جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "collective action" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

This article examines the role and influence of the school in transforming the idea of political progress into a common goodinthe Islamic Republic of Iran.The purpose of this research is to evaluate the acceptance of the idea of political progress as a general demand in Iranian society and the role of the school in its realization.To achieve this goal,three different steps have been followed.In the first stage,thefour interestsof identity,ideology,philanthropy,and patriotism,which are based onthe school of Shiism,are known asthe intersection of the school and political progress.In the secondstage,three dimensions of vision (Islamic political philosophy) ,orientation (political ethics) and behavior(political jurisprudence)of the school havebeen examined andexplained.In the third stage,it has been investigated that the idea of politicalprogress is considered as a collective good, and the three pillars of the leader,the governmentandthe people have realized this collective good through collective action.The working method of the school to achieve common benefit isexplained and it isstated that the leader as the explainer and enlightener of the school, the government as the provider of the appropriate platform for implementation and the people as students and followers of the school play their own roles.Based on this, the interaction and cooperation between these elements in the society for the correct and effective implementation of the school will cause the idea of political progress to become a collective good and lead to comprehensive progress in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran.Therefore, it isvery important tounderstand the role of school in realizing the idea of political progress and development of Iranian society.

Narrative, as a source of soft power by creating recognition, vision and persuasion, has various functions at the level of every society, one of which is creating common social understanding to deal with threats and influence. In this regard, an attempt has been made to use documentary-library sources and descriptive-analytical method, while addressing the process of creating the image of the presence of America based on two narratives before and after 1342 in the eyes of the public opinion in Iran, the ability Let's examine the narratives in creating a unified understanding of the Iranian society about the behavior of this country and its impact on the social support or opposition to the American actions. Therefore, in response to the question, "What effect has the narrative created by America after 1342 had on public opinion and increasing the collective social power of the Iranian society to confront America's actions in Iran?" We are seeking to prove the hypothesis that creating a common social understanding of the interventionist face of America, creating a vision of creating national independence and determining the destiny of the society by the people themselves through a new narrative, from 1342 onwards, will lead to the formation of unity and increase The collective power of the society in repelling the threats and influence of the United States.

Collective behaviors and social actions, inspired by historical developments such as two world wars, the rise of fascist-communist movements, the collapse of the colonial ecosystem and the acceleration of globalization processes, took place in the form of national and transnational social movements. Following these global transformations on the one hand, and the experience of two revolutions in one century, the eight-year war and globalization in Iran on the other hand, the nature of contemporary society changed. In other words, since the beginning of the 20th century, the gap between the state-nation and the nation-imperialism brought different layers of social movements, especially students, who wanted to establish a civil society and establish a democratic structure. In fact, social actions, by sitting on the seat of courage and civility, are cut off from the politicization and factionalism that dominates social relations and are trying to get rid of this political issue. According to this understanding, the main question of the current writing is how to analyze social movements, especially student movements in Iran, with the Meluchi-Torn theoretical model? Employing the logic of historical sociology and the descriptive-analytical method, the author emphasizes the hypothesis that the nature, identifiers, and different contexts of social movements in Iran distinguish it from the Molochi-Torn analysis model. The findings of the research show that the background and timing of social movements make social actions in Iran not necessarily in full compliance with the analytical model of Meluchi-Torn.

“Collective action” is the capacity and communicative quality of those social actors that fulfill individual determinations through collective determinations building on the understanding and commitments related to the role. As such, they trigger the institutional change resulting in development through incentivizing the political will to accept the “public good.”Centered around the concept of “collective action,” the present study rejects the general arguments in the analysis of the lack of development of the press in Iran that aim at presenting top-down solutions. It contends that the absence of institutional agency via press syndicates, which can be made possible with the participation of all media practitioners, is the missing link of the underdevelopment of the press in Iran.This study covers the time period after June 1997 up to June 2022. The data required were gathered through the conduction of in-depth narrative interviews with journalists as well as building on textual sources and data available in written forms. For data analysis, the narrative analysis method has been used through a thematic model for thematization. Drawing on the mixed purposive sampling method, an effort has been made to ensure compatibility sampling to achieve representativeness.The results signify that in press syndicates, “antagonizing” connections with other power centers are replaced by relationships with the “co-workers” that often eliminate the possibility of a consensus for taking essential steps and furthering impactful collective action, or significantly minimize such possibilities.Also, the unsustainable development processes of the press, especially in associations and syndicates, lack the “effective connection of the constituents” that hamper the institution-building of the collective action. Identity-oriented and professional resources are not attached to material resources, and as such cannot result in “hegemonic actions” and the emergence of institutional agency required for solidifying the development discourses.

The present research aims to provide a relatively accurate picture of the causes, topics, characteristics, achievements and problems by systematically reviewing the studies related to mass protests in Iran in 2018 and 2018 and by aggregating the results of scattered researches and by achieving a new perspective. These researches give. For this purpose, in this research, taking into account practical possibilities and time limitations, 60 cases (30 studies related to the protests of 1988 and 30 studies related to the protests of 1996) of the existing works between 1388 and 1400 were examined and the necessary information, extracted and analyzed. The obtained results show that in the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2018, political causes have been given more attention than other causes, and the economic factor has been given less attention than other factors. In general, most of the authors have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-political factors. In the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2016, social causes have received more attention than other causes, and the cultural factor has received less attention than other factors, and most of the analysts have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-economic factors. In the studies related to collective protest action in 1996 compared to 1988, we see a shift from socio-political factors to socio-economic factors.

The new middle class is a city-oriented, academic, and participatory social force that has become the center of gravity of socio-political developments in a process of formation, within or outside the body of government. The research question is, how has the mobilization of new middle class voting resources for electoral participation (1-3) in Iran?
The hypothesis and findings of the study will show that the group claims to have the political power and challenge to access sovereignty resources through tools and practices such as mass media, political parties and political leaders' speeches. The new middle class, in the context of collective action with its intellectual allies, mobilizes its resources to infiltrate government and sovereignty. This paper attempts to answer the research question by using Charles Taleil's theory of resource mobilization and by historical method within a given time and by secondary findings.

Transparency is about directing the strategic and intelligent efforts of citizens and creation of common perception . Als,emphasizing transparency in social groups strengthens the sociability of individuals. In fact,the consequence and expansion of transparency on the one hand and the commitment to transparency on the other hand strengthens pride and will through the feeling of being effective.That is,the more a person's commitment to transparency and expectation of transparency from others is strengthened, his motivation for action is stronger.Due to the importance of subject the transparency of research in the face of descriptive research, analytics seeks to answer the main question that, what will be the role of transparency interpretation frameworks as a balancing mechanism for collective action according to current Iranian strategies? When the society lacks the functional balance of political and economic structures, multiple slots in the power structure and the society will be created, which leads to civil discontent and subsequently social action will expand. Therefore, favorable structural backgrounds, structural pressures and generalized beliefs will be prepared for action. Furthermore,transparency is an integration of the realization of credible opportunities for spontaneous action and the organization of collective action.The occurrence of same accelerating events, the actualization of mobilization potential with components of creating political and social opportunities were in line with the expansion of collective participation of the intended activists and transparency is effective in social control, the inhibition of collective actions and guiding them to predictable routes, which will be explored in more detail in the present work.

The process of formation and then the rise of ISIS in Iraq and Syria has several factors, the most important of which are social factors. The US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and its aftermath on Iraqi society and government marked the beginning of an important part of the developments leading up to the formation of ISIS. The question of the article is that; From a sociological point of view, how can the formation and rise of the Salafi-Takfiri movement in Iraq, especially ISIS, be explained? To answer this question, the framework presented in Neil Smelser's theory of collective behavior, which consists of a six-variable process, is used. Accordingly, considering the variable "structural pressure", the hypothesis of this article in answer to the main question is that; The ambiguities, deprivations and suspicions formed among the Sunni Arabs following the occupation of Iraq, as the most important example of structural pressure, are among the most serious sociological factors involved in the formation and rise of ISIS. After carefully examining the structural pressure created after the occupation of Iraq on the Sunni Arabs and compiling a composite table of the levels of detail of the collective action of the Sunni Arabs in Iraq before the occupation and the centers of structural pressure of the structural pressure after the occupation, using the document collection method And library sources explain (why) and then analyze the sociological dimensions of the formation and rise of ISIS.

Revolution in ICT (Information & Communication Technology)، which itself should be analyzed in wider context of Globalization، has affected transformation of several concepts in Politics، specially “Power” and “Security”. Main analyses concern about globalization and Specially ICT revolution as the main factor influencing Security & power، believe that modern concepts and theories about security (sate-centric approach to security which is named “hard security in the article)، no longer could answer properly important questions about: “security reference”، “security target”، “essence of threats” and “geography of threats”. Accordingly، this article is going to investigate theoretically some impacts of ICT and its main emergences especially Meta territorial digital media such as Internet on security in era of Globalization (which is named “hard security in the article soft security). Therefore، the main concern of the article is to indicate theoretically some impacts of revolution in Information & Communication Technology which in some texts is named Third Industrial Revolution، on evolution of concept and application of security (that is transition from hard security to soft security) and emergence of fourth wave of security studies which theoretically has itself some huge consequences on citizens relation with government، in the fourth decade of Islamic Revolution of Iran. Hence، the main hypothesis of the article is that: ICT revolution has affected: “security reference”، “security target” and “geography of threats” in favor of citizens and even in contrast with national sovereignty which potential regards as an threat against IRI. The main result of this text is that some phenomena such as skills in manage Collective Action، increasing mental and social demands in society، transition from reference of national sovereignty to reference of transnational and sub national sovereignty are some dominant examples of emergence of soft security issues which would affect security of Islamic system of Iran in fourth decade of Islamic Revolution.

Salafism’s root in Egypt dates back to the early 21st century. Before the revolution، salafists didn’t believe in political participation and regarded it as prohibited، but their approach changed after the revolution. This movement just after the Egypt''s January 25 revolution in 2011، mobilized resources to gain individual and group interests and emerged as a powerful actor in a political scene by organizing themselves and using available opportunities. These have led to appear Salafists’ collective actions. From the perspective of political sociology، this article، based on a descriptive-analytical method، inspired of Charles Tilly’s resource mobilization theory and Weber’s collective action approach، tries to answer these two main questions: What are the reasons of change in the Salafists’ political approach after the Egypt revolution? How have been the collective actions of Salafists since the revolution? The main finding of the study is that the change of ideological approach، external factor (Saudi Arabia)، concern of other political actors’ power، and ultimately the removal of suppression atmosphere and the prevailing of tolerance and facilitate in the post-Mobarak era caused Salafists’ political activism. However، in some cases، this activism in dealing with the opposition took passive and defensive، somtimes aggressive mood.

Since the beginning of the Arab Spring, scholars in different fields around the world have studied it, exploiting various approaches. One of these approaches is the cultural change in which survival and self-expression values are analysed. This approach is discussed in the present paper. Given that collective actions in every country are in line with its cultural values and cultural changes, the authors focus on the collective action called Islamic awakening or Arab Spring and try to answer the following questions: what are the characteristics of the beginning and the end of the process of the Arab Spring movement, and on the basis of what type of cultural values is it gathered its momentum. Our hypothesis is that societies’ survival values have led them towards an action, which was very late, violent and complex, and its outcome will only be the reproduction and growth survival values.

Theoretical studies of social movements and specially of recent events in Arab countries are investigated mainly by concerning causes and grounds of formation, outcomes and the events after these movements; but the issue of common identity of these social movements is rarely considered directly. In this article it is argued that in order to explain common identity of the participants, looking at these events’ differences and similarities, of which I will try to make sense in theoretical frameworks, is necessary. But it is important to consider different phases of these movements (formation, development and outcome) in order for the dynamic nature of this concept to be explained. I will try to represent this dynamic in theoretical frameworks and Arab public opinions and accordingly the concept of “otherness” will be emphasized as determinative factor to specify this identity as Islamic.

The triumph of khatami in the presidential election of second khordad (1997) was a turning-point in political conflicts in Islamic Republic of Iran. After the election, there has been a controversial debate About the nature of this collective action. Some scholars define it as a social movement while others say a social movement has some characteristics like organization and leadership which second khordad collective action did not have. The author tries to offer a detailed definition of social movements and compares their necessary characteristics with the second khordad collective action

Twelve years of history after Reza shah's collapse (1941-1953) was a field of dispute between political claimants from different classes and strata and quarrel over power sources in a new atmosphere. For the first time in contemporary Iran, middle class activists in the form of 1949-1953 charismatic movement took power in the polity from other claimants mostly from upper classes or noble class and made it exclusively for themselves. Activists of this class had some primary and main sources to exert power which was mobilization of the masses and collective action in cities in the form of strikes, demonstrations and street riots. In July 21st collective action, they could finally drive their rivals in shah's court and upper classes aside and gain exclusive power of the polity. Victory of July 21stcharismatic movement in an anomic period, was the consequence of a social rift which challenged the definition of claimants' "social status" while putting the middle class into power. This way elite-oriented  game rules in political arena were lost and replaced by "leader's charisma" and "public will" in the absence of strong civil institutions. In this article, applying the Charles Tilly's "resource mobilization theory" and "grounded theory" research method social and political roots of July 21st collective action will be studied.