جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "تسلیحات" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

Historically and politically, France has always been closely related to the issues of the Middle East. With the announcement of America's strategy in this region, a more suitable opportunity was provided for the entry of middle powers to expand its relations, and France is trying to expand its relations in Middle East according to its foreign policy goals. In this research, the question is that how the French arms trade in Middle East affect the security of the Iran? The expansion of France's military and security relations with the Arab countries of Middle East is, on the one hand, to establish a balance of power between the Arab countries and Israel and prevent the tendency to use weapons of mass destruction with the aim of ensuring the security of the parties. On the other hand, it causes the expansion of the arms race in the region, the expansion of the regional gap and tension between the Arab countries and Iran.Referring to the theory of neoclassical realism, this article states that the continuation of the strengthening of relations between the countries of Middle East with France will intensify insecurities which have negative and destructive effects on the security of Iran.

The Impact of New US Security Doctrine on Arm Race among Arab states of the Persian GulfDr.Masoud MotallebiKamjo RahmaniAbstract:The security has been transformed in the globalization era. In fact, the complexities of security have increased. These complexities include the decline of states' security, the role of regional and transnational actors in security, and the importance of economic and cultural security. Given these conditions and certain characteristics of the Persian Gulf, the US security policy was transformed in the Persian Gulf. This policy adopted based on the role of regional states in security and balance of power, reform of the free market, institution, advanced education, active media, the rule of law and gradual democracy. This policy has also several features include the sale of conventional weapons to pro Western countries, to prevent regional states to acquire weapons of mass destruction and good relations with regional Arab states.

During the Qajar era, Iran witnessed various developments of modernism in various fields of society, including the army and arm forces, developments that reached their peak during the Naseri era. With the pressure of the western governments, the existence of internal riots along with the constant conflict with the Ottoman Caliphate, the transformation and upgrading of the military forces of the protected countries of Iran and, naturally, the weapons were given the first priority, which naturally brought a lot of costs. The above matter has such important that been subject of various researches, but the related materials have not been very coherent and it has always been difficult to present a clear picture of situation of the Qajar army, however, many weapons from the mentioned era have remained until today. which have rarely been researched, so the weapons and appearance, both in pictures and in the writings of military experts, can provide us with valuable information that forms the basis of this article. The main questions are:1.What weapons came to Iran in the process of modernization?2.How the new weapons of the 19th century, and in fact, the Naseri army, did act versus the traditional forces and geographical conditions of Iran? In addition to the introduction of weapons, this article aims to restore the performance and quality of the army. As a result, it was found that cheaper weapons compatible with Iran's conditions were selected and accessories produced inside the country.In addition, military reforms were very successful in maintaining internal stability.

Although the post-9/11 US arms control policy in the Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations has been viewed from different perspectives, a comparison gap based on a common theoretical framework is evident. The main question of this article is what are the commonalities and differences between the US arms control policy during the Bush, Obama and Trump eras? According to the article hypothesis, the direction of arms control in US foreign policy during the Bush era was in the form of "post-arms control policy", during the Obama administration, within the framework of "off-shore balance arms control policy" and during the Trump era, "no-arms control policy". The post-arms control policy leads to measures beyond the usual arms control measures; off-shore balance arms control policy have led to an emphasis on international regimes; And t no-arms control policy led to measures to reduce costs. In this article, the theory of balanced behavior of "Randall Schuler" as one of the thinkers of the theory of neoclassical realism is used and the research method is comparative.

The Impact of New US Security Doctrine on Arm Race among Arab states of the Persian GulfDr.Masoud MotallebiKamjo RahmaniAbstract:The security has been transformed in the globalization era. In fact, the complexities of security have increased. These complexities include the decline of states' security, the role of regional and transnational actors in security, and the importance of economic and cultural security. Given these conditions and certain characteristics of the Persian Gulf, the US security policy was transformed in the Persian Gulf. This policy adopted based on the role of regional states in security and balance of power, reform of the free market, institution, advanced education, active media, the rule of law and gradual democracy. This policy has also several features include the sale of conventional weapons to pro Western countries, to prevent regional states to acquire weapons of mass destruction and good relations with regional Arab states.Kew Words: United States, Security, Persian Gulf, Iran, Arms

Traditionally, units of International System have sought military competition to provide for their own security and the management of regional and international defense which has led to arms race .In recent years, arms race mainly is seen between Arab countries in the Persian Gulf .In fact, regardless of the strategic and ideological competition in the Arab countries against Islamic Republic of Iran, western governments and the United States, directly or indirectly, due to issues such as energy security, increase arms race in the region. For this reason, that is important to understand of nature and dimensions of the arms race across the Persian Gulf regional security. According to this model, in this article we are looking for to discuss the dominant pattern or model to govern the game of military conflict in the Persian Gulf region in the period 1990-2010.It is clear that the importance of this period is because Major developments shaping the global and regional arms race Such as the consequences of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the rise of extreme groups (such as Al Qaeda and the Taliban), the September 11 attacks, the invasion of Iraq in 2003 influenced International Policy and the Middle East.

When Rouhani came to office, and, consequently, his success in reaching a nuclear deal with p5+1, Sino-Iranian military relations have entered a new phase. In this regard, since the late 1990s and 2000s, Iran's access to Chinese armaments has gradually diminished due to US pressure and UN sanctions in the form of the Security Council Resolutions; it is supposed that after the JCPOA, with the abolition of some UN sanctions, military relations between the two countries will improve. Considering China's impressive military capabilities and innovations, the importance of this strategic partner for Iran in military and related fields, will be of great importance. Therefore, the present article, while addressing the new dimensions of military ties and defense diplomacy between the two countries, argues that despite Iran's need to promote military relations with China in order to create a military balance in the region, but because of chin's political considerations in two regional and global dimensions, UNSCR 2231, as well as the role of the United States in this regard, the extent of the defense ties of the two countries in comparison with Russia, has become more sensitive and vulnerable, and will continue to face some limitations.

International arms transfers and transactions has come under international rules as a strategic trade from 2013 when the United Nations treaty on arms trade was enacted. Due to the fact that arms are a kind of goods, so the rules concerning international trade should also be determined according to the rules of the World Trade Organization, and in particular those of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994. On the other hand, the arms trade treaty has taken into account limitations and regulations in order to control and track the transacted weapons, which is against the principle of Free Trade in the World Trade Organization. Therefore, it is either the case that the standards contained in the weapons trade treaty should be construed in a way that they have no conflict with the regulations of the World Trade Organization, or they should be interpreted in favor of the rules contained in the treaty. Considering the fact that the principle of Free Trade face exceptions in the regulations of the World Trade Organization, so any limitation threatening free trade should come under the exceptions specified in the organization's agreements. The most important of such exceptions are introduced under general and security exceptions in articles 20 and 21 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994. Since the objective of the arms trade treaty is to guarantee and improve the international peace and security through the control exerted on the conventional weapons trade, where it directly addresses the issue of weapons, the regulations and limitations contained in it are open to interpretation within the article 21 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994 (security exceptions), without being in conflict with the rules of the World Trade Organization, and also the commitments of the member parties to the treaty.

Considering the high volume of arms transactions in the Middle East and reliance upon weapons both conventional and unconventional as the major element of power as well as attempts at renovating and improving weapons, this paper seeks to explore the theoretical origins of overemphasis on weapons. In draws upon recent Middle East statistics and military developments as formally reflected in the websites and publications of research institutions. These statistical data exclude arms smuggling to the Middle East undertaken by informal groups and even the states. The research method is descriptive covering a time span between 2005 and 2008. Given the type of discussions, it seems that realism especially neorealism, which has excluded state centrality as the single actor at the world level, provides adequate explanatory strength in this writing.