajar government in the second half of the 13th/19th century was the mass migration of the people. The migration took place from 1266 AH/1850 AD and to a relatively larger extent, from 1286 AH/1870 AD, from different provinces of Iran to other lands, especially the Southern Caucasus. Consequently, several thousand people left their homeland every year to work. As soon as they arrived in these areas, the migrants were employed in the worst conditions in factories, oil industries, villages, farms, docks, etc. in the worst conditions. In this article, an attempt has been made to use a descriptive-analytical approach based on collecting data from archival sources and adopting the theoretical framework of attraction and repulsion models based on the opinions of thinkers such as Ravenstein, Thomas, and Everett S. Lee, to explain the causes of the Iranian labor force migrates to the Caucasus. This research proposes that the economic, political, and social factors as push and pull factors in the origin and destination created a sort of imbalance that caused the migration of Iranian labor to the Caucasus and this process continued over the years.