جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "عدالت اجتماعی" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

In this article, the health inequality among the vulnerable groups of the society as well as the policies adopted by the government to reduce this inequality have been examined. This research seeks to answer the question that to what extent the universal health coverage policies have been based on the implementation of the health justice policy in shaping the allocation of resources, especially to vulnerable groups such as women, children, and the underprivileged? Hypothesis is based on the proposition that the sociological and political factors of resource allocation for health reform in Iran are mostly based on existing inequalities in health care and the demand for social justice in this field. The findings indicate the fact that attention to vulnerable groups has been on the agenda of the macro-policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of health and treatment since the very beginning and has always caused the decision makers to allocate resources to resolve these inequalities and focus more on these vulnerable populations of the society. The result of the research shows that despite the reduction of inequalities, the health sector still needs to establish and expand the basic axes for the establishment of social justice in the field of health, including universal health insurance and the rotation of insurance coverage; for example, employer-oriented government-oriented insurance coverage; remote health care, including telemedicine and digital health, and at the end of the paradigm shift from the volume of providing health services to the value of providing health services. This article is a descriptive-analytical qualitative method, and the data was collected by scanning library resources and document analysis.

In Iran, one of the reasons for the revolution was to establish justice and equality within the society and to remove the deprived sections of the society from injustice. Justice always brings satisfaction and companionship of the people to the governments and guarantees the legitimacy of the governments. Therefore, after the revolution, one of the concerns of the authorities was to establish justice and fight against corruption. In different governments after the revolution, this importance has always been seen and heard in the words of statesmen. The main goal of this article is to analyze the situation of the deprived class after the Islamic revolution in the constructive government. The main question raised is that what has been the situation of the deprived class in the constructive government after the Islamic revolution in I.R. Iran? To answer this question, the descriptive-analytical method has been used using library findings and internet sites. According to several theories about the occurrence of revolutions, the theory of class struggle has investigated the role of economic factors in the occurrence of revolutions. The economic variable as a factor in the formation of the deprived class has caused the theoretical approach in this article to be the theory of class struggle. The results of the research findings show that, considering that in the constructive government, measures have been taken in the direction of poverty alleviation and poverty reduction and establishing justice, but the deprived class in the Iranian society has not found a better situation and this class has not had a decreasing trend in the society.

The foundation of any society is directly related to the education and training of the members of that society and the formation of the personality of the new generation depends on various internal and external factors. The factors involved in education are numerous and at the same time have a certain degree of influence. Among these different factors, family and school impact education most. Free education and having it is one of the human rights and stipulated in the Constitution. Non-government schools were established with the permission of the Islamic Council. These schools do not conflict with the principle of free education and do not conflict with the principle of the right to freedom and choice of education and acquiring knowledge in Islam and participation in community affairs. The school and educational system can play an effective role in preventing the occurrence of crime and in recent years, the educational system transformation document, social damage prevention office, addiction prevention and treatment plan for drug addicts, virtual space transformation document, and family participation in affairs the school is one of the measures that have been taken.

Social justice is a fundamental concept in political philosophy and governance that addresses the fair distribution of resources, rights, and opportunities within a society. This concept has gained increasing importance in the contemporary world and significantly influences social development and policymaking. In this context, two prominent thinkers, Martyr Motahhari and John Rawls, have analyzed and articulated the concept of social justice from different perspectives. This article examines and analyzes governance and the establishment of a global government based on social justice, emphasizing these two intellectuals.

This research employs a descriptive-analytical and comparative approach. The data used in this study were collected through library research and an examination of scientific and philosophical texts. The aim of this research is to investigate and compare the viewpoints of Martyr Motahhari and John Rawls regarding social justice and governance.

Martyr Motahhari, as an Islamic thinker, views justice as an inherent principle rooted in human nature. He believes that justice exists naturally in the world and that its realization requires the integration of human law with divine law. Motahhari emphasizes that justice can only be achieved through adherence to divine and ethical principles in society and must be shaped according to religious teachings and Islamic values. He refers to the existential and creative realities established by the creation system, asserting that justice as a truth in society should aim to meet the basic needs of individuals and alleviate social and economic inequalities.On the other hand, John Rawls, with a liberal approach, considers justice as a civil matter that can be attained through human consensus under fair conditions. Rawls' theory particularly hinges on two foundational principles: first, every individual should have equal rights to fundamental liberties, and second, social and economic inequalities are only permissible if they benefit the least advantaged members of society. Rawls believes that achieving social justice requires individuals to engage in discussions from a position of neutrality and fairness, and laws must be designed to establish justice in society.

Comparative Analysis:

While Martyr Motahhari addresses justice from a theological and ethical perspective, emphasizing its inherent nature, Rawls approaches the concept from a humanistic and rational viewpoint. These two approaches differ not only in their foundations but also in their methodologies. Motahhari refers to Islamic and ethical principles and perceives justice as an existential reality, while Rawls emphasizes social and civil consensus and views justice from a contractual perspective.Both theories strive to create a just government and ensure social justice. However, while Motahhari sees justice as a divine and existential reality that must manifest in societal legal structures, Rawls argues that justice must be established through social and political processes with individuals' consensus under fair conditions.Regarding practical solutions for achieving justice, Motahhari emphasizes legislation based on Islamic and ethical principles, believing that laws must be designed to establish justice in society. In contrast, Rawls stresses the importance of creating social and political institutions as frameworks for achieving justice, asserting that social institutions should be designed to provide freedom and equality for all individuals.

Ultimately, both theories illustrate the significance of justice in governance and policymaking. Martyr Motahhari, from an Islamic perspective and with a focus on the inherent nature of justice, emphasizes the connection between human law and divine principles. Meanwhile, John Rawls, from a liberal standpoint and with an emphasis on human consensus, seeks a pathway to justice through social and political processes. Despite their fundamental differences in foundations and methodologies, these two viewpoints converge on a common point: the necessity for fundamental reforms and the effort to establish just governance, where justice is presented as an indicator of progress and development.

Sometimes, we speak of justice in society, which refers to the fairness or unfairness of societal relations across all domains. Other times, we discuss people's perceptions and feelings about the state of justice. The perception of justice refers to how people mentally interpret justice, which does not necessarily align with the actual state of justice in society. This perception can significantly impact political cohesion and social order. Ignoring perceptions of social justice within a political-social system may lead to serious challenges, such as a decline in political participation and national unity. The primary goal of this article is to examine the factors influencing perceptions of justice within a political society. With this aim, the main question addressed is: What factors shape this perception? Numerous factors influence perceptions of justice, which can be divided into epistemic and non-epistemic categories. This article aims to analyze non-epistemic factors affecting the perception of justice using a descriptive-analytical method. It further explores, in terms of the relationship between politics and media, the need for and general strategies for leveraging media to enhance perceptions of social justice. Essentially, media and the political system share a vital relationship; without addressing media perceptions, a political system cannot be effectively managed. In terms of the media-politics relationship, optimal governance occurs when governments and authorities utilize media resources to improve perceptions of social justice. Governments, state-affiliated media, and other media outlets that consider perceptions of justice essential for societal political life must strive to shape this perception under theories such as cultivation, framing, and the spiral of silence. Social psychological principles, media, social class, feelings of deprivation, and subjective well-being are some of the non-epistemic factors that shape public perceptions of justice.

One of the basic questions in the field of political thought is the issue of the concept, origin and goal of justice. In the foundations of Islamic political thought, justice has a special place as the fundamental and inseparable principle of religious teachings. Imam Ali (a.s.) in spite of the chaotic situation of the time and as one of the models of justice, in the reign of his ruling, he paid the most attention to the realization of justice and its correct implementation with divine and natural interpretations. Therefore, the concept and purpose of justice from Imam Ali (a.s.) point of view can be better understood in the context of a comparative analysis with justice in the policy writing tradition of Nizam al-Mulk. Therefore, the current research is trying to find an answer to this question, what is the difference between justice in the view of Imam Ali (a.s.) and justice in the type of attitude in “Siasatnameh”? So, by collecting qualitative data in the documental way as well as descriptive-analytical case method, justice in the view of Imam Ali (a.s.) is closer to the concept of Justice in the Qur'an and is a type of social justice. Justice is defined in Books of Politics and specifically Siral Muluk Khaja Nizamul Malik with the aim of protecting and supporting the system of power.

Social justice has been a long-standing demand in Iran's contemporary history, which entered Iran's political culture since the constitutional revolution and under the left discourse. During the second Pahlavi period, the desire for justice was strongly intertwined with political trends and found deep connections with the issue of political legitimacy. This led to the delegitimization of the established regime with a justice-seeking approach and the use of justice policy as a sociological source of legitimacy in the alternative system. In the following article, the mentioned historical process is analyzed with a sociological approach and descriptive and analytical method. The article aims to answer the question that how the distributive justice policy directed towards the poor, became one of the most important sources of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the research indicate that the aforementioned policy is not the exclusive creation of the Islamic Republic, but rather the product of a historical process that the majority of contemporary Iranian political forces have played a role in creating it. The Islamic Republic of Iran has had the opportunity to take advantage of this legitimizing source due to its wide base among the lower classes since its establishment.Analyzing the link between political legitimacy and social justice as a historical matter, from before to after the revolution, is the main goal of this research.

Explaining the dimensions of social justice in the intellectual system of Ayatollah KhameneiAbstractSocial justice is one of the implications of the concept of justice, which means the "fair" allocation of resources in a society. In this sense, the law must achieve an acceptable level of real and formal justice and must guarantee the fair distribution of resources and equal opportunities.The topic of the next article is reflection on the dimensions of social justice in the intellectual system of Ayatollah Khamenei. In this regard, the research raises the question of how social justice is formulated in the view of the Supreme Leader. Below this big question, more detailed questions are raised. The article was carried out using quantitative and qualitative content analysis method and the main hypothesis of the article is that Ayatollah Khamenei, with a combined approach of theoretical and practical aspects, presents a concept of social justice that is useful for policy making, the justice movement and the realization of goals. The Islamic Republic of Iran is used.The findings of the research show that social justice in the opinion of Ayatollah Khamenei means the correct distribution of opportunities, the equal distribution of resources and the equality of people before the law, he considers it necessary to theorize about social justice, progress in the framework of social justice He raised and demanded a non-discriminatory distribution of resources among different strata and regions of the country. Wanghi, the Supreme Leader, outlines the obstacles and damages for social justice that can lead to the elimination of poverty, reduction of class gap, prosperity and progress of a just society.Wanghi, the Supreme Leader, outlines the obstacles and damages for social justice that can lead to the elimination of poverty, reduction of class gap, prosperity and progress of a just society. Wanghi, the Supreme Leader, outlines the obstacles and damages for social justice that can lead to the elimination of poverty, reduction of class gap, prosperity and progress of a just society.

Social Justice is one of the concepts that make up the political culture of Iranian society, and neglecting it can lead to a gap between the mentality of society, elites, and politicians regarding acceptable Iranian politics. Considering the role of the people in making sense of justice according to Walzer, in this research, an attempt was made to answer the question of whether it is possible to use the theory of complex equality to understand political justice from the perspective of Iranians. To answer it, the theory of confluence was used as a method of applying the theory (text) to society (context) and the attempt to answer the critical questions raised led to the redesign of the theory of complex equality under the title of justice-oriented politics. A justice-oriented politics with a focus on the Iranian Islamic society and the social good of political power is that political power has a common field with other social goods, understandings in the thought of a person do not have separate origins from each other, a complete understanding of social meaning-making is possible from political power. It is to create a connection between the text and the context, and also in a society, political power may have many social meanings.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the macro-policies regarding women heads of the household. The article seeks to answer the question, what is the pathology of post-revolutionary policies related to women heads of households? The hypothesis of the article says that policy-making in this area is based on social justice, women's empowerment and positive discrimination, however, in areas such as lack of attention to cultural policy-making, the lack of a single definition and the absence of an all-round approach and parallel institutional work, there is a disadvantage. is. The results of the research show that during the last half century, policies have been clear and explicit in order to provide effective support, especially in the economic field, however, they can be identified in five dimensions and it seems It turns out that they have played a role as an important component in slowing down the process of empowerment or the implementation of social justice. Lack of a single definition of female heads of household, lack of comprehensive or late approach to the issue of empowering female heads of household, emphasis on economic policies and little attention to cultural policies; The multiplicity and repetition of laws and the creation of parallel institutions; Non-implementation or delay in the implementation of approved laws and regulations are known in this pathology. It seems that in order to improve the empowerment of female heads of households and more effectively implement justice in relation to them, it is necessary to correct or revise some of the policies. This article is compiled by descriptive-analytical method.

The subject of this article is the investigation of the theory of the state in Iran after the revolution and its theoretical feasibility with the "collectivist" theory. In other words, examining the position and role of the state in the collectivism school of thought with its application in Iran after the revolution is the subject that this article intends to investigate. The main question of this research is to what extent the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran conforms to the collectivist theory with certain characteristics, including the theory of religious authority. The main hypothesis of the research is that the government of the era of the Islamic Republic, emphasizing indicators such as freedom, social justice and trying to guide Iranian people to good, is consistent with the aforementioned theory of the government. Congregationalists believe in the idea of a perfectionist state, which implies the moral guidance of individuals within the framework of the cultural traditions of their community. The results of the research show that the government in the era of the Islamic Republic has moved with indicators such as belief in non-individual origin, virtuousness and in pursuing policies aimed at public good and social justice within the framework of collectivist theory. . The research method in this qualitative study is descriptive-analytical, and the data was collected in a library manner and through sampling from various sources.

Throughout history, justice has had different meanings in the thought of various schools and philosophers. This research, by applying two concepts of justice, i.e. Rawls's social justice and Friedman's and Hayek's neoliberal justice, with the slogans and performance of the Ahmadi government, wants to answer this question with an analytical and descriptive method. The 9th and 10th governments that came to work with the slogan of providing social justice, were they able to finally achieve their goals and establish social justice? The hypothesis of this research is that in the end, despite the slogan of social justice, Ahmadinejad, like his previous governments, continued with neoliberal policies and failed to fulfill the slogan of social justice. What was determined by examining the policies and statistics is that although partial and low-impact policies such as Mehr housing were used in the direction of social justice, in the end these policies failed to achieve their goals due to the weakness of expertise and the lack of efforts to change the economic track. make this government a reality and although in some years they temporarily changed indicators such as the Gini coefficient, in the end the 10th government ended its work with negative indicators in terms of social justice

The election contests of 1992 started in a situation where the chaos of the economic conditions under the influence of the policies of the tenth government caused the exchange rate to rise, the inequality increased and inflation was rampant. Analytical and descriptive economic and social policies during the eight-year presidency of Hassan Rouhani from the point of view of the realization of social justice, what the research has reached in its investigation shows that this government, although in its first period, relied on the western approach Garianeh has had temporary successes, but in the end, due to inaction and relying too much on the West, he followed the same path as the Ahmadinejad government, and under the influence of the neoliberal approaches governing Iran's economy, he not only failed to end social inequalities, but also increased these inequalities. From the beginning, this research is trying to answer the question that the approaches and economic conditions in Rouhani's government have had an impact on the field of social justice in Iranian society, and it has followed the hypothesis that the predominance of neoliberal approaches over economic policies will lead to the realization of social justice. In the first Rouhani government, he faced the challenge, in addition to the intensification of economic sanctions and the weakness of economic management, in the second term of the government, the conditions of social justice faced a bigger problem.

The concept of freedom and social justice is one of the ideal concepts that have a special place in social life and people want to define it in the individual and social arena. It seems that the concept of entitlement is one of the elements of social justice that by learning in the society, people get their deserved rights. Freedom as a human right can be realized with justice. Therefore, the basis of social justice is the necessity of creating a civil society and determining the rules that are the understanding of people in the society as the attribute of rules, establishing, implementing and enforcing rules to regulate social relations to limit freedom to provide interests and interests of all. This study, with the descriptive-analytical research method based on library sources, seeks to formulate the relationship between social justice and freedom in various discourses and Nahj al-Balagheh and to explain the possibility of the realization of these two concepts in social life in these discourses. The way of approaching the discourses about the conflict between freedom and social justice is not the same. Some of them vote for the priority of freedom and some of them for social justice, but Nahj al-Balagheh considered interaction and presence of these concepts to be valid in the social arena.

Social justice is among the concepts that have always been accompanied by the original thoughts of humanity. Despite all the differences of opinion in this matter, it has been endowed with spiritual value. Ayatollah Mutahhari's perspective on justice is based on his theory of human nature (fitrah), which influenced his approach to various fields, including law, jurisprudence and political philosophy. According to his attitude, Islamic rules are based on rational goodness and badness. Consequently, right and justice are real. In fact, this attitude demonstrates the foundations of Islamic law. Two things create connection between right and possessor of right: ultimate causality (which creates potential rights and the root of natural equal rights among individuals) and effective causality (which creates actual rights and the root of different acquired rights in individuals). The reliance of social justice on fitrah has also provided the grounds for raising issues such as global justice and inter-generational justice. Among the valuable points of the theory of natural justice, which have been discussed by prominent philosophers, is the idea of a Utopia city in which natural justice is a central point, i.e. is the cause of society's progression in both material and spiritual aspects by providing the groundwork for the realization of natural talents of the individual and society. In other words, natural justice provides a fair competition ground and opportunities for all members of society to freely compete in developing their inherent talents. In this article, the theory of justice based on fitrah is examined.

This article aimed at investigating the political perspectives of the 4th generation of Islamic Republic of Iran revolution toward initial ideals of the revolution which were independency, freedom and social justice. The present study was a survey research. The population of this study were 18 to 29 years old youths of Shiraz city in 2020, which 400 individuals were used from them as the statistical population. This study was a survey research This research use from Manhaim though .he did alot of speak about generation gap . the result of hypotheses of the present study showed that the perspective of the 4th generation of the revolution about freedom is that the individuals should be free in thoughts and expressing those thoughts, and should have freedom in choosing jobs and the way of clothing. independency was not their priority and they were looking for social justice.keywords: 4th generation of the revolution, ideals of the revolution, independency, freedom, social justice.

Security in all its dimensions has been one of the most important obl i g a ti o n s for governments of the past to the present. In the 21st century, the im p o rt a n ce and aspects of security, such as cyber and psychological security, have b ec ome more important than ever. The social security dimension has been particularly important since it is the origin of other dimensions of sec u r ity in a society. Obviously, Imam Khomeini and Supreme Leader emphasized on security. The main purpose of this research is to analyze the dimensions of social security in the opinion of Imam Khomeini and of Supreme Leader. G i v en the ontological and anthropological foundations of Imam Khomeini a n d the Supreme Leader, Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader have co n s i d e r ed social security at both the macro and micro levels. At the macro level, we c an mention the sense of security in society, educational justice, public co n s e n sus and participation, the coherence of the (spiritual) inner dimension of security with the objective and material dimension, social justice and a sense of equality among citizens. At the micro level, we can include elements such as reducing discriminatory laws, combating class and social divisions, ad d r e ssing economic, educational of destitute community, elections, monitoring the performance of institutions and managers, combating corruption.