جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « اصول گرایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The conceptual duality of good and right is one of the most basic issues of political thought,. The superiority and inferiority of these two concepts to each other has been a matter of dispute between even modern political philosophers such as Kant and Rawls. In this article, an attempt has been made to check and analyze the dominant view of the discourses of the Islamic Republic on these two concepts, and if there is one or both of them in these discourses, their precedence and backwardness are also examined. Therefore, by assuming the importance of these two concepts in looking of the political , in this article, we try to find out: How has this duality been reflected in the dominant political discourses in the Islamic Republic? Is it possible to find traces of this duality in the system of intra-discourse meanings and inter-discourse confrontations in the political field after the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The analysis method of this article is based on discourse theory. In the theoretical framework, while referring to the conceptual discussions about the duality of good and right, we have put more emphasis on John Rawls's theory of justice as fairness, which, while trying to present a combination between the categories of right and good, places logical precedence over right. The findings of the research show that the two dominant discourses of reformism/ principalism and their predecessors in the period of the Islamic Republic basically have benevolent approaches and were aimed at an idealistic goal.

The present research was conducted with the aim of investigating the main elements of the discourse of the government after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and to explain the main elements of the discourse, Laclau and Mouffe's discourse approach and descriptive books and research articles were used. Since every discourse has signifiers, the findings of the research show that the reformist discourse forms signs such as freedom, legalism, religious democracy, human rights, and having fair and free relations with the whole world around the central signifier of the people. They gave. On the other hand, fundamentalists have formed their semantic system by adding signs such as justice, security, values, cultural invasion, etc. around the central sign of the province.

The purpose of the present study is to comparatively analyze the political tendencies of the representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Iranian Parliament) with regard to the institutional approach in the 6th and 7th terms. The main question is: what are the commonalities and differences between the political tendencies of the Iranian parliament representatives in the 6th and 7th terms in the framework of political development? The research relies on the hypothesis that the variables of the principlist discourse are based on political development following the progressive principle of Wilāyat-e Faqih and Iranian Constitution, the comprehensiveness of religion in the realm of politics and anti-hegemony, persistence on the basic principles, purposes, and goals of the Islamic Revolution, and continual realization of the ideas and ideals of Imām Khomeyni. The results showed that despite the difference between the representatives’ approach and function with respect to politics, within legislation and supervision duties, their political tendencies in the 6th and 7th terms of the Islamic Consultative Assembly have been towards performance in political development and so it has prepared the ground for familiarity with Iran’s political elites.

The various dimensions of globalization, especially in developing countries, have posed many challenges at the micro, intermediate and macro levels. One of the most fundamental of these challenges is the issue of political stability. Considering the values and norms governing the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, reformist, principled and moderate governments with discourses of political development, justice and moderation have chosen special methods to deal with it. Accordingly, the main question is what has been the impact of globalization on the political stability of the country during the periods of reform, Conservatives and moderation? The research method is descriptive and correlational. The collected data were analyzed using SPSS software version 22. The results of the study indicate that the independent variable of globalization has a significant relationship with the dependent variable of political stability. The Combined Globalization Index explains approximately 51% of the changes in political stability. Given the beta values, the political and social dimensions of globalization have had the most negative impact and the economic dimension has had a positive impact on political stability, respectively.

This paper has been developed to study conceptual transformations of the revolutionary in reformist discourse. For meaningful clarification of the relationship between the revolutionary and reformist discourse, we have resorted to Laclau and Mouffe’s theoretical approach. After the demise of Imam Khomeini, Islamic Revolution’s discourse - which had been articulated with signifiers of Islam and republicanism - experienced a new chance for presentation of different understandings and interpretations resulting in the emergence of two political rival spectrums of “Reformist Camp” and “Principlist Camp”. The reformist discourse encompassed such revolutionary slogans as freedom, democracy, legal positivism, religious democracy, human rights, etc. The reformist discourse adopted a new approach, claiming that the Iranian society needed fair and free relations with the rest of the world. The discourse was formed around the central signifier of democracy and floating signifiers of civil society, political development, legal positivism, freedom and moderation. Constituting a system of meaning, the reformist discourse tried to break apart the principlist discourse. On the contrary, the principlists created a new articulation and added new signifiers such as justice, security, values, cultural invasion, etc. to constitute their system of meaning around the central signifier of Vilayat or Islamic guardianship to dismantle the structure of reformists’ central signifier and floating signifiers. Reformist discourse created many chances for change in the society but failed to overcome the erected obstacles. Some changes occurred in Islamic Revolution elements as a result of the reformist discourse but it did not mean the revolutionary was totally wiped off. Rather, it means that reformist discourse paid attention to such factors as democracy, freedom, political development, and legal positivism instead of emphasis on such factors as justice. Indeed, it can be argued that the revolutionary is a product of reformist discourse and creators of the reformist discourse have always played an influential role in the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran after the victory of Islamic Revolution in 1979.

In this study, the statements and propaganda of the candidates of the tenth election of the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran have been examined by discourse analysis. Discourse analysis in this study showed that a kind of change has taken place in the discourse of moderation and reform, and this discourse, as in the previous period, helped to re-establish this discourse in the Iranian political arena by using the validity and access of discourse. The semantic system of the discourse of moderation and reform, by expressing concepts such as Barjam, women's rights, the positive performance of the sixth parliament, freedom, legalism, and economic prosperity, has followed the path of the 1992 elections and is opposed to the discourse of fundamentalism. This discourse was able to create populism in absorbing and using the elements of discourse, and by deconstructing the previous discourse and having the power of discourse, it was able to provide the monic dominance of this discourse. The discourse of fundamentalism in this period has been alienated from the discourse of moderation, reform and rationality. The coalition of fundamentalists in this period is one of the elements of the progress of the discourse of fundamentalism compared to the previous elections. Attention to the concepts of the Islamic Revolution discourse, livelihood, progress, security, resistance economy has been drawn alongside the sign of the province.

MahmūdAhmadī Nizhād is the head of the 9th and 10th government in the Islamic Republic of Iran who launched his work with an approach to revive the principles and ideals of the Islamic Revolution. The purpose of the present study is to represent a distinct analysis of the concept of political development in the discourse of MahmūdAhmadī Nizhād that in contrast with the western conception of political development, is accompanied with some requirements such as establishing Islamic civilization by the Islamic Republic Government and improving Islamic culture and civilization in the international level. Using descriptive analysis, this study deals with the main research question that: what does the concept of political development mean in in the priciplist idea of MahmūdAhmadī Nizhād? This research delves deep into the principlist discourse of the parties and democratic organizations as well as the role of people in achieving the goals of the revolution and then represents a new interpretation of the concept of political development. This interpretation recognizes the establishment of Islamic civilization and justice by the Islamic Republic of Iran throughout the world as the center of this concept in the intellectual discourse of MahmūdAhmadī Nizhād.

The purpose of the present study is to compare the policies of two political approaches in the Islamic Republic of Iran known as conservatism and reformism. To this aim, using the descriptive-historical method and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory as the theoretical framework of the study, it was attempted to comparatively delve deep into the policies of conservatism and reformism in Iran. The results indicate that the identities and competitions in the intellectual framework of conservatism rely upon a fundamental concept known as “Willayat” (guardianship) so under the influence of this perception, they believe in the legitimacy of the establishment and a rather conservative political system. However, in the intellectual system of reformism, “people” have a central role as the reformists believe in the legitimacy of people and an open political system. Each of the above approaches attempt to have hegemony in the political realm, highlight their meaningful system, deconstruct, and marginalize their rival.

Investigating the political attitude of citizens is an issue that has a special place in our society; Attitudes are the basis for the formation of behaviors and actions of individuals. On the other hand, the issue of the importance of finding national and ethnic identities in the age of globalization is the most important issue in political sociology. In this regard, it seems that one of the factors that can influence people's political attitude is their national and ethnic identities. Given that experimental data has not been provided in this regard, it is necessary to measure the overview of this issue.The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of national and ethnic identities on the political attitudes of individuals. The statistical population of this research is Khoy city in West Azarbaijan province, which was studied by 398 inhabitants of this city by quota sampling method. The results of the research show that, firstly, according to the Mead views, there is a difference between national identity and ethnic identities, not contradictions, but rather a positive relationship, each of which goes up by reinforcing another's identity. Secondly, although these two types of identities are well-matched, their effects on the political attitudes of citizens are different. In this regard, the findings suggest that while increasing national identity tends to bring citizens closer to fundamentalism, ethnic identity reinforces the likelihood of individuals turning into reformist political groups in the community.

This article tries to examine and compare the central signifier of the reformist and fundamentalist discourse according to the approach of the sixth and seventh parliaments. Accordingly, the main question is: What are the similarities and differences between the central sign and the floating signs of the fundamentalist and reformist discourses in the sixth and seventh assemblies? The central signifier of the reform discourse is based on constitutional political development, freedom, the expansion of civil institutions and political organizations, the proliferation of the press and media, and the de-escalation and development of relations in the international arena, while the central signifier is the fundamentalist discourse based on progressive Velayat-e-Faqih and the Constitution, the comprehensiveness of the presence of religion in the arena of politics and anti-arrogance, insistence on the principles and goals and the initial ideals of the revolution, With their worldview and central signifier, they have been influential in the political structure of Iran. The present hypothesis was confirmed based on the data and findings of the article, which is based on the comparative research method and the theoretical framework of discourse analysis, and the data were obtained from the library and documentary method. The findings of this study show that the reformist discourse, which is the principled discourse, does not show the capacity for efficient, complex and up-to-date theorizing of structures and institutions, and managerial and behavioral reform, and its availability and credibility are damaged.

In this paper, the influence of domestic policy discourses on the performance of political currents in nuclear negotiations will be examined. The hypothesis of the author's article is that the belief in reformist discourse has led to détente and political development that this discourse opposes the challenge to advance in nuclear technology. On the contrary, fundamentalists perceive nuclear energy as a symbol of opposition and resistance to the West. Moderates are also in favor of building trust with the West to resolve the nuclear issue by believing in economic development and cooperation with the global system. Meanwhile, the composition of the political forces within the system is measured based on belief in the outcome or opposition to the achievement. In order to test the hypothesis, while reviewing some theories, the dimensions of the ideas of the main factions of Iran's politics will be examined on the basis of discourse theory, and then their performance in the context of nuclear negotiations will be evaluated. Iran's nuclear dispute led to a link between domestic politics and foreign policy, so that the ups and downs of this case caused changes in the arrangement of the internal political forces of the system. Some of the principals approached the moderates and led to a large gap between fundamentalists. The nuclear dispute created major gaps in Iranian politics. From the distance between the clergy and the principals until the close proximity of Dr. Vahili and Dr. Larijani to the moderation spectrum.

Iran’s nuclear program has been the most important issue for its foreign policy during the last decade. This article tries to apply discourse analysis, as a research framework, to Iran’s nuclear policy during Ahmadinejad’s government. The authors explore main political discourse shape Iranian foreign policy and nuclear activity behavior during the last few years. Analysis of nuclear discourse of Ahmadinejad’s government shows that this discourse could become hegemonic by using effective interaction as its master signifier, more coherent and active political elements, use of exclusive and foregrounding processes, higher availability and reliability in comparison with other competing discourses. Finally, the article examines the reasons of the decline of Ahmadinejad's government nuclear discourse.

With the victory of Islamic revolution, Iran's inclination toward the application of principlist attitudes in tension filled international arenas as a battlefield to secure national interests based on usually material attitudes created different challenges for Islamic republic of Iran. To resolve problems that occurred in domestic and foreign arenas, Imam Khomeini considered efforts to preserve Islamic state essential applying his epistemological system and method of ijtihad [the process of making a legal decision by independent interpretation of the legal sources, the Qur’an and the Sunnah] with an emphasis on the role of variables of "time" and "place" in inferring rulings related to political actions. For this end, he proposed "system preservation" attitude as an instance for the necessity of preparing any requirement to implement God's intentions as the founder of Islamic sharia [Islamic law]. The application of "system preservation" strategy to preserve Islamic republic of Iran paved the way to increase Iran's management capabilities both in domestic and international arenas and to confront the challenges. It also helped intelligently implement Islamic state's principlist attitudes in different conditions according to time and place.

By outset of principality era in Islamic republic, speech acts and behavior of iran in foreign policy has been changed. The main question of article is: what is the cause of change in foreign policy of principality administration? Authors, as their main hypothesis, argue that the feeling of ontological insecurity has caused reconfiguration of identity resources, foreign policy and change in principality approach toward foreign arena. Authors describe the nuke diplomacy of principality as the most important aspect of their approach.

With the removal of the theoretical shortage of the rational main stream theories such as realism that emphasize on material and power benefits, constructivism appears from the beginning of the 1990s. The Constructivism known as a new perspective in international relations and foreign policy. This approach contains important axioms such as importance of rational and normative structures beside material structures, importance of international and internal norms that form identity of states. Considering to this point, with the victory of Ahmadinejad in the ninth election's presidency, he emphasis on the justice and his government named Osoulgara (fundationalits). Thus, the ninth government of the Republic Islamic of Iran paid attention to the principles such as return to the primary ideals of the Islamic revolution, aid to the revolutionary movements and notice to justice. In this regard, the question is that whether we can use of constructivism to analysis the foreign policy of the ninth government of the Republic Islamic of Iran or not?In the other words, can constructivism be suitable instrument for analysis of this period of the foreign policy of Republic Islamic of Iran? The hypothesis is that in attention to the theoretical factors of constructivism; this approach can be suitable theory for analysis the foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran in that period.

As a political system emanated from the Islamic Revolution, and in the framework of the principle of call to the right, the Islamic Republic of Iran has laid exporting revolution in the agenda of its foreign policy. So exporting revolution is considered a principle and goal in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic. However, exporting revolution has found different meanings in different stages of Iranian foreign policy benefiting from various patterns and means. Thus it is possible to talk about different patterns of exporting revolution in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present article demonstrates that the dominant pattern of exporting revolution in the foreign policy of the 9th administration is establishment and presentation of Islamic just government in the framework of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The hegemony of conservative justice-seeking discourse in the foreign policy of the 9th administration, politico – economic developments in Iranian society, developments in Iraq, and undermining the U.S position in this country, the 33 day Lebanese war, and the 22 day war of Ghaza are among the determining factors of adopting such a pattern of exporting revolution in the foreign policy of the 9th administration.

In this paper, using the structuralist theories for the study of symbolism in the field of politics, it has been sought to define and delineate the term “people” as a symbol within the politico-intellectual framework of principlism. Therefore, I have first studied and explained the position of symbols in the whole system of language from the viewpoint of the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure. Then I have explained the ideas of RolanBart concerning the functional mechanism of symbols, the two concepts of explicit and implicit meanings and the concept of myth and its relation with implicit indication. Then, referring to the above theoretical arguments, the politico-intellectual trend of principlism has been made subject to a symbolistic analysis as text. Therefore, the relation between two components of the symbols of principlism (i.e. indicator and meaning) and the relation of the symbols of this system with each other have been explained. Then themeanings of the term “people” have been studied from a symbolistic perspective and its various meanings in different textures and texts have been explained. In view of this, symbols such as Islam, divine codes,guardianship of jurisprudent and the relation of its substitution with Western style democratic or secularist governments in the words of principlist political thinkers, especially Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi, have been examined.

Since foreign policy deals with the regulation of the relations of the actor in the field of foreign relations, it is distinguished from that of domestic policy. That is why a great number of analysts consider indeterminacy as a necessary requirement of the nature of this political field, thus refraining from submission to conservatism. Adopting a different approach to foreign policy, the author in the present article attempts to explain and confirm the conservatism approach in the field of foreign policy. To achieve this goal, the author defines the foreign policy in Iran and introduces different stages of its historical development ranging from the victory of the Islamic Revolution upto now. In the historical process of this development, the administration of president Ahmadi Nizhad is studied as a case study of conservatism. The author attempts in the article to identify the foundations playing the role of principles in the arena of foreign policy. Thus, the article focuses on the basic propositions concerning Islam, Iran, and revolutionary ideals. The author also tries to redefine these elements corresponding to foreign policy.