جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « ژئواکونومیک » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Despite having the second place in the world in terms of natural gas reserves, Iran has practically not played an active and influential role in world trade and the export of natural gas and liquefied gas, and despite its privileged geo-economic and geo-energetic position, it has reached a position that is commensurate with the capacities and potentials of its geographic economy. It has not been found. The main problem of the research is, how is the role and importance of liquefied gas in the global gas trade and geopolitics of energy, during the next decades at the regional and global levels? The main goal of this research is to analyze the increasing role and importance of liquefied gas in the global gas trade. and the geopolitics of energy, at the regional and global levels, in the coming decades. The research method is a cross-sectional survey method, which is based on the objective of the applied type and based on the nature of the descriptive and analytical type. The studied community, professors and experts in the subject field The study has a sample size of 34 people and a questionnaire has been used to measure the formation of research variables. Library findings and the results of the research questionnaire, using the software Spsand the test and multivariate regression has been analyzed.The results and inferential findings of the research show that due to the advantages, increasing demand and consumption of liquefied gas in the transition period on the one hand, and the geographical location and unique capacities of Iran for the production and export of liquefied gas on the other hand, the development of production infrastructures And the export of liquefied gas can compensate for the decrease in Iran's oil exports and revenues during the period of transition from fossil fuels to renewable energies. Although oil and gas will not completely disappear in the coming decades, hydrocarbons will gradually and increasingly give way to renewable energies. This transfer of energy from fossil energy to renewable energy can turn the rich oil and gas reserves of countries like Iran into stray capitals in the not too distant future. Among fossil fuels, liquefied gas or LNG has characteristics that can play an important and effective role in meeting the needs of human societies during the transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources. The capabilities of storage, long-haul transportation by ship, re-export and re-gasification make LPG a flexible and attractive resource in the energy transfer process. The results and inferential findings show that due to the advantages, increasing demand and consumption of LNG in the transition period on the one hand, and the geographical location and unique capacities of Iran for the production and export of liquefied gas on the other hand, the development of infrastructures The production and export of LNG can compensate for the decrease in Iran's oil exports and revenues during the period of transition from fossil fuels to renewable energies. In short, production and export liquid gas In the process of transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources and in the transition period, it has valuable results, the most important of which are:1.The current situation of the world trade in liquefied natural gas does not correspond with Iran's share of the world's gas reserves. A look at the global LNG trade shows that Iran practically has no place in the regional and global trade of liquefied gas. Iran, as the second country in the world in terms of huge reserves of natural gas, especially in the oil and gas fields of the Persian Gulf, If properly planned and appropriate economic diplomacy is adopted, it can well become one of the most important countries in the world in the world trade of liquefied gas. 2.Contrary to geopolitical restrictions and issues related to natural gas export pipelines, Iran's possession of long coastlines in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of ​​Oman on the one hand, and the ability of LNG to be transported through large ocean-going ships, can make Iran in line with To connect the export of liquefied gas to all world markets. 3.The advantages of liquid gas as a relatively "flexible" fuel, with the ability to store, regasify, load and re-export, and the possibility of using LNG terminals to store, transfer and export liquid hydrogen, ammonia, etc. The future makes LNG a superior "transition" fuel. 4.The capabilities of LNG as a relatively "flexible" fuel with less emissions can reduce energy transmission costs and energy security risks in many countries of the world, especially less developed countries, in the process of transitioning from fossil fuels to clean energies. and renewables, and help boost the liquefied gas business globally. Production and export planning liquid gas, Parallel Applying an active and intelligent economic diplomacy at the regional and global levels will bring very valuable results in the direction of securing national interests, attracting foreign exchange resources, increasing government revenues and economic development of the country along with will have.

The Karabakh crisis remained in a state of neither war nor peace for tens of years, but with the Second Karabakh War, it came out of the state of "frozen conflict" and the South Caucasus, especially the Karabakh region, underwent deep changes. Since this war is not a random thing but rooted in the historical developments of the region, the main question of the article is “how did the course of historical developments in the South Caucasus affect the geopolitics of that region in the 2020 Karabakh war?” In response, this hypothesis proposes that the zero-sum situation was the principle governing the geopolitical developments of the South Caucasus region and its lasting legacy. This article has evaluated the complex history of the South Caucasus its geopolitics and its economic and cultural components, Geo-economics, and Geo-culture, and examined its consequences for the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020. The findings of the research showed that the Second Karabakh war was an ethnic-territorial war and the economic components played an essential role in its formation. Also, the sum of zero is the ruling principle in this region. In this article, a deductive research approach has been used, which is with the application of the geopolitical study model in the framework of regional studies. The data analysis was descriptive-analytical and the data of this research was collected using internet and library sources.

Hard military advances have been the earliest means of achieving the goals of the great powers throughout history. But changes in the global arena have led to the emergence of newer tools to advance political goals. The most important tool that is being considered by big governments today is the economy. This is why many other powerful countries in different models are trying to take advantage of this potential. China, one of the emerging powers that are becoming the world's economic superpower, has also adopted policies and strategies in this regard.This research analyzes and examines the strategies chosen by China with a descriptive-analytical approach and using theoretical documents and hypotheses in this field. This study categorizes the strategies used by China in the Middle East into three categories: political circuits, contextual circuits and cultural circuits, and according to the strengthening of each of these circuits, the speed, intensity and stability of economic development and It will increase its political influence in the international arena.

Trasica Corridor is one of the most important corridors connecting East Asia to Europe. This article seeks to investigate the effect of Iran's geo-economic position on the use of the Thracian rail corridor for the convergence of Iran with four Central Asian countries. In this study, the convergence of Iran with these four Central Asian countries Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan for the years 2015 to 2020 has been investigated. The results of Grobel and Lloyd index of Iran's trade with Kazakhstan (0.565) showed that Iran has the most intra-industry trade with Kazakhstan. After that was the country of Uzbekistan, whose index of industrial trade with Iran was obtained (0.343). The results of Grobel and Lloyd's index for the two countries of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan (0.067 and 0.062) indicate that these two mentioned countries had the least intra-industry trade with Iran. The above findings clearly show that Iran's economy can make good use of the Trasica Corridor rail route for the transfer of goods and economic integration with Central Asian countries. In order to encourage businessmen to make more use of the Trasica rail corridor in order for Iran's economy to reach the markets of Central Asia, it is suggested that bilateral agreements be concluded with Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan to reduce bilateral tariffs for businessmen of both sides, and a joint commission on Monitor the implementation of these obligations.

Turkey is one of the neighboring countries of Iran that has many advantages in terms of geopolitics and perhaps it can be mentioned as one of the few countries with regional influences around Iran. Therefore, the present study seeks to answer the question of what are the factors of divergence in the political relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey?The objectives of this study are to investigate the divergence factors in the political climate of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey based on three categories of geopolitical factors, geoeconomic factors and geocalcher factors.This research is applied-developmental and descriptive-analytical and survey method. The results of this analysis show that in all three components of geopolitics, geocalchery and geoeconomics, the mentioned priority caused divergence and a total of 15 factors were confirmed.In response to sub-questions, the most important geopolitical factors, the Kurdish question in Syria and turkey's military presence under the pretext of fighting them in Syria and the most important geocalcular factors, the flagship of the Islamic system in the region by Iran and the most important geoeconomic factors, the competition of the two countries to influence the markets of the Caucasus and Central Asia were determined.

Iran and Pakistan, as two important players in Southwest Asia, with their vast common borders, play an important role in regional and international developments. The component of commercial and port capacities of Gwadar and Chabahar ports plays a decisive role in the development of these relations. Considering the importance of the impact of these two ports in the international relations between the two countries and the great impact they have on the growth and development of their surrounding areas, in the present study descriptive-analytical method to explain the strategic capacities of the two ports in the development of peripheral areas and growth We will discuss convergence in the relations between Iran, Pakistan and the region, and we will analyze the opportunities and challenges ahead in achieving a strategy based on solidarity and convergence in the relations between the two countries. In the present study, we seek to answer the fundamental question that what effect do the strategic capacities of Chabahar and Gwadar ports have on the mutual relations between Pakistan and Iran? It seems that the flourishing of strategic capacities of Chabahar and Gwadar ports in the field of services, transit, economy and increasing convergence and regional solidarity between the two ports and thus increasing the level of services and transit and revenue of the two regions, has a direct impact on capacity development. Economic development in the deprived areas of the two ports, as well as the quantitative and qualitative expansion of Pakistan-Iran relations.

In 1379, North-South Corridor, consisting of eastern wing (Central Asia), middle wing (Caspian Sea), and western wing (Caucasus), form the side of the Caspian Sea, has been implemented by Russia, India, and Iran. Until 1399, the western wing, which passes Azerbaijan territory as the main route, has been affected by security issues between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan after the collapse of the USSR. The main question of the present paper is: how do the tensions between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Islamic Republic of Iran affect the western wing of the North-South Corridor from the side of the Caspian Sea? The findings of the research that has been concluded on the basis of the Copenhagen Regional Security theory, geoeconomic theory, and document-and-library-based studies, indicate that security issues (Karabakh crisis) and the tensions between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Islamic Republic of Iran have put excessive costs on the western wing of the North-South Corridor which has been replaced with the Eastern wing affected by Russia-Ukraine war.

This study examines the opportunities facing Iran to revise its geo-economics’ approach to the Eurasian Economic Union’s member countries through four techniques: Cosine index, Finger and Crinin index, Grubel and Lloyd index and estimation potential trade index in 2019. The results of the Cosinus index indicate that Iran has the highest degree of similarity with Belarus 0.858 and the correlation coefficient calculated with the Finger and Crinin index 0.918 confirms these results. According to the Grubel-Lloyd index, Iran had the most intra-industrial trade with the Eurasian Union in the product of all skin types and raw skin and Leather. 0.943. The results of the trade potential index showed that Iran has made little use of its trade capacity with Eurasian countries, so that, for example, it has only relied on 0.16% of the 1.8% of its export capacity to Russia. On the other hand, the article moves on to identify and calculate a set of goods that have the highest degree of intra-industrial trade as well as the highest export potential to Eurasian Union’s countries.Therefore, it is suggested that according to a long-term approach a country like Iran should look at the all three components of geo-economics (economy, geography, and power) in the same direction to secure its long - term interests through an effective regional convergence. These results can be a proper guideline to draw Iran's trade promotion strategy with Eurasian Union member states in order to revise the geo-economic approach of the country.

Following the emergence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an influential regional organization in the expanse of Eurasia in the early 21st century, Tehran has aptly recognized this mechanism for spread of multilaterism, creation of a Eurasian order, and the connection of the country’s economy with the nonwestern capital and technology markets. On the other side, it has been for long that the Shanghai leaders have come to this conclusion that introducing new governments, both as permanent members and supervising members and participation in the talks, broadens not only the borders of the organization, but also helps alleviate criticisms concerning the limited scope of activities of the organization and increase its effectiveness. As a result, the founding members agreed to Iran full membership process at the 21st session of the organization, after Iran’s 15 years of waiting. The present paper intends to answer the key question below: What does Tehran full member mean, among the current geopolitical changes in Eurasia? And what role can Tehran play in completing the organization in integrating Eurasia?  Based on the Constructivism Theory and Social Construct of regions, the findings of this research show, using the qualitative method and Inter-minded Horizon , that in a long term look , the Shanghai Organization  provides a significant mechanism for achieving some goals of foreign policy , especially for the “Look to East” policy of Tehran.  Full membership, also facilitates active participation of Tehran in shaping the security and economic status of the region. Tehran, in its turn , can play a major role in formulating and completing the Shanghai Organization, because Iran’s regional interests arise from the country’s goals in creating a Eurasian Society and preventing the region from becoming a hotbed of terrorism and extremism;  using the country’s geo-economic capacities for creating a bridge between Asia and Europe, as well as Iran’s position as a hub of trade and connecting roads in the region , is compliant with the Shanghai Organization’s goals.

From an economic point of view, borders are very important for economic benefits. Factors such as smuggling goods in border areas have a high potential to shake the economy and production processes of the country. At the local level, underdevelopment of border areas, unemployment and lack of economic structures of the people are introduced as a factor in the divergence, dissatisfaction and regionalism of the local economy and provide the basis for the desire of local people to this direction.The border areas of Iran are usually underdeveloped areas and its overlap with the ethnic-religious components of the people of these areas leads to false jobs and in turn affects national security. One of these areas with low development is the border areas of Kurdistan province. The statistical population of this article Due to its breadth, an unlimited statistical population has been used. The purpose of this article is descriptive-analytical in nature and using library and field resources to "explain and analyze the economically effective security factors in the management of border areas, especially the border areas of Kurdistan province." Findings and results show that prioritizing geoeconomic factors influencing security in order of smuggling goods in the border areas of Kurdistan province, second unbalanced economic development on both sides of the border, third priority lack of resources in the border areas to create the economic structure of Kurdistan. It is the border area of the province.

One of the policies in which a great change took place after the Islamic Revolution was the approach of looking at other actors in the regional and global arena instead of looking at and being completely dependent on the West. One of the neighboring countries of Iran, which has many advantages in terms of geoeconomics, is the Republic of Turkey. Therefore, the main question is "What are the geo-economic sources of tension in the political relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey?". This research is of applied-developmental type and has been done by descriptive-analytical and survey method. Finally, a number of potential tensions in the form of geoeconomic components were identified and a questionnaire was prepared and provided to experts to obtain the opinions and views of experts in this field on the extent to which each of these tensions affects the political relations between the two countries. . After collecting the information obtained from the questionnaire, the data were analyzed by SPSS software.  The result of this analysis shows that there are tensions in the geoeconomic component and a total of six tensions were confirmed. The most important source of geoeconomic tension was the competition between the two countries to penetrate the markets of the Caucasus and Central Asia and the joint opposition of Turkey and the United States to plans to cross the Central Asian oil and gas pipelines through Iran to Europe.

Geopolitical relations are the relations between political units based on the context of geographical web sites.This descriptive-analytical study tries to identify the most important settings and contexts of geopolitical relations between political units at the scale of the Persian Gulf regions. Identifying the contexts and fields of relations between the countries located in the Persian Gulf region is of great importance due to the geopolitical and geo-economic position of this region in the structure of world power. In this research, first the theories and approaches of relations have been studied and their common chapter has been extracted in order to identify the areas affecting the relations of countries and then these components have been implemented in relation to the Persian Gulf. The results of the research show that the most important contexts and fields of geopolitical relations between the countries in the Persian Gulf region are in four dimensions: hydro-political, geopolitical, geo-economics and geo-culture. The most important factors influencing the relations between countries include the geopolitical position of the region, territorial claims of the countries in the region to each other, ideological orientation in the region, bipolar geopolitical structure, conflicting security approaches, water shortages and common border rivers, geopolitical codes Conflict, competition for regional hegemony between Iran and Saudi Arabia, disagreement on some common maritime borders, existence of the Strait of Hormuz, unequal geopolitical weight of the countries in the region, failure to form a comprehensive regional organization, religious and ethnic ties have located among the countries of the region.

One of the most important geo-political variables influencing the country's fate is the energy variable and one of the ways that Iran can increase its national security factor is to pay attention to foreign policy based on security and transit of energy (oil and gas). In the new geo-economic territories, Iran plays a vital role in the Middle East region in general and in the Persian Gulf in particular.  Therefore, the present paper aims to investigate the geopolitical and geo-economical role of Gulf energy transit on the National security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Research findings show that in the geopolitical and geostrategic dimension, the Persian Gulf is the focal point of several important energy consumption domains, that from one side to Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, and on the other side to the east (India, China, Pakistan) and the ocean India is connected. If Iran is able to tie itself in these areas, energy security and, in a more in-depth look, their national interests and national security are tied to the security and national interests of Iran, and as a result these countries toward to a threat  of Iran's security and national interests,  become more sensitive and hard-core . From this geo-economics dimension, Iran is also the world's second oil and gas holder, and is capable of becoming one of the main partners and suppliers of energy in these countries, which it can increase the country's economic strength. Increasing economic power leads to national growth and development and is a factor in increasing the national power of the country in other dimensions, which results in the provision of national security in a positive way. This paper has analyzed based on the Copenhagen School of Theory (Regional Security set). The research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection method is also a library method.

In the current international system, countries try to create the desired networks by linking issues with places. India is no exception and is trying to build its own network. The research question is what is the attributes of network building in India's foreign policy and what is the position of Iran in this strategy? The results show, the first pillar of India's foreign policy network building strategy includes its immediate neighbors with the aim of connecting South-West Asia with Southeast Asia. The next circle includes the countries of the Indian Ocean, including Iran. Finally, the third link seeks to connect India with Central Asia and beyond in the form of a north-south corridor. Of course, the three rings are completely connected and together form a network to eurasia. Iran is in the second ring of India's networking, and India is looking to compete with China and Pakistan in Chabahar. However, with a long-term approach, it seeks to implement the North-South corridor with the aim of becoming a major power. This research uses network theory as its theoretical framework and the research method is the method of matching the case with the theory.

This study, by examining the geo-economic capacities of Makran beaches, explains the political obstacles to the realization of geo-economic capacities. Using the theory of combined geopolitical isolation, this study states that the current economic and political situation in Iran and underdevelopment are the result of tensions between Iran and the international community, reduction or severance of international relations and consequently reduced economic interactions with other elements of the global system and some elements in particular. International sanctions have put pressure on some elements of the global system to reduce the level of interaction with Iran. The main question that is the basis of this research is that despite the abundant geoeconomic and geopolitical capacities of Makran beaches for development, what are the most important political obstacles to the realization of these capacities in these beaches and this area? Findings show that these political barriers are: sanctions, lack of investment, lack of national income due to government dependence on oil, unbalanced development and peripheral center gap, supra-regional powers, and instability. Research Method Due to the nature of the subject, the research is done descriptively-analytically using library resources, the Internet

Common historical and cultural features and geopolitics proximity encourage energy, transit, and regional cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan. This article examines the different aspects of economic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, including the opportunities and challenges as well as the potentials to develop ties. The current research also investigates the different ways through which Iran can involve in Turkmenistan's economy. The findings show that is that it can be achieved by strengthening the transit lines and resolving Iranian exporters' visas, guaranteeing investment risk, prioritizing economic diplomacy, and defining common interests in the transit area. Both countries are of great importance in the international arena because energy exports strengthening the cooperation between the two countries could lead to a more significant impact of these two actors internationally. This article attempts to describe the main issues of this paper is a descriptive and analytical method.

As IR scholars have long recognized, the alignment with foreign actors has been particularly relevant for regional balance in the West Asian power relations and in the same way, France is among the powers that has always been taken into consideration in the West Asian extra-regional alliance strategies. Besides that, over the past two decades, economic leverages has gained momentum in IR including in cross-regional Geostrategic alignments and are employed as an important foreign policy tool. So the main question of this article is how the Geo-economics have shaped French foreign policy within the context of West Asian geopolitical rivalry and what have been the consequences for Iran? Supposing that the region's vast commercial, financial and arms market have been evolved into Geo-economic leverages, ready to influence the foreign policy behavior of major trans-regional powers, this paper examines the use of these leverages in the context of Saudi-Iranian cold war and demonstrates that how this trend has paved the way for Franco-Iranian foreign policy confrontation on multiple regional issues.Current studies suggest that, in addition to the bipolar atmosphere surged from Saudi- Iranian conflicts, the Spillover of the region's crises into Europe and the US “Pivot to Asia” strategy, among others, are major contextual components determining France interventions in West Asia. The results of this study indicate that the aggregation of economic levers in the camp of Iran's regional rivals has conferred certain competitive geopolitical advantages and has affected French foreign policy options while adding to the fragility of Franco-Iranian relations.

In recent years, the South China Sea has become one of the major centers of the crisis in the Asian Pacific region. This paper examines the geopolitical, geo-economic and geo-strategic positions of the South China Sea, contradictory claims by the contenders in the South China Sea and various solutions to this problem, including multilateral negotiations and cooperation. With an analytical descriptive method, the paper seeks to answer the question of how the policies of the claiming countries in the South China Sea can be evaluated in relation to each other  and considering the geopolitical situation and developments in the region? Based on a geopolitical approach,We find that each of the regional and trans-regional actors seeks to control important resources and regions.As a result, the situation in the region, especially with the geopolitical developments and the growing economic and military growth of China and the efforts of countries to develop energy resources without regard to the rights of others, can lead to increased complexity in the region and continued conflict.