جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « مقاومت » در نشریات گروه « ادبیات و زبان ها »

The American school of comparative literature provides a good opportunity to examine the literary works of different nations. War is a theme that Iranian and Palestinian writers have reflected in their works. This research examines the signs of religious heritage in the poetry of two resistance poets, Qeysar Aminpour and Fayiz Khaddur. These two poets, with the purpose of education and encouraging the people to fight against the enemy, have adapted stories from the Qur'an in their poems and have also used religious and historical characteristics. They have tried in this way to portray the sad state of society in Iran and Palestine during the time of the rulers. But Qeysar Aminpour, by portraying social events during the war, wanted to invite the youth to liberate the occupied parts of Iran. Also, both poets have depicted the ruins, destruction, and killings and emphasised the inevitable victory of the oppressed over the oppressors.

Cultural materialism is one of the main subfields of cultural studies in literature. From the point of view of cultural materialists, ideology, no matter how powerful, is never completely dominant; poets and writers can engage in activism and cultural resistance in opposition to the prevailing cultural and political hegemony. The dominant culture, therefore, does not fully achieve its goals. The most prominent components of cultural materialism are: 1. connection of the literary text with its historical context. 2. vulnerability of the dominant ideology and adoption of resisting approaches. 3. discourse creation or strengthening of discourses in literary texts. The present study investigates the reasons of Atâ-Malek Joveyni’s resistance against the Mongol rule through the lens of cultural materialism with a descriptive-analytical method. Findings show that as a writer and a cultural-political activist, Joveyni, despite his cooperation with the Mongols, is not limited to the cultural-political discourse of Mongols and enjoys independent thinking. He is not alone in adopting such an approach and shares the same discourse with Saadi, Saif Farghani, Khwaju Kermani and Ubayd Zakani. The most important reasons for Joveyni’s activism and his resistance against Mongol power are: 1. Mongol reliance on hard power in contrast to Iran's cultural-literary soft power. 2. internal contradictions and gaps in Mongol ideology and the necessity of adopting a resisting approach. 3. survival of the discourse of anti-tyranny and patriotism throughout the history of Persian literature.

Critical analysis of discourse goes beyond the level of sentences and words in examining texts and pays attention to the context of the situation in which the text was formed and refers to two social and linguistic approaches. In the social approach, discourse is defined as situational context, and in the linguistic approach, textual context is explained. The memories and events of the Holy Defense era play a prominent role in introducing that era to today's generation and making it an example. The book "Da" is part of the memoirs of the holy defense, which Hosseini discussed the resistance and sacrifices of the Iranian people against the aggression of the Baathist regime in Iraq. The narrator narrates the memories of the war focusing on the role of a woman and her perspective on the war. The purpose of writing this article is to reflect the discourse of resistance in the novel "Da" based on the analysis of Van Dijk's discourse. This book has been analyzed using a qualitative method based on Van Dyaijk's critical discourse analysis. The results of the research show that the book reveals the value, epic, emotional discourse of war and is influenced by various components of the resistance discourse. The main theme of this speech is a call to uphold Islamic values, which shows the author's ideology and shows the extent of the author's adherence to his claims in the axis of the resistance discourse.

Sadegh Chubak highlights spaces outside the norm and accepted spaces in society in his fiction works, which is one of the prominent and distinctive features of his work. As a writer, a number of his fictional works are distinguished by the use of spaces like mortuaries, brothels, and animal stables as residences for characters, who mostly are prostitutes, outcasts, and poor or destitute women. Using an interdisciplinary approach, this article examines and analyzes Chubek's fictional spaces from the perspective of Michel Foucault's concept of heterotopia. Using feminist critical discourse analysis as a method of examining the identity of women within such spaces, I will show that Chubak's fictional works are heterotopic spaces of resistance and struggle by depicting heterotopic spaces of deviation and representation of female identity and gender. These spaces, in fact, aim to criticize and condemn the society that has caused the growth and emergence of anomalies and discrimination in relation to women's rights.

Critical discourse analysis is one of the new critical approaches that is used by researchers to understand the goals of the author and to reveal the hidden ideologies of the text at three levels of description, interpretation and explanation. Omar Aburisheh is one of the contemporary poets of Palestinian origin, whose concepts of aversion to oppression and anti-colonialism are widely expressed in his works. The themes of his poetry are often subject to the political and social conditions of the poet's time, and Al-Nasr's poem is no exception. In the present essay, the authors have analyzed and analyzed the ode of Elanser in a descriptive-analytical way based on the theory of Norman Fairclough. The results of the research indicate that the author was affected by the suffocating conditions prevailing in the society of Palestine and Syria at the level of description and used arrays such as similes and metaphors to create images. In this way, by drawing the current situation and expressing the lost glory of this land, he called his fellow countrymen to fight against the colonialists. At the level of interpretation, the situational and intertextual context of the ode and the influence of the author from different literary schools are important. At the level of explanation, the poet shows that he has taken a step in line with his campaign goals and in the direction of persuading and encouraging the readers by taking a stand against the colonial powers.

One of the items effective on children’s living conditions in each era and society is the consideration and expectation which is expected from children by adults. Among adults, on one hand, governors and governments and on the other hand intellectuals have undeniable effects on both child and childhood. Each of them can move a child between an obedient, passive one or a rebel, active one by means of their position and the bases they own. Knowing a child and the childhood era and paying attention to this issue, which had been started since the Nasseri era, in 1340 (Solar Hijri) (1960s) became more important by settling and establishing children’s organizations and institutes. Establishing Children’s Book Council (1341 S.H, 1962 A.D), an NGO, along with two governmental institutes, i.e. Educational Publications (1341 S.H, 1962 A.D) and Children and Teens’ Intellectual Development Center (1344 S.H, 1965 A.D), shows children’s identity gaining and more attention to children’s issue than before. These institutes and organizations rise up, with those activities and attempts performed by authors and intellectuals, either right-wing or left-wing, under the predominance of discourses and ideologies, caused a novel, different – in some ways, and even conflicting definitions about children and childhood to be created. By the time of Reza Shah’s government coup, paying attention to the childhood was kept on. Reza Shah’s militarism had led to a disciplined and punctuated army from one side, and from another side, to establishing military-like schools with the same style, discipline and arrangement. This kind of disciplinary technique took all army, corps to other organizations and institutes under its predominance. Although establishing school s in the form of the modern ones was one of the elements of progress and development promising a change in the attitudes towards children and new era entry, it would be carrying uniformity, silence and declutter and being obedient as the heritage of the past as if they were promising the schools for training future’s obedient soldiers in the age of dictatorship.In 1340s (1960s), a variety of intellectual mainstreams appeared and thus, various voices could be heard through this; left-wing intellectuals are one of the most impressive intellectual mainstreams in that era, however. The effect of this group on the type of look over children and childhood period is undeniable.Studying the discourse of resistance – which was advertised and followed by these intellectuals – from one side, and the discourse of strength and traditions from another side, is necessary to find today’s children’s descent. The intention point of this study is the confrontation point of these two discourses regarding the children and childhood, their method of confrontation, sociability, and their education. Gholam Hossein Saedi is one of the style-owner, left-wing intellectual artists of the 1340s era. Since his adolescence, he expressed his enthusiasm in politics – or literally, escaping from incuriosity – when he joined the Toodeh party (Communist party in Iran), wrote articles and published different reviews. DIKTEH in 1340s and after that he was paid lots of attention and received lots of criticism by critics; however, there has been no research and studies with the present research approach on this drama. In this study, the disciplinary techniques as well as children’s method of resistance against that shall be investigated and reviewed by means of the inductive qualitative context method and employing Michel Foucault’s opinions. The current study has been trying to find an answer to these questions: What disciplinary and criticism techniques are seen in this drama? What is its result? How does the child resist against it? Does the confrontation and line-up of these two thoughts and mentality seen in this drama release the child from the adults’ subduing string?Studying the connection between the subject and strength is one of Foucault’s main discussions. Foucault has been trying to show that applying strength will be possible by means of a mechanism which can be checked and classified as the disciplinary and its techniques and Foucault believes that the strength acts and moves on by marginalization, rejection, encouragement and punishment, permanent care and observation, and a pyramid hierarchal way. In DIKTEH drama, these points can be seen as well. It shows a part of a student’s life who is supposed to be apparently assessed via an exam by teachers and schoolmaster for his literacy, science acquisition while in fact, he is examined for his/her obedience. But the child / student does not obey and do whatever they order him/her to do. In traditional discourse obedience was the survival condition in the society; if someone started to disobey, rejection was the least consequence. To persuade a child to be obedient and subdue him/her different techniques were used. In an overall view, the dialogues in this drama show two intellectual mainstreams which are developed based on the marginalization between the two concepts of the good student and the bad student. The destiny of such a confrontation can be found in both traditional and strength discourses. In these discourses, the child must be obedient to his/her teachers and older people and even to the punishment as well and keep silent. Obedience considered essential and vital for the student’s success in these two discourses. In DIKTEH drama, these two mentalities and thoughts about the childhood are lining up and glowing. The first one, is the representative of the not-released-from-tradition strength discourse and the lateral is risen up from the left-wing intellectual discourse. In this confrontation, the strength discourse enjoys disciplinary techniques like marginalization, frightening from the bad consequence and rejection, threatening, and encouragement to make the child obey and on the other hand there is a child against the strength who is endorsed by the intellectual mainstream and attempts to insecure the authority of the strength side by resisting. On this path, he/she uses ways like silence and disobedience, questioning and rebellion, laughing and ridiculing.In this drama, Saedi tries to consider them superior one to another by creating two mutual images. In these images, the rebel and disobedient child is superior to the obedient child. Although this image shows a perceptible distance from the traditional thought which means that the child has moved from margin to the context and is no more obedient as he/she used to be, he/she is collapsed into the encrypted ideologies of the day. Therefore, it can be concluded that Saedi’s represented child has not gotten rid of the adults’ string yet.

Addressing the memories of the freedmen can be useful from different aspects. On the one hand, by keeping their memory alive, drawing the space they experienced and the experiences they left behind helps to understand the conditions of captivity and can be used in the field of training soldiers, and on the other hand, paying attention to these characteristics, conditions and various consequences of captivity lead to a better judgment regarding the requirements of this situation and paying attention to the strategies of captives in order to adapt as much as possible to the prison environment. It is obvious that in this case, the view combined with sanctity and free from any weakness in all prisoners of war becomes a comprehensive view that shows the beauties and ugliness of the phenomenon of captivity during the war in an authentic way and relying on documents and First-hand narratives expose the audience to recognition and judgment.War is one of the most complex social phenomena that strongly affects societies, and its effect includes all systems, sub-systems and social institutions. Therefore, war is a group conflict whose most important feature is the order and organization that governs it. One of the hidden sections in the sociology of war, which gradually emerged as an independent field, is the sociology of the armed forces, whose mission is to discover the relationship between the armed forces and the society, the structure of the armed forces, and subculture of these forces. The present research can be considered one of the few efforts in the field of sociology of armed forces in Iran. To do this, by adopting a quasi-phenomenological approach, an attempt is made to investigate the memories of Guilani prisons of war to the common themes in the intersubjectivity of these people, and to turn the apparent plurality and diversity in their narratives into the axes of coherence. and to centralize it so that it is possible to draw the image of captivity as experienced by the main body of prisoners of war.

The method used in this research is thematic analysis developed by Clark and Brown. The steps they want are (1) "familiarity with the data" which requires "immersion" in the data and includes tips such as "reading the data repeatedly" and "reading the data in a is active. During this stage, the researcher tries to get a correct understanding of the atmosphere governing the text and the relationship between the concepts by referring to the materials several times. (2) careful study of the text and extraction of primary codes; (3) "Searching for themes" which includes the categorization of different sub-themes in the form of sub-themes and the initial integration of these sub-themes based on theoretical foundations; (4) "revision of the themes" which includes the review and purification of the themes and gives an initial and coherent narrative for validating the themes; (5) At this stage, "naming and defining themes" takes place, which is done by relying on the following examples of each theme to answer the main research question and design the final model; and (6) the final stage of "presenting the report" which includes the final analysis and writing the results and findings. In the interpretation of some, "stability and resistance is an absolute concept that belongs to various phenomena and gives them color, smell and shadow of specific meanings. This approach is related to the works related to the memories of the prisoners of war, which on the one hand express raw narratives, or on the other hand, by creating novels based on these narratives, to create stories in the context of the experience of captivity - as imagined It could have existed - they take action. The present text is an attempt to go beyond this duality in order to sociologically examine memories of war prisoners and extract themes hidden in raw memories.

In this research, by using edited oral memories, we tried to extract the hidden themes in the narratives of Gilani prisoners of war from the years of captivity. In this way, the main focus is on the "topic", which gives a different analysis from the content analysis. One of the main elements that distinguish the stories of war and holy defense from other stories is the theme... the authors have moral and didactic concepts such as martyrdom, self-sacrifice, and courage. and veterans and such concepts have tried to pay their respects to the warriors of the eight years of holy defense. The themes investigated in this research are "resistance", "in-group and out-group", "Sacrifice", "Endeavor", "Religious sensitivity", "Compatibility with conditions", "Tolerance and bigotry".The experience of war and captivity can be considered as one of the unique and exceptional experiences that usually a small part of the population of a country experience it. During the Iran-Iraq war, the experience of being in the prisons of the Baathist regime became a common memory of Iran's prisoners of war. As mentioned, the purpose of this research is never to try to integrate the memories of these prisoners. Captivity is a unique narration that every person looks at from the window of senses, personality, circumstances, family and religious origin and many other factors. The aim of this research was an effort to extract the common themes hidden among the existing scattered materials. Among the various examples and manifestations presented, conflicting and possibly contradictory content can be seen. A person confidently states that among the people belonging to his tribe, province, or religion, there was no informer or self-soldier, and another person speaks of the punishment of one of his fellow provinces for being an informer. Someone portrays Iraqis as completely uncompassionate and cruel people, and another speaks of the devotion of an Iraqi to Imam Khomeini, which makes him more tolerant of Iranian prisoners. On the one hand, we hear about the insults and insults of the common people of Iraq, and on the other hand, we hear about their tears when they meet the captives and the hands that are stretched over the heads and faces of the captives as a sign of blessing.Also, with a more detailed look at the data, one can see elements and components that are precisely due to people belonging to a specific subculture. It's as if being a Gilani or a Gilak meant acting on certain behavior patterns or thinking in acertain way. Sometimes, referring to the rainy climate of Gilan, being in Iraq is considered to be a double difficulty for the people of Gilan. Sometimes, the torture of prison guards is depicted as more painful than providing them with water for drinking and washing. Sometimes Gilaki language is used as a tool and media to express what "can't" be expressed in Persian language. Sometimes, being deprived of drinking tea, which is considered as a kind of public torture, is considered more painful for a Gilani, and finally, although it is not possible to issue a general and definite verdict about all the prisoners and even the Gilani prisoners, but by studying In all the published memoirs, the impression is formed in the mind of the reader that the culture of moderation and moderateness was common among the Gilani captives, because on the one hand insulting other cultures and in some way self-superiority is evident in the studied texts. It doesn't work, and on the other hand, there is no code that can be considered extremism and religious extremism.As mentioned, the main (comprehensive) theme of this study is "the lived experience of war and captivity". In the second level, the organizing themes include epic spirit, reactions to issues, humanitarianism, values, freedom, approaches based on violence and rupture. It seems that the experience of war and especially captivity can be explained and interpreted to a large extent with the help of these components.

In the conceptual system of the Holy Quran, the only strategy of the believers in the face of enemies is "resistance" which has different dimensions. The views of lexicographers, commentators, as well as how translators translate some of these words (Specifically "Là tarkanou elà" In verse 113 of Surah Hood, "Anbaza elà" in verse 58 of Surah Anfal "Asheda" In verse 29 of Surah Fath and "Qhelzah" in verse 123 of Surah Tubah/Baraàt) are Different and numerous. The present article aims to use descriptive-analytical method and data evaluation to enumerate the meaning of these words based on the opinions of lexicographers and commentators and after analysis and critique, to provide a comprehensive and accurate meaning of them. Finally, based on the results, contemporary Persian translations (specifically Ansarian, Fooladvand, Makarem, Meshkini, Safavid, Rezaei, Moezi, Mesbahzadeh, Khorramshahi, Haddad Adel and Yazdi) are evaluated. The results of the present study indicate that in order to understand the exact meaning of these strategic words, paying attention to the context and their association with other words plays the most important role; which some lexicographers, commentators and translators have paid less attention. However, Meshkini and Safavi have been more successful in transmitting the correct meanings of these words than other translators.

Defining female subjectivity has always been a challenge, from its modern conception by Sigmund Freud to its most recent analysis by contemporary feminist critics. Basing female subjectivity on an inherent lack in the psychology of Freud and later Jacques Lacan, promoted feminist critics like Luce Irigaray and Judith Butler to reinstate the concept in their theories. For Irigaray, females have their own unique subjectivity that is manifested in the difference of their bodies and language from those of males. She contends that this difference should be revealed not bridged or concealed. Judith Butler, believes that it is only through resistance and agency that a true subjectivity is revealed. The present article is a feminist study of women subjectivity in speculative literature. Feminist speculative literature has its primary goal in altering women’s debilitating self-image so that they can act upon such changes and make ideal societies based upon their new self-conceptions. Octavia E. Butler, writer of Dawn and Parable of the Sower and Parable of the Talents, renders a resistant picture of females who go beyond their immediate male dominated environment and perform something that is near to Irigaray and Judith Butler’s conception of female subjectivity.

Adopting a new historicist methodological approach, this paper examines the representation of the various classes in 7th-century Iranian society in Sa’di’s Golestan against the background of contemporary conflicting discourses about social class. It connects the disruption of contemporary notions concerning social order, as well as the attribution of new meanings to existing signifiers, with the displacement of the center of power in the 7th century AH. The paper also suggests that Golestan’s resistance to certain discourses and groups indicates the emergence of new centers of power and new discourses in society.  On the other hand, in line with the principles of new historicism, the paper shows how the lower strata and silenced minorities in society appear in Golestan and rise from objecthood to subject status and sometimes actually use the same ideology that places them at the bottom of the social ladder to resist their leaders. Due to the intertextual approach in this article, other texts are also used for comparison and analysis. The method adopted is, moreover, based on Foucault’s theory of power and resistance.

In this study, based on Saadi’s Bustan, we have raised the question of how the peasantry gained power in the social structure. According to the hegemony and power approach, whose experts are Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucault, and using the methods of critical discourse analysis and intertextuality, we examined power and resistance, which are the circles of interaction between community participants.Considering the multifaceted function of discourse in the seventh century texts, the research findings showed that along with Sufis and Zaheds and various social groups that used their own mechanisms to gain power, the subordinate class and the peasants also gained new power.By combining the ideas with the religious, mystical and customary beliefs in the society, which at the same time caused their own obedience and subjugation, they developed a mechanism that by reproducing and applying it,forced the most powerful individuals to surrender.Thus, with a deconstructive reading of texts, complex action and interaction between actors replaces the diminishing notion of one-sided interaction between socially active groups.

Yahya Samawi, as one of the prominent contemporary poets of Iraq, and Mohammad Reza Shafiei Kadkani, one of the contemporary poets of Iran, try to have an evident role by the weapon of pen, language of art and using various literary techniques in exposing the nature of colonialism and the occupying forces. The present study, in addition to explaining the literary position of these two poets, tries to study in detail and inductively the commonalities and differences of the poets in the concepts of resistance with a comparative approach based on the American school and investigate the emergence of ideas of stability and resistance in Samavi and Shafi'i poetry. The results of this study indicate that the traces of American colonialism in both countries have had bad consequences. Therefore, the two poets, relying on the high values ​​of the Qur'an and Islam and with the support of the rich culture and glorious history of their land, while using national-religious myths symbolically and sometimes openly, have had a significant contribution to the awakening of their nation and by creating the solidarity between them has taken firm steps towards stability.

Omar Bahaoddin Al-Amiri is one of the contemporary writers in Syria who, by paying special attention to the issue of Palestine in his works, was able to offer valuable services to the Palestinian society and instill the spirit of resistance in the body of the Palestinian people. On the other hand, Gheisar Aminpour, a poet of the Persian resistance, is one of the writers that commitment to social issues including the issue of Palestine has been a major part of his mental concerns. Hope for liberation, praise of revolutionaries and oppressors, children and adolescents of the country, exposing the face of the occupying regime, calling for uprising and stability, and creating a nationalist feeling, are among the most prominent themes of the stability of these two poets. In this research, with the focus on these six issues in the poetry of these two poets, it has been tried to study and discover examples of harmony and explain the differences in their views in order to find out how an idea appears in a part of the world and in elsewhere, the same idea emerges in a different way.

Mahmoud Darvish and Qaisar Aminpour are both poets in whose works identity, both social and individual, have found special growth, maturity and crystallization; social commitment and giving meaning to the formal and structural ideals of a poem have been inseparable components of committed poetry; as many critics have considered the ultimate goal of poetry to be the fulfillment of this commitment. The existence of individual and collective identities in poetry pave the way for the emergence of personal and social ideals by which the poet demonstrates his identification with society and a specific audience. Mahmoud Darvish and Qaisar Aminpour have both used their collective identities to preserve the values of society and the revolutionary spirit, so much that many of the content characteristics of their works can be analyzed from the point of view of this tendency. They are comparable with the love for the homeland, resistance and struggle, collective nostalgia, the history of a nation, etc. that are the tangible pillars of this view. In addition to this committed response, the personal identity has also been clarified - not as a collective identity; but the context of its growth and development has never been completely limited to the individual spirit, and the poet has always taken a step towards the desire to socialize and leave the personal identity.

There is no doubt that Iraq has experienced ups and downs in contemporary times, since 2003, when it was invaded and occupied by the United States and its allies, Saddam's tyrannical regime ended, and the Iraqi people, after years of sanctions, oppression, and misery entered a new era which manifested in the occupation of new American colonialism. Iraqi poets listened to the voices of the oppressed people and expressed different reactions to resistance and stability. Yahya Samawi is one of the Iraqi poets who have been able to play a positive role in the awakening of the Iraqi people and politicians from neglect and laziness towards the occupier and its plunder. In various poems, Yahya Samawi created poetic challenges and interests, which were supported by both Americans and some traitorous and utilitarian politicians. The poet has been able to present the sufferings and misfortunes of his country as a painful tragedy in a certain style. But the poetic interest of Jawaheri, which is almost half a century older than Samavi, was quite different in style and design, although they shared a common purpose. Interests of Jawaheri's interests are the twentieth century, but Samavi's poetry is unique to his time.

 Given the specific conditions of Iran and Palestine, resistance is prominently manifested in the literature and poetry of both nations. Despite having different individual and spiritual characteristics, as an Iranian and a Palestinian poet, Salman Harati and Shafiq Habib have had mutual social and literary experiences; they have both witnessed tyranny and war looming over their nations, hence reflecting upon the resistance literature in their poems. Analysis of their poems can be an effective step towards portraying the state of the suffered people of their nations that is painted through poetry. In addition, one could become familiar with religious, social, and cultural commonalities of both countries through poetry. The present study was conducted with the purpose of examining the common resistance themes in poems by Shafiq Habib and Salman Harati; it is also attempted to identity similarities and differences between how these themes are reflected. The hypothesis of the study is that since both poets have experienced relatively same conditions in their country, they have adopted a similar approach in their poetry. However, individual, spiritual, and social dimensions of the lives of both poets have also affected their expression of their thoughts and emotions, resulting in a number of differences and similarities in their poems.

The present study was conducted using the comparative method based upon the American School, through the approach of authenticity of similarity. This school considers literary communications and effects as one of the major research backgrounds in comparative literature, albeit through a more extensive perspective. Accordingly, finding historical evidence and positivist evidence is not insisted upon while it is acceptable that certain similarities between works of literature stems from the common spirit of all humans. Such comparison is carried out descriptively, using content analysis; first, the themes of resistance literature are laid out in brief followed by an extensive description of said themes in poems by Salman Harati and Shafiq Habib. Ultimately, themes are processed so as to point out the similarities and differences between the two poets.

Both Shafiq Habib and Salman Harati are in love with their countries with an intertwined sense of religiosity and nationalism. Salman has expressed love for country through nature and spirituality while Shafiq has done so using hopes, wishes, and sense of alienation. In addition to addressing the states of their own people, both poets have offered a breath of hope; accordingly, some of the most highlighted themes of both poets involve giving hope, hope for children, and the emergence of the savior. In this respect, Shafiq has mixed hope with the enemy’s threat and humiliation. Salman Harati and Shafiq Habib protest the “don’ts” and the wrongdoings of both foreign and domestic enemies in order to mend and develop the status quo. Shafiq Habib has bravely criticized the Arab rulers and foreign enemies. However, clarity has not always been the direction of these two poets; yet, the political environment and verbal aesthetics have adorned their poetry with symbolic expression to enable them to offer their intended themes to the audience in a suitable manner.

The homelands of Shafiq Habib and Salman Harati have always been involved with wars and repelling violation, resulting in the themes of resistance literature to become a main component in their poetry. This inquiry examined themes such as patriotism, hope, criticism and demonstration, and the use of symbols and codes in poems by these two poets. In comparison of their poems in light of resistance themes, a number of significant similarities and differences were found. Certain differences include the type of expressing enthusiasm for the nation, Shafiq’s challenging tone in giving hope and his precision in criticizing the leaders of his country and chastising the Arab rulers while these criticisms were not observed in Salman’s poems. Shafiq chastises Arab rulers and protests the lack of a unique leader; yet Harati describes Imam Khomeini in a comprehensive manner and introduces him as a powerful leader for both himself and the nation. Nevertheless, similarities in their poems include love of the country, giving hope to children, awaiting the savior, reformist criticism, protest in line with development and symbolic expression.