جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « legitimacy » در نشریات گروه « ادبیات و زبان ها »

Darius III (336-330 BC) is the last Achaemenid king whose reign coincided with the invasion of Alexander the Great. Darius could not stop the Macedonian-Greek army, and finally the Achaemenid dynasty became extinct during this reign. Darius himself, after repeated escapes from Alexander's army, was finally killed by Bessus Satrap Bactria (Balkh) and his Persian supporters. The research method in this research is descriptive, analytical and the use of valid historical sources and references. In this study, it is assumed that Darius made numerous political and military mistakes in confronting Alexander and his army, and instead of resisting to increase the morale of his army, he fled. So it lost its legitimacy among many Persians and they were thinking of a solution. Finally, in order to save the Achaemenid dynasty, Bessus and his allies first dethroned and arrested Darius, and when Darius tried to surrender to Alexander, he was forced to kill him in order to prevent Darius's captivity and the loss of the Achaemenid dynasty. Thus, according to Michel Foucault's cultural theory, Darius, who was initially elected to the kingdom because of his courage and merit, loses his legitimacy with his allies and is killed after numerous escapes in battle.

The "Safavid"period is one of the special  times  in the   history of  Islam  in terms of the conflict between the centers of power over the factor of political-religious legitimacy. In this period, we witness the efforts of the institutions of the Shiite clergy, the Safavid monarchy, and Sufism to establish their legitimacy and marginalize rival currents,  with  the institution of the monarchy now leaning more towards the clergy. The conflict between the centers of power during this period, particularly with regard to the historical legitimacy of Sufism and the leadership role  of the clergy in the newly established  Shi'i society and system, had specific dimensions and aspects, and the writing of texts refuting Sufism by the clergy should be examined  in light of this historical horizon. The refutations of Sufism have fluctuated between the two poles of criticism and destruction; However, the general atmosphere of these texts is often influenced by the author's logic and polemical expression, and the type of criticism of the theoretical aspects of Sufism in these texts is not exempt from these conditions. In this article, by applying the method of discourse analysis and using the tools of critical stylistics, the relationship between the polemical destruction of theoretical mysticism and the  main politico- -religious components of the Safavid period in the seven refutations of Sufism during  this period has been investigate. From the perspective of this article, the refutations destroyed theoretical mysticism under the influence of the issue of legitimacy and are not reliable sources for analyzing the relationship between theoretical mysticism and Shiism

The text and meaning of the poems of praise are organized in a narrative structure. The poet tries to marginalize micro-narratives that are not capable of systematization based on history, experience and various sciences. Or solve them in a comprehensive and unified narrative supported by the ruling politics and religion. this leads to the formation of metanarratives such as freedom and justice, prosperity and development, and as a result, "the shadow of God " in praise poems. these narrations no longer need scientific or external confirmation, but the inner rhetoric of poetry and the poet's place in the power structure gives them internal legitimacy. In this article, an attempt has been made to study the structure and methods of formation of metanarratives in praise poems in a descriptive and analytical method and using the ideas of François Lyotard. Generalization, the obvious display of ideological truths, linguistic legitimacy, rejection and absorption, discourse, and the negation of social contradictions, are among the most important linguistic and semantic consequences of the formation of metanarrative in praise poems.

This study is based on Van Leeuwen’s theory of legitimacy to show how proverbs can legitimize or derive legitimacy from a discourse. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is based on Leeuwen’s components such as authorization, moral evaluation, rationalization, and mythmaking. The statistical population is Twelve Thousand Persian Proverbs and Thirty Thousand Equivalents written by Ebrahim Shakurzadeh Bolouri. The sample size is three thousand Persian proverbs that have been selected from this book based on the systematic random sampling method. The results show that among the legitimation processes, the evaluation components have the highest range with a total of 380 proverbs. This seems to be due to the importance of evaluation as well as the human tendency to evaluate. The results also indicate that proverbs in discourse are used for various purposes such as persuading the audience and legitimizing or deriving legitimacy from a discourse.

One of the methods of examining the text is Fairclough's critical discourse analysis approach, in which special attention is paid to its situational and discursive context in the examination of the text, and it is examined at three levels: description, interpretation and explanation. In this article, an attempt was made to analyze the system of Khosrow and Shirin Nizami with the approach of critical discourse analysis, focusing on the debate between Khosrow and Farhad. In examining the text and at the level of description, we are faced with two types of stances in the form of Farhad and Khosrow's debate, which shows the conflict between the lower and upper classes. At the level of interpretation, the social context of the text indicates the praise of the institution of the court, as a result of which the ruling ideology appears on the text. At the level of explanation, the text does not seek to confront the prevailing ideology, but to legitimize it. Finally, the text has reproduced power relations and tried to stabilize and continue them.

This study is about to find how conceptual metaphors help in drawing identity borders and attaining legitimacy. So, the semantic system of conceptual metaphor (Kováces, 2010) and the components of myth and social imagination (derived from Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory, 2001) make the theoretical framework of the research to find how the semantic system affect reaching general legitimation. To answer the research question, Joe Biden’s speech in his inaugural ceremony in 20 Jan. 2021 is used as the case study. Based on the findings, metaphor provides a cognitive framework for expressing ideological ideas. Each metaphor in this discourse foregrounds a concept and backgrounds the alternative ones. The president conceptualizes the USA as “America is human” metaphor to accompany the nation, and avoid the party-based views. As a result, metaphor is a tool for avoiding clear border-makings, foregrounding concepts, and representing different views according to conceptual domains. Though using metaphor, discourses can turn to a discourse having the least out groups and the most in groups in a country. Therefore, conceptual metaphor provides a base for creating an ideal space for myth-making. Through such tools, Biden tried to capture a discourse trying to attract the attention of the most and avoid rejecting the potential groups.

The authors of persuasive prose texts in Persian have strengthened the foundations of governments by using the views of Muslim policymakers and policy makers. One of the most important tasks of these writers is to legitimize, instill and instill formal and legal sovereignty over governments. The research method of the article is descriptive-analytical and the authors of this article seek to answer the question that what are the common components of the political authority of governments in the two books of the Tarikh-i Beyhaqi and Rahat al-Sodoor? The research findings show that the main requirement of political authority is to gain political and religious legitimacy. In these works, the rulers of the society try to consolidate their rule by gaining political legitimacy, delegating power from the caliph to the sultan, establishing efficient governmental apparatuses and institutions, strengthening military and financial power, instilling supernatural characteristics, justice and dealing with Muslim affairs. The induction of religious legitimacy of governments is done by emphasizing the divinity of the source of power of kings, the role of destiny in the rule of rulers, the obligation to obey them, religiosity and repression of enemies.

The objective and subjective aspects are very important in Sufism. For this reason, the condition of Sufis and religious leaders especially those who were considered as perfect morshed (guides) in the state of awakening, sleep and ecstasy was a decisive argument for their followers. A clear example is the founder of the Safavid sect, Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili whose actions as a complete morshed were legitimizing for his followers and descendants until the Safavid period. The miracles of Sheikh Safi al-Din were very famous during his lifetime. With his death, his miracles continued in the form of dreams that the disciples observed in times of crisis and pressure from the enemies of the Safavid sect. On this basis, the question arises that what was the spiritual connection of the kings of the first period of the Safavid dynasty with Sheikh Safi al-Din? In the mentioned period, the inheritance title of the complete master of the Safavid sect by the kings and the special qualities and virtues that usually crystallized in the form of ecstatic inspirations during the pilgrimage to the shrine of Sheikh Safi al-Din and also sincere dreams is the most important reason for continuing status and legitimacy of Sheikh Safi al-Din. The safavid kings by using the above-mentioned inspirations and virtues as the perfect morshed of the Safavid sect succeeded in gaining the obedience, solidarity and support of the followers (Sufis and Ghezelbashs) to carry out political-military actions. Due to the need to conduct research on social and cultural history to better understand the current society, so far no comprehensive research has been written based on the inductive method for genealogy of political-military relations between Safavid kings and followers of Safavid sect. for Understanding the internal relations between different groups of the sect based on the miracles and inspirations inspired by Sheikh Safi al-Din, including the sincere personal dreams of the kings leads to a more accurate understanding of the political relations between the members of the sect and the Safavid ruler and how to Consolidation the power of kings In times of crisis especially foreign wars. As it was stated, the legitimation of Sheikh Safi al-Din in the Safavid period was done under the title of the sect complete morshed and the characteristics and virtues derived from it. In the following, the main topics of research will be discussed under the topics of Safavid kings and the position of sect perfect leader, the Refuge of political-military personalities in the tomb of Sheikh Safi-al-Din, guidance and fear of Sheikh Safi-al-Din in the form of dreams and ecstasy.

The present study uses the method of historical research, the method of collecting library data from historical sources after describing and classifying the characteristics of Sheikh Safi al-Din, including his true dreams, to analyze and interpret these characteristics and its impact on the consolidation of the political and military status of the mentionded period.

The position of Morshed inherited from Sheikh Safi al-Din caused the Safavid kings to expect complete obedience from the Sufis and Ghezelbashs in the face of internal and external enemies. The Safavid kings blamed disobedience to their orders as un-Sufism in order to give effective order to the military. For example: Shah Ismail I issued a decree for asking the Ghezelbashs to select 2,000 young men from the military to face the enemy and whoever moved away from them would be the enemy of Sheikh Safi and un-sufi; As a result of this threat, the Ghezelbashs all stood still and did not move. (alam-aray of Shah Ismail, 2005: 204) The Ghezelbashs tribal structure and their rivalry with each other led to political conspiracies and revolts during the period of weak government which was finally severely suppressed with the beginning of the Shah Abbas I reign but created a great rift between the Ghezelbash tribes and the Safavid king. Nevertheless, Shah Abbas I tried to Reform by using the full morshed title due to widespread disputes with the Ottoman government. One of the signs of the rupture of the Murad-Muridi bond of the Safavid kings was the symbolic movements of Shah Abbas I in order to persuade the Ghezelbashs to obey and discipline the military. For example, Shahverdi Khan, the ruler of Qarajeh Dagh whose family was considered an ancient Sufi but he changed his Nationality due to the transfer of the Azerbaijan province to the Ottoman government. For this reason, in 1595, Shah Abbas I, in order to gain the Allegiance of Shahverdi Khan, in a symbolic move, visited the tomb of Sheikh Safi al-Din so that the mentioned Khan would rush to Ardabil to express his obedience. With the disobedience of Shahverdi Khan, the Safavid king called him an un-Sufi and sends Allah verdi Khan to his captive. (Turkman, 2003: 2 / 447- 448) Despite the disobedience of some Ghezelbash leaders to the sect morshed, the sanctity of the Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine was a suitable place to Refuge for political figures. Another feature of the Safavid sect was the growing prosperity and respect of Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine which caused many people and prominent political-military figures to reside or Refuge there. For example: Mohammad Khan Ziad Oghli Qajar, the former ruler of Qarabagh province after fleeing against the Ottoman army preferred to stay in the Sheikh Safi al-Din Ardabili shrine. He Reappointment to his province reign after Shah Abbas I regained control of Qarabagh. (Hosseini, 1983: 780; Valeh Qazvini, 2005: 321-322)

in the first half of the Safavid government the Safavid sect was a strong socio-political current and naturally the remembrance of Sheikh Safi al-Din was very common. Under the title of the morshed, the kings tried to show their behavior as the sect founder in order to unite their followers, the Sufis and the Ghezelbashs and gaining their obedience. However, the Safavid kings had to take appropriate actions to make the Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine prosperous in order to make credible the Morshed position. One of their most important strategies was to bury members of the royal family or allow personalities to refuge in shrine but their most important strategy was to take advantage of the fame of Sheikh Safi al-Din's sincere dreams. Sheikh Safi al-Din's sincere dreams of supporting his family members in times of crisis and military conflict continued indirectly during the Safavid dynasty. Continuity that was crystallized in the form of the ecstatic confidence and belief of the kings during the supplication in the Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine or during the political-military successes that provided the pilgrimage prosperity to the shrine. In addition, the Safavid kings with following Sheikh Safi al-Din claimed to have many sincere dreams especially a military nature. On the one hand, the important feature of the sincere dreams of Sheikh Safi al-Din and the Safavid kings had important position in order to attract obedience or to mobilize Sufis and Ghezelbashs to face the invasions of neighboring countries especially the Ottoman government and on the other hand, Led to their presence and consolidation in important positions such as the trusteeship of the Sheikh Safi al-Din shrine and also in the struggles to replace the various claimants to the monarchy which always caused the Safavid kings fear of their growing power. However, with the conclusion of the Qasr Shirin peace treaty between the Safavid and Ottoman governments were significantly reduced the importance and status of the morshed title, the mentioned virtues and dreams as well as the national and military status of the Sufis and Ghezelbashs. The structure of the crystallized miracles in the studied dreams is determined in the form of the character of a wise old man who threatens the enemies and advises and guides the dreamers. The characters of these dreams usually included Sheikh Safi al-Din and the Shiite Imams Especially Imam Ali. There was widespread agreement among Sufis and Shiites about the guiding role of Imam Ali which made the fulfillment of these dreams convincing for the sect followers.

One of the important functions in constructing Shahnameh narratives is the role of nature elements in events and human destiny. Among these natural elements, the element of wind has a special place. In Avesta, the difference between fire, water, soil on the one hand and wind on the other is significant. While the first three gods are only one species and have positive attributes, wind is two species. In Middle Persian texts, "God of the Wind" or "Wai Nik" and other "Demon of the Wind" or "Woe Bad" are mentioned. In the menu, wisdom is the wind among the gods, which is praised for its strength, and on the other hand, it is the devil wind that causes storms and strong winds. In the mentioned texts, the god of wind is praised for making kings and heroes in battle and their victory. This article has tried to study the role of the element of wind in ancient texts and Ferdowsi's Shahnameh and to show what changes this element undergoes after entering the epic space.

In this research, information was collected through library sources and the method of this research is descriptive-analytical. The basic text of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh is a 4-volume correction of Jalal Khaleghi Motlagh.

In Ferdowsi Shahnameh, wind is known for its pleasant and fragrant attributes. Bad wind is also associated with traits such as sharp, hard, dark and smoky. This element, regardless of its divine-demonic character, rushes to the aid of kings or heroes and often comes to the aid of Kaykhosrow.

Bakundukav in the narrations of the national epic came to the conclusion that this element has lost its divine character and has become a natural element that acts only by the command of God Almighty and often supports the king and the worthy hero and fights for the right. They are.

Historiography during the Ilkhanid period grew up with the support of the Ilkhanids. For this reason, the political intentions of the supporters purposefully infiltrated the custom dates of this period and formed a discourse for the legitimacy of the Ilkhanids. In this regard, the present study aimed to recognize the discourse of the legitimacy of the Ilkhanid Reign and examine three custom versions: Chengizid Shāhnāmeh, Shahanshāhnāmeh, and Jami al-Tawarikh. This paper seeks to examine such issues via the method of critical discourse analysis (Van Leeuwen, 2008) and citing library studies. The questions posed in this study were: 1) How can the legitimacy of the Ilkhanids be analyzed in the content and existence of the manuscripts?, and 2) what strategies did the authors of such manuscripts use to produce the discourse of the legitimacy of the Ilkhanids? Based on the findings of this study, along with immortalization, legitimation for the Ilkhanids has been one of the most important reasons for the production of such histories. As the authors rely on the arrangement of narratives, content creation, the use of Quranic verses, and imitation of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh as an influential element for identifying Iranians, they had sought to build legitimacy. The authors also used representations of Mongolian, Iranian, and Islamic discourses to redefine the legitimate Ilkhanids identity and legitimize their actions in political and social situations. In this way, the reduction in the use of Mongolian discourse themes in Shahanshāhnāmeh is consistent with the reduction of the role of the Mongolian element in the late Ilkhanid rule.

Although the Ilkhanids had initially come to power by sword, they gradually established social order. To fulfill the political goals, they had to implement policies that would guarantee their legitimacy against competitors and the people. Legitimacy had received more attention since the Ghāzān period by supporting historiography as one of the cultural strategies that paved the way for the writing of many historical books, which were written by the order of the court or independently. In this study, based on legitimation in the political thought of the Ilkhanids, historical books that were written with the theme of the historical description of the reign and commissioned by them were investigated.

Three custom books of Chengizid Shāhnāmeh, Shahanshāhnāmeh, and Jami al-Tawarikh are the materials studied in this research. Jami al-Tawarikh has been written in the general history of the world by the order of Ghāzān, by his minister Rashid al-Din Fazlullah Hamedani (Eqbal, 1969, p. 488). In the study of this book, the correction part of the Mongol stories was considered (Ibid, p. 31). Shahnameh of Shams-al-Dīn Kashani is one of the historical poems of the Ilkhanid era, which was composed by the order of Ghāzān that had the poem weight of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh (Mortazavi, 1991, p. 380). This book has been s studied based on its manuscript in the library of the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran. Shahnameh of Ahmad Tabrizi has been composed with the poetic weight of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh by the order of Abu Saeed Ilkhani, with the subject of the history of the Mongols, Genghis Khan, and his successors up to the time of Abu Saeed (Tabrizi, Manuscript, Or2780, version, 132). The only remaining version of its manuscript in the British Museum is the basis of this study.This study has focused on the role of linguistic propositions in legitimizing the identity and socio-political actions of the Ilkhanids. Hence, the history books in question by the method of critical discourse analysis (Van Leeuwen, 2008) which is based on the premise of Max Weber, with the theme of the efforts of all powers to build belief in its legitimacy and its expansion (Weber, 1978, p. 213) were analyzed.

In examining the discourse of reign legitimacy in the content and existence of these data, the three points of writing format, historical content, and historical order in telling stories were important. Poetic works were similar in weight and content to Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. On the other hand, in the content of these works, the mythological and historical patterns of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh and Iranshahri thought have been used to legitimate redefining the identity and actions of the Ilkhanids. In the same way, Jami al-Tawarikh also used the poems of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh to redefine the legitimate identity of the Ilkhanids.
In the historical context of the works, the Mongolian discourse in the Shahanshāhnāmeh has been used in contrast to the other two works with a more limited range. This point along with the gradual decline of the Mongol foundations of the Ilkhanids reign and the finding power of local families during its writing period have been remarkable. In the two custom works of Ghāzān, the use of Mongolian elements had a more prominent place in their legitimation. This was not irrelevant to disputes over succession, independence from the central Mongol court, and becoming an Ilkhan Muslim during Ghāzān reign. In the arrangement of the narrations of the Shahnameh Changizi version, the historical order has not been observed in such a way that the poems are related to the praise or mention of Ilkhan. The sponsor of the work appears with a time jump immediately after the poems related to the Mongol ancestors. Sometimes even the story of the Mongol ancestors is cut off suddenly and resumed after the story of Ilkhans. Hence, there is a kind of purposeful orientation in the arrangement and retelling of Ilkhan's narrations. Based on the findings of this study, the content and imitation of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh on the one hand, and the meaningful arrangement of historical narratives, on the other hand, justify the existence of these historical books to legitimize the Ilkhanids. Also, following the cultural-political context of the Ilkhanid society and the goals of the rulers in the field of international politics, the authors used three Mongol, Iranian, and Islamic discourse strategies to legitimate defining the identity, Ilkhanids actions, and decisions. Hence, with reducing the role and position of the Mongol element at the end of the Ilkhanids rule, a noticeable decrease in the use of Mongolian discourse concepts in the version of the Shahanshāhnāmeh compared to the other two works happened. In the same way, the authors with placing the personality and rule of Ilkhan in the form of the standard king of Iranshahri thought have used the Iranian discourse to legitimize it in the minds of Iranians. Also, the concepts of Islamic discourse have been considered throughout this period, considering the ambitious goals of the Ilkhanids in achieving superiority in the Islamic world and in competing with Muslim Mamlūks.

With regard to the legitimacy and salvation of the religious followers, three general approaches have always been the center of attention: Exclusivism, pluralism, and inclusiveness. Religious pluralism was born as an approach in the twentieth century, but its roots can be found in some of the speeches of the ancients such as Muslim mystics. One of them is Jalal o din Mohammad Maolavi (Jalāl ad-Dīn Muhammad Rūmī) to whom ambiguous positions are attributed. This research has been done through analytical-descriptive method focusing on Mawlānā’s words and using the views of  scholars who study Mawlānā. The results show that despite the numerous evidences of exclusivism, inclusiveness, and pluralism in his words, the general and absolute verdict that he is an exclusivist or pluralist is unjustified in rescuing the religious followers. He believes that the truth is one. It seems different because people look at it from the different angles. The unobtrusiveness of the true reality and the limitations of the perceptual powers are the reason of the different opinions. Mawlānā believes that divine religions are one light radiated from different lights and there are not any differences between them. All of them rescue people’s life. But regarding legitimacy, he considers Islam as having superior legitimacy and in some cases as the absolute truth.

Nowadays different discourses compete to have the most influence on the people’s minds to change into the power discourse. The present article shows how power and counter- power metaphors are made and used. To this end, in a corpus type of study, 600 articles of two parties - conservatives (Osool- garayan) and reformists ( Eslah –talaban) - during their counter- power and power period were chosen. The metaphors were extracted and analyzed using a critical- cognitive approach in a descriptive – analytic method, according to Chartris – Black 2004 and Hart and Lukes (2007). The results show that the hegemonic discourse uses media to manipulate the personal and social sources of knowledge as well as choosing metaphors and forming the mental concepts and giving the related information. In this way they reform the cognition and experiential latitudes. They reconstruct new metaphors using ideology, culture and history to legitimate the counter- power discourse and delegitimize the power discourse in order to convince. Media repeat the desired metaphors and construct people’s concepts and finally beliefs. If a discourse has legitimacy, the counter- power discourse uses its words and metaphors. According to the findings of the research the metaphorical schemas of some concepts such as government, election, power etc. are used completely different in these two discourses and delegitimize each other.

Introduction Discourse analysis is primarily concerned with not only investigating the formal features of discourse like syntax and phonology, but also considering the social functions of the discourse produced by language users in various social and cultural contexts (Van Dijk, 1997). A long history of literature in the field has examined various discourses including educational, scientific, literary, and political. However, comparative analysis of the literature reveals three ignored points: first, the study of the historical characteristics; second, the study of the discourse of those political leaders who have gained power based on an approach other than democracy; and third, the importance of analyzing the authorities’ discourse in addressing people. Political leaders have always been concerned with gaining legitimacy since all governments are set to build their legitimacy on an intellectual principle (Fukuyama, 2015). Therefore, the current study employs Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2014) systemic functional grammar and aims to represent the concepts of power (authority), legitimacy, and social inequalities introduced by Max Weber (1968) in Rezashah’s discourse in addressing the people.
Methodology This research is founded on Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2014) systemic functional grammar. Since few speeches and messages have been left from Rezashah (Fardust, 1990), all Rezashah’s speeches and messages (7 cases) delivered to people were collected using the library method and then analyzed based on the proposed framework. Consequently, the concepts of power, legitimacy, and social inequalities were represented in Rezasha’s discourse.
Discussion The results of the study indicate that 56 and 51 clauses of Rezashah’s discourse are structured by relational and material processes, respectively. As such, the relational process is used to describe features and compare the situation of the Iranian society in different issues before and after Pahlavi dynasty. The material process also aids audience experience various events like “providing people with happiness and welfare”, “prescribing misery”, “avoiding traitors”, etc. Moreover, employing terms like “[people] have to know….”, “[people] have to consider” and “[people] have to understand” all indicate Rezashah’s attempt to let his audience be aware of the world in his mind. Examining the verbal process also reveals that Rezashah has used verbs like “announcing”, “commanding” and “notifying” to express his wishes, desires and demands. In addition, the pronoun “I” with 35 cases, either overt or covert, is the most frequent subject of Rezashah’s discourse, followed by the pronoun “you” and other noun phrases referring to his audience. It is interesting to note that “Ghoshoon”-army force- has a particular status in Rezashah’s discourse as a subject, which seems to have its root in his military concerns. Mozar-e-Eltezami is the most frequent tense in his discourse. The analyses reveal that negative polarity is used to remind the women’s problems and the disadvantaged status of the society in the past dynasty. Rezashah has never used the elements of suspicion in his discourse, yet has used Mozar-e-Eltezami and various terms like “never”, “without exception”, “undoubtedly”, “always”, “must”, “mustn’t” and “it is necessary….” to show a high degree of certainty and the importance of his messages and speeches. Conjunction together with conjunctive adjunct, which improves the coherence of texts, constitutes 28.88% of the thematic structure of his discourse. Passivization is another important factor that has enhanced the coherence of Rezashah’s discourse. Conjunction with 18.27% (85 cases) has the major role in the cohesion of his discourse. Collocations (68 cases), ellipsis (13.97%), repetition (60 cases), and reference (9.46%) are the other cohesive devices that increase the cohesion of Rezashah’s discourse.
Conclusion Based on the findings of the study, Rezashah always talks about “must” and “mustn’t” and tries to remind his demands and desires to “you”-his audience. He portrays himself as the nation’s savior from misery they had experienced in the past and threatens them not to support the traitors, otherwise they are doomed to death. In fact, Rezashah’s ideology which has been depicted in the form of three major processes and 62 cases of Mozar-e-Eltezami has transformed his discourse into a saber-rattling field against “you”. Accordingly, Rezashah’s discourse involves idiosyncratic characteristics such as “punishment procedure”, “obligation”, “violence”, “with us or against us”, “impatience”, and “exclusiveness”. Regarding the concept of legitimacy, since Rezashah’s power was not inherited, he himself was not a charismatic leader and he ascended to throne without a democratic election, his government was not consistent with any types of legitimated government described by Weber (1968). In fact, according to Van Dijk’s (2001) idea, his leadership enjoys a negative legitimacy. Finally, the most salient instances of social inequalities in his discourse are concluded as follows:• Kashf-e-Hijab (unveiling) in a Shia’a society like Iran
• Compelling people to accept his son as his successor without any democratic election
• Forcing people to follow and support his dynasty and threatening the aggressors and traitors

This article entitled “Legitimacy of Holding Rituals and Celebrations, "focuses on one of the disputed issues between Wahhabis and other Muslims. This sect, with seemingly religious excuses and weak doubts, is seeking to excommunicate Muslims, especially Shiites and regarding the holding of Mohammad prophet (PBUH) and his family’s birth celebration as polytheism and innovation, introduces the other Muslims as atheists. The present paper investigate to answer this question that, what are reasons for legitimacy of holding rituals and ceremonies? This research ultimately has specified that holding rituals in various occasions, such as birthday celebrations and Islamic holidays due to its happy and blessing, have been the old customs and habits of Muslims and due to reasons in Quran and hadith for legitimacy in the words of Imams and Muslim in the early times of Islam, is good to be heeded and obeyed and holding the event, is the practice of Islam and expressly approved by the Holy Quran. Various narration has confirmed having sacrificing and etc. Muslim’s actions, throughout history, endorsed it and reason also considers it desirable and popular. As a result, Wahhabi's doubts has not been supported by intellectual and religious and consequently all their reasons are rejected. The research method is notes taking and library-based and descriptive-analytical research method.