جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "حوزه عمومی" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

The public sphere is a place for discussion and critique of power, which was first proposed theoretically by Jürgen Habermas. From his point of view, the background of this issue in the West goes back to salons, coffee houses and public places. This issue has a historical background in contemporary Iran as well as in the West. In such a way that these places and coffeehouses in particular, in Iran during the Qajar era, have always been considered as an area for criticism of power and the formation and continuation of the constitutionalist movement. Next to the coffeehouses, one of the places that has been mentioned as a public domain in Iran during this period (Qajar period) and has been mostly ignored by the researchers, is the public baths. Considering the above issue, this research tries to answer this question, how did public baths play a role as a "public area" in Qajar period Iran? The findings of the research indicate that public baths in Iran during the Qajar era, beyond purification and cleanliness, functioned as a social institution and as a public domain where many news and information were exchanged and discussed.

Virtual social networks play a crucial role in contemporary human life, offering numerous capabilities at a low cost. These platforms create technical features and possibilities of action, thus providing both opportunities and threats to their users. The policy of filtering social media has been implementing for over two decades in Iran. However, it has faced significant criticism. As an applied inquiry, the current study explored the ethical justification of filtering social media, emphasizing the importance of ethics in policymaking. Ethical considerations can actually make policies more acceptable to the public and less costly to implement. In this respect, the study aimed to investigate the ethical justification of social media restrictions from the user’s perspective, and to provide solutions for increasing acceptance of filtering policies and mitigating their adverse consequences. The study sought to answer the following question: What are the reactions and moral perspectives of social media users in Iran regarding filtering policy?

Literature Review:

There are several studies concerned with the social media control. For instance, Segura (2018) focused on how the current use of social media, particularly Facebook, functions as a community for public dialogue, which can be considered a key component of human rights. She argues that the public sphere relies on civic participation, but content moderation policies by platform owners disrupt this concept. Rosa (2022) contends that democratic political concepts are implicitly or explicitly based on an efficient arena for the formation of public opinion within a relevant media space. Therefore, social network policies must establish a reliable connection with the processes of public will formation. Spinello (2006) analyzed the costs, damages, and ethical issues of the Internet and cyberspace. He opposes direct government intervention, arguing that institutions such as schools, families, kindergartens, and libraries should replace the government in controlling immoral content. In his M.A. thesis, MovahhedAmjad (2013) examined the issue of filtering from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence and Sharia. According to him, the necessity of filtering is relative, being appropriate for some but not for others. In an article titled “Filtering and the Problem of Ethical Conflict,” Shahriari and Rahmati (2016) explored the duties of users and the government regarding filtering. They discussed several key dichotomies such as protecting privacy vs. doing good to others, or punishing wrongdoers vs. not punishing the innocent.

The study used the library research and fieldwork to collect the data. A descriptive method was employed for the library research, while interviews were used for fieldwork activities. The relevant data was collected through semistructured interviews with active users of social media. To formulate the interview questions, evidence was gathered from the speeches and interviews by highranking proponents of filtering in the country. The content was categorized into six criteria: belief, political security, societal security, public morality and modesty, economic security, and law and order. Each criterion was then assigned a main question in the interview, with the questions being largely standardized. Initially, interviewees were asked about their personal characteristics, including age, marital status, education, and internet usage. Following this, approximately 14 questions were posed based on the six criteria. Theoretical saturation was achieved after conducting 25 interviews. Then, the data was analyzed using a qualitative and inductive approach.Concerning the theoretical framework, the study used liberal theories of public justification that favor public reason, along with the idea of the common good advocated by communutarism. To avoid bias, the research took into account two important perspectives on mandatory laws. The first emphasizes individual rights and the necessity of justification before coercion, a viewpoint represented by liberals who advocate for common reason. The second perspective is rooted in communutarism, which prioritizes the common good and asserts that the government can limit certain individual rights to secure or preserve the common good. The ethicality of filtering media content is based on the theory of common good endorsed by communutarism, while considering it unethical aligns with the liberal idea of common reason.

Results and Discussion :

In the fieldwork phase, indepth interviews were conducted with several students from Allameh Tabataba’i University. According to the results, the vast majority of respondents did not consider the filtering policy to be ethical, based on the modern ethical approach that assesses the morality of actions by their correctness. Regarding the impact of providing filtering evidence to users, some respondents reported a slight influence on their opinions, which highlights the role and effect of persuasion. The respondents identified several points of conflict between ethical standards and filtering, including the lack of justification and persuasion, violation of individual rights and human dignity, harm to personal interests, ineffectiveness and impracticality, potential for violation and corruption, inequitable access to cyberspace resources, unfairness, and a weakening of integrity and transparency.

Based on the results and discussion, the study concluded with several practical suggestions to mitigate the consequences of filtering. It emphasized the need for a systematic educational program to familiarize users with cyberspace, focusing on education and training. Building a culture among users is seen as essential, alongside using limited and smart filtering methods. The study also recommended that control of cyberspace be handed over to families, and suggested shifting the government’s perspective from a threatoriented approach to social media to one that focuses on opportunities. Additionally, authorities should adhere to the same restrictions placed on messengers, and there should be transparency regarding profit motives in filtering, such as rents from selling filter breakers. The interests and livelihood of users in cyberspace should be considered, and a longterm plan needs to be developed to create highquality and secure indigenous messaging platforms.

With the advent of the Internet and the proliferation of tools based on it, social scientists have raised high hopes for a return to the concept of the Habermas public sphere in new media. The main question for this group of thinkers was, did the Habermas public sphere take on a new life on social media? Following the studies and researches, two categories of results can be mentioned: First, there are studies that emphasize the possibility of forming a public sphere in cyberspace. The second is the research that confirmed the impossibility of forming a public sphere in cyberspace. But a third approach has developed that,  Emphasizing the third approach, we try to examine how the virtual public sphere affects political participation .In this study, while considering these three approaches, with emphasis on the third approach, The purpose of this research is to answer the question of how the virtual public sphere affects the category of political participation. The results obtained in the conducted surveys strengthen the hypothesis that benefiting from the virtual public sphere can be effective in strengthening political participation.

Considering the importance and position of citizens in political and social developments on the one hand and the emergence of a new type of citizenship, i.e., netizen, and the formation of virtual society as an undeniable reality on the other hand, this study examines the relationship between netizens and socio-political developments focusing on their role in setting the stage for developments in Egypt and Tunisia. It also pays attention to the place of living things in the future developments in the Middle East.

This research is based on descriptive and analytical methods and while using library resources, documents and related information of websites and dedicated reports, has collected and reviewed databases.

Studies show that according to the socio-political conditions of Arab societies and countries, especially the governments of Egypt and Tunisia, the status of Netizens, as a result of the development of information and communication technology and the emergence of small and large virtual communities, have played an effective role in shaping change. They have had socio-political issues in these countries and the most important stage of their role-playing has been the formation of the online public sphere.

In a situation where Egypt and Tunisia were struggling with various political, social and economic problems in the shadow of totalitarian governments, but due to weak civil societies, change in these countries was not foreseen for years; But the role-playing of netizens in the context of information technology has created the conditions for 21st century activists to open up with open-minded public spheres based on the facts of society, sharing pain, creating synergies, and political debate. The closed, authoritarian regimes and their artificial public sphere, which emerged from the state media, provided the conditions for the formation of the revolutionary movement and socio-political developments.

The role of cyberspace in legislation with an approach to the public sphere means how much the needs, values and norms of citizens are reflected in the legislation of laws with an approach to cyberspace. Regarding the fact that cyberspace is the place for emergence and representation of citizens' demands, how much do legislators make use of the cyberspace in order to legislate? For this purpose, the qualitative method of grounded theory was used to conduct this research. The statistical population is parliament members and according to data saturation and theoretical saturation the sample size is 45 interviews that have been analyzed using ATLAS.ti software. First, open axes were extracted from the interviews and eight intermediate indices were calculated. These indicators were categorized in the two major indexes. The index of accelerating the use of cyberspace with the axes of network awareness, information retrieval, information dissemination and coordination, and the deterrence index with the axes of lack of infrastructure, inability to use, propaganda attack and one-sided view. Due to lack of the official and interactive website of the parliament members, through new coding of the interviews, the requests of the parliament members from the Technology Center of the Parliament were re-examined to create a site for organizational communication, obtaining information on citizenship demands in the form of polls as well as communicating with citizens and elites. The result showed that, the only way to establish formal communication in cyberspace, is to have a formal cyberspace with a law-making approach.

The Internet, as a public sphere, has created profound transformations in the forms of political participation that political scientists refer to as the emergence of post-modernist forms of Political participation. Many of the problems of modern societies are characterized by wicked issues, among which the political and social implications of social networks are the complex issues in the context of modern societies. Now, what is the effect of virtual networks as a wicked issue on the political sphere of Iran? Because in order to deal with wicked issues, the adoption of traditional approaches will fail, so other strategies will have to be adopted to deal with such problems. This article examines the multifaceted effects of social networks in the political atmosphere of Iran and shows the framework in which the management of government and official institutions of Iran should be. Decisions based on participation and striving for a deep understanding of technology can provide a positive environment for the emergence of new capabilities of Iranian society.

The subject of the article is regulatory mechanisms from the perspective of public law in the Islamic government. The main question of the article is to re-read the views of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei on the role and importance of supervision in the Islamic government. The hypothesis of the article is that enjoining the good and forbidding the evil, It is not just in the realm of individual morality, Rather, it has a regulatory institutional position in the public sphere of Medina (police) in the Islamic government. Which provides regulatory mechanisms for citizens. The article concludes that enjoining what is good and forbidding what is evil not only has an institutional status and constructs regulatory mechanisms, but can also be an alternative in public law to its corresponding debates in Western models, and has great potential that thinkers can have in public law and power theories to refer to it. The data were provided by documentary and the research method was descriptive-analytical.

This study tries to examine the role of intellectuals of the constitutional era in the formation of the public sphere and to answer the question of why Iranian intellectuals have not been able to turn a critical dialogue culture as a prelude to democracy in Iran into a public phenomenon. ? Findings of this study Using analytical, descriptive method and using library collection, it has been concluded that the authoritarian nature of government in Iran, the power of the powerful to dominate their votes, dominance and addressing the subordinates and appearances instead of the principle and foundation by intellectuals. This historical (constitutional) period prevented the culture of dialogue from becoming a critical prelude to democracy in Iran.

This paper is designed to advance the theory of public sphere and its impact on the development of corruption control. Firstly, the role of public sphere in fostering anti-corruption institutions was tested by the theory based on Habermas (1989) and Parsons (1995). In particular, the concept of the public sphere was expanded to examine collective factors rather than individual attributes in administrative corruption. Secondly, the ranking of selected countries in the Corruption Perceptions Index (2017) was compared in terms of achieving sustainable development goals. The study also aimed to investigate the trend of corruption in developing countries by examining the values applied at the socio-economical levels of the target countries. The paper argues that the style of governance is the main cause of corruption in the developing countries rather than individual-centric approach.

In 1376 Iran witnessed a new chapter of life and social life, the political and economic. Wave necessary initiatives to strengthen civil society discourse became widely that also had its effects for years after. This discourse in print media and digital various circles, hangouts and university centers spread and range of daily life spared either. Groups such discourse agreement creates an atmosphere that we can claim that resulted in the growth and development of the public sphere is between 1376 to 1384.pointed society.involved.

This article studies the Middle East social movements in 2011 according to Critical Theory of the Frankfurt, seeking to demonstrate how Critical Theoryof the Frankfurt School is able to analyze the issues of the international system, including Middle East social movements. Making use of principles, assumptions and concepts of this theory, we attempt to address this basic question as to how Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School can analyze the Middle East social movements. In other words, is it possible to employ Critical Theory as a conceptual and theoretical framework in analyzing civil uprisings in Middle East? An assumption which is taken into account to address this inquiry involves: Is Critical Theory of any avail in being a proper analytical model for social movements in Middle East, regarding the fact that Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School emphasizes on concepts such as variability and transformation by virtue of human action, human knowledge and role of the social subject, liberty, diminishing inequality, upholding justice, improving the social life, deprivation, and public dialogue as to achieve the goal, all of which require revolutionary action. The type of this study is descriptive-analytical. Considering the nature and type of the study, information is compiled through several ways, generally speaking, based on library and internet method. Results are mainly obtained using qualitative analysis.

Following the expansion of social media and the need for dialog between members of society which is a way to develop their knowledge about contemporary events, many social scientists considered these virtual networks as favorable atmosphere to form communications. While the above assumption was adapted by scientists to explained their theories, less literature has been allocated to analyze accuracy of the basics of the assumption. Habermas is among those scientists who form their public sphere theory based on two “conversation” and “its prerequisites” pillars. This paper studied whether social media can provide essentials to form public sphere based on Habermas’ theory. At last, the writer concluded current features of social media fit to those of public sphere yet some lacks are not due to the nature of so-called social networks.

The Islamic revolution stated the renewed authority of religion in various domains of life including government while the appropriate declaration of relationship between religion and government within the formal and informal patterns has not been successful and it has been along with theoretical and practical challenges. The aim of this article is the presentation of a strategy towards the interaction between the religion and government via thecorrelational action in the public domain as well as the interactive democracy away from the domination of authority and wealth. Through the analytical approach, the article states the critical theory on the basis of the communicative action and suggests the exchange of idea in the public domain to provide the interaction between religion and government in regard with the ambiguous and complicated affairs along with the public satisfaction.

In this article¡ historical events and cases happening from the constitutional movement to the tenth presidential election of Iran¡ suggesting formation or non-formation of communicative action¡ public sphere¡ civil society and democracy¡ have been narrated and compared in a comparative study based on Boolean algebras. This study aimed at better understanding of Iranian society and identifying ups and downs that Iranian society has passed on the road to democracy regarding to communicative action¡ the public sphere and civil society since constitutional revolution until now¡ and tries to answer this question that how the relationship between communicative action¡ public sphere¡ civil society and democracy can be explained? Accordingly¡ the theoretical concepts of the research were reviewed and extracted from views of Arendt¡ Habermas¡ Gramsci¡ Lipset¡ Alain de Benoist and Bashiriyeh to get indices and indicators for these concepts. Then according to these indicators the situation of the communicative action¡ public sphere¡ civil society and democracy in five historical periods (since the constitutional movement to the tenth presidential election) were narrated and analyzed. During the narrative analysis of each period of time based on the presence and absence of each concept exemplar¡ zero (low intensity) and one (high intensity) were placed in Boolean table for each historical juncture and the relationship between these concepts were studied. Based on the findings it can be argued that despite the attempts and measures done by society¡ elites and part of state or government¡ three concepts of communicative action¡ public sphere and civil society were not so strong except in a few cases. Therefore¡ in different historical periods¡ lack of one of these three insufficient conditions impeded realization of democracy in Iran. Among these five historical periods¡ historic period of nationalization of oil is the only time that Iranian attempts to reach to the democracy has got a fruit and made democracy possible¡ thanks to the communicative action¡ public sphere and civil society. During the constitutional movement the historical cases that had traces of presence of communicative action or public sphere and during the reform era historical cases that referred to civil society and public sphere are more than the events that lack these concepts. But in the revolution and tenth presidential election of Iran the historical cases referring to communicative action¡ public sphere¡ civil society and democracy were less than events referring to these concepts.

For the philosophers of the Enlightenment, the idea of reason was inextricably tied to publicity and public argument. Reason is public in the sense that it does not recognize any authority other than the better argument, and its public use must be free to bring about a process of enlightenment. The "public sphere" was understood as a sphere for critical discourse, placing all established powers and truths on the tribunal of reason. More than any other philosopher, Kant emphasized the internal connection between reason and publicity. The German philosopher, Hegel, and British thinker, Stewart Mill also had reservations about the growing political role of public sphere. During the first decades of the twentieth century, democracy was introduced in most European countries. An important prerequisite for this was the establishment of public sphere. Well into the interwar period, the political left and the conservative elite shared a skeptical view of democracy. The question of democracy and public sphere therefore remained central to the Cold War era. The idea of the public sphere was rediscovered and elaborated in such new, socially critical atmosphere. In this environment, the role of middle-class also has been noticed along with the necessity of public sphere development for realization and deepening of democracy as well as political development. This paper is an historical and theoretical overview of the discovery and re-discovery of the public sphere with emphasizing of the middle class role in developing public sphere.

Although the issue of development and modernization in Iran has been influenced by different historical and political trends and developments in the last hundred years, as the debate has maintained, it plays a central role at the heart of political and social dialogue. After more than sixty years of planning and multiple trials and errors, the Vision 2025 document was finally adopted and notified. Unfortunately, despite the high status of this document, which is the country's most senior document only second to the Constitution, and extensive, frequent debates among high-level officials, it has not yet put on a public discourse. In this study, targeted samples were selected from members of the Expediency Council. Then, they were interviewed in deep semi-structured and exploration. Finally, according to the grounded theory methodology, concepts obtained after three encodings processes (open, axial, and selective) were analyzed. The findings of this research indicate that because of the inherent capabilities and coordination of the internal areas, including the historical and cultural context in Iran, ritual communication pattern is an appropriate capability in promoting the development discourse in the public sphere. Therefore, this study was conducted in order to make effective use of ritual communications capabilities in socially important projects such as development

In this article, we study incorporation in the ideas of Habermas. In philosophical and social thoughts of Habermas, theoretical incorporation takes place in three situations: incorporation between subjectivity and objectivity, between agency and structure, and finally, between deliberative democracy and constitutional democracy. The incorporation of agency and structure occurs at two levels. The first level is production and reproduction of life world, public sphere and civil society by communicative action and the second level is incorporation of life world and system. Combining the levels of subjectivity and objectivity as well as agency and structure is characterized by production and reproduction, while incorporating the life-world, "system", "deliberative democracy" and "constitutional democracy" is characterized by interoperability. These combinations allow a more prominent role to agency structure and also increase the capability of informal sectors compared to formal sectors in society.

Deferent scholars have analyzed the effects of informational and communications technologies and websites of the social networks on mass mobilization and collective movements in the middle east during the past years. The main problem is that how much is decisive or effective theirs role in the recent political developments of Arab world. -wael ghonim، creator of Facebook page in a personal interview with c. n. n said that if you want free or set free a society، only give them internet access. This research is going to answer to this main question that communication media in general، and internet and blogs in especially، what effect do they had in formation (shaping) and continuation of political developments and Islamic awakening in the countries of middle east and north of Africa. The main assumption (hypothesize) of this research is that today، emerge or rise of social modern movements and political developments of middle east and north of Africa (2011) have clear connection to the modern function of media and social networks (internet، blogs، tweeter، Facebook،…) and crisis of legitimacy and deficiency of malfunctions of political systems of Arab authoritarian state. Findings of this research show that media and social networks had crucial role in the political developments of middle east and north of Africa. In this developments، main part of produced content by protest and revolutionary forces، has been done by using internet and social networks. Modern communication technologies counter to (defy) official borders and provided an alternative voice in place of official traditional media of Arab state that only reflect the official views of Arab governments. The employed method in this research is qualitative method and is deceptive –analytical with using of the documental and library resources

Contemporary religious revitalization not only has revealed that in the present circumstances، whether good or not، religion has gained a new position in the domestic and international politics all over the world but also it has challenged secularization theory and has attracted sociologists and social thinkers. By raising the concept of post-secularism، Jurgen Habermas tries to discuss religion and its role in the political and public sphere of present liberal democratic societies and reach an understanding that how religious people can participate completely in the liberal democratic politics of modern pluralist societies. This article tries to discuss his ideas about the role of religion in the public sphere and the differences between Habermas and liberal thinkers، particularly John Rawls.