جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « ethnic groups » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The governing principles of identity politics in Iran should lead to the strengthening of national commonalities and efforts to bring ethnicities closer together. Therefore, the important thing that exists is that the more the axes and principles agreed upon by the collective are promoted, the more harmony, empathy and convergence will be achieved. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to investigate the role of economic factors in increasing the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups. Therefore, the following article seeks to answer the main question, "What is the role of economic factors in increasing the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups?" In this regard, the research implementation method is a survey method and questionnaire data collection tool. The statistical population of the research was 214 people. In this study, the sample size was 66 people using Cochran's formula and 0.1 error. The data were analyzed with one-sample t-tests, Friedman's test and SPSS software. The findings indicate that all economic components have an effective role on the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups.

Middle East societies have significant complexity in terms of ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity. These complications are considered to be important factors in the formation of political and social crises and the delay or difficulty of the state-building and nation-building processes in these countries. Various researches have been conducted from the perspective of political science and political sociology about the issue of ethnic groups in the Middle East, and specifically countries with a mixed ethnic composition, and solutions to solve these issues have been proposed by researchers, experts and strategists. One of these analyzes and solutions that has received more attention in the last two decades is the proposal of a multicultural model for the Middle East. This liberal model seeks to give formality to ethnicities and identify them in the framework of identity, culture, language, and climate different from other ethnicities and make the distinction between them the basis of policy making. In this article, I am trying to show that this model is not suitable for Middle Eastern societies and not only does not solve the issue of ethnicity, but for various reasons it helps to divide and deepen crises. Therefore, the application of such a model may endanger the security of these countries and seriously delay the nation-building process.

The present study, with the aim of investigating and analyzing the rights of Iran's ethnic groups based on the fundamental laws and international documents, poses this question: What are the advantages and disadvantages of domestic and international laws for improving the conditions of ethnic groups in the pluralistic Iranian society? The hypothesis is: the emphasis of international law on liberal doctrines, disregard for the common good in pluralistic societies, and the dominance of the attitude of a minority of ethnic groups are its weak points, and in domestic laws, the lack of evidence of the rights of ethnic groups and the lack of practical solutions as Obstacles to the realization of the rights of relatives. The results of the research show that the minority view of ethnic groups in the eyes of international documents, insistence on liberal human rights doctrines and disregard for the common good are among the weak points of international documents related to the rights of ethnic groups. In Iran, ethnic groups are not considered as minorities and this means their equality with other citizens. Accepting the customs, manners, culture and traditions of the tribes is also an advantage for the tribes in the Iranian society. However, it is possible to eliminate some deficiencies in domestic law by considering multicultural education through teaching in the mother tongue, and improving their economic conditions through the creation of commercial and economic centers and providing peaceful conditions for linking ethnic identity with national identity. It is a realization. In the current research, the descriptive and analytical method and the theoretical framework of the research is the multicultural approach of Will Kimlika. ‎

One of the basic features of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution is the presence of women and their role in organizations, associations and political scenes of the struggle against the Qajar government. Throughout Iran's history, the role of women in the field of political and social developments has rarely been considered, although the reasons for this neglect are a separate issue. During the Constitutional Revolution, Iranian women had the opportunity to overcome their intellectual and political limitations and to show and emphasize their political and social empowerment in Iranian society by helping the constitutionalists. The role of women in the Constitutional Revolution is not limited to the women of Tehran, and many women in other parts of the country, as well as women of different ethnicities and groups, were able to play a role during the Constitutional Revolution, so that some of these women The hands of the constitutionalists were also present. In this article, an attempt is made to discuss the role of women of different ethnicities and groups by examining the case study of Maryam Bakhtiari's baby. The author will use analytical-descriptive method to investigate this issue and will analyze the research data by qualitative method.

One of the main issues in contemporary societies is the way different groups and ethnicities coexist and interact with each other. This issue is also of interest in the Islamic Republic of Iran, where various groups and ethnicities have lived for many years and centuries. The main problem and question of this article is that according to the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei, what is the relationship between ethnic groups in Iran and the relationship between national, ethnic and religious identity among them? To answer this question, all Ayatollah Khamenei's meetings with people and different groups from ethnic provinces (97 speeches in total) have been analyzed using thematic analysis method. The four main themes extracted from his statements are: 1- foundations and principles for ethnic coexistence, 2- religious beliefs and rites (the basis of religious identity), 3- cultural and social relations and relationships (the basis of ethnic identity), 4- preservation of the land and political-economic progress and participation (the basis of national identity).

Women have had a significant role in social changes, particularly political participation, in post-revolution Iran. In this regard, this study aims to achieve the sociological explanation of the political participation of Bakhtiari Lur and Arab women in Khuzestan province in 2019. The study design was descriptive-correlational. The questionnaire was used, the validity and reliability of which were approved under the supervision of experts and Cronbach’s alpha test (0.77), respectively. The population included female citizens over 18 years old and the sample size was calculated 584 based on Cochran’s formula and simple random sampling. The data analysis showed that the mean of the political participation of Bakhtiari Lor women (39.72) was more than Arab women (32.01). Furthermore, the tendency towards political participation among single women (35.01) was more than married women (33.10). Finally, considering the ethnic groups, Bakhtiari Lor women (33.56) had more tendency towards political participation compared with Arab women (27.15).

At the beginning of the 20th century, in spite of the royal proclamation of the Iranian Constitutional Decree by Mozaffar ad-Din Shah on 5 August 1906, unrests and uprisings still continued all over the country. In such conditions, due to its geographical distance from the center of power, the South of Iran suffered from chaotic and disorganized conditions. The khans of the tribes and ethnic groups acted independently and autocratically because of the central government’s lack of attention, and in the middle of this chaos people were treated with cruelty and despotism. Following a descriptive-analytic method and relying on library sources and documents, this study aimed to explore the effects of the ethnic and tribal system dominating the ports and islands of the Persian Gulf in the first half of the 20th century on the conditions of these regions and explain the outcomes of the policies of Reza Shah Pahlavi there. According to the findings of the study, the absence of the ruling power in the southern regions of the Persian Gulf during the last years of the Qajar government had resulted in a lot of unrest and despotic and willful acts on the part of tribes. After the beginning of the First World War and the violation of Iran’s neutral position by the involved countries, the situation was extremely worsened. The economic recess in the ports and islands and the blockage of trade routes, on the one hand, and the conflicts among the tribes and ethnic groups and the suppression of their rights caused people’s escape to other regions, particularly to the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf. This process continued during the reign of Reza Shah and the exercise of power by the central government and, as a result, the population of these regions decreased on a daily basis.

The purpose of the current study is to review requirements and consequences of Lebanon’s cultural policy-making, with respect to the ethnic and religious extensiveness in this country and to present useful information and analyses for the policy-makers who seek open cultural space and acknowledgement of different ethnic groups, sects, and cultures. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and in this regard, the main steps of the process of cultural policy-making in Lebanon as well as its effective criteria were reviewed. Then, using qualitative content analysis, the most important negative consequences of the process of cultural policy-making in Lebanon, such as inattention to spiritual aspects and purposes of people’s life in Lebanon, contradiction between objectives and means to implement policies, ambiguity and relativism in the procedures and stages of policymaking, pluralism, and intensification of secularism were extracted. It seems that using instructions from Lebanon’s cultural system as a model in the cultural policy-making of other countries, makes cultural policy-making impossible. However, in a macro or infrastructural outlook, some instructions of Lebanon’s cultural system can lead to betterment of the process of cultural policy-making in different stages. The necessity of utmost attention to different views, their acknowledgment, their impact on the prioritization and arrangement of policies, and making an effort to make the best use of them are among positive achievements of this approach.

The process of globalization as a change in the spatial organization and cultural-economic relations has affected the various dimensions of human life, and the globalization of the free flow of information, communications and the transformation of interactions and communications from the micro to macro levels has created the challenges and opportunities against the international community. One of the influential areas of globalization is the issue of ethnicity in countries with ethnic diversity like Iran. The purpose of this research is to answer these questions of how globalization has promoted and deepened ethnicity. What are the strategies to minimize the ethnic challenges in Iran? The research results are presented in four sections: 1. weakening national sovereignty; 2. intensifying Political and ethnic tensions; 3. ethnicity in Iran after the Islamic Revolution; and 4. solutions for ethnic and religious convergence in Iran. This article is based on the theoretical framework of the methodology an analytical descriptive with emphasis on the narrative of interaction between the approach of codification and specificity, and the method of data collection is the use of library resources and articles.

Generally in the literature of political science and international relations, autonomy has been viewed as an effective way to manage conflicts and tensions between ethnic minorities and the central government, and to regulate relations between them. Ethnic and territorial autonomy is not a new way of managing the relations of the center and ethnic minorities; but in recent years, with the importance of issues such as regional and international peace and stability, most of the countries that are faced with ethnic diversity within their borders are increasingly focusing on this way for managing the demands of their ethnic groups. This is common practice, especially in developed countries, where democracy and democratic principles and structures are the basis of behavior and political action. Hence, the autonomous regions around the world are many. Quebec, Basque, Catalonia, Tibet, and so on, are among the autonomous regions in the world. But the important issue about autonomy is the emergence of ethno-territorial separatism, which many thinkers in the international relations consider as one of the consequences of autonomy. Therefore, there can be a broad scholarly gap in the study of the relation between autonomy and separatism. Many researchers have argued that ethnic autonomy in most cases has been an appropriate option for answering the demands of ethnic groups and a desirable way for ethnic groups to benefit from freedom and rights of their distinctive identities and to create a calm relationship between these groups and the central government. In contrast, others believe that the autonomy leads to the radicalization of the demand of ethnic groups from the center and the intensification of the separatist tendencies of these groups and the incomplete territorial integrity of a country. Another group also believes that in examining the relationship between autonomy and the separatism, the central issue is the central government's action in abolishing the autonomy of the autonomous groups. This theory is known as the “lost autonomy theory”, and believes that the central government, by abolishing the autonomy of autonomous ethnic groups, intensifies the separation process of these groups. Therefore, among these theoretical debates and according to the third perspective, the purpose of this paper is to analyze the effect of the role of governments in the face of the autonomy and its relation to separatism, as well as the study of the relationship between separatism and autonomy. On the other hand, one of the areas that is considered as a valuable field in studying the phenomenon of autonomy and separatism is the independent states of the Soviet Union. In general, autonomous regions have been very much in the Soviet Union. In fact, because the territory of the Soviet Union has historically been the home of many ethnic groups, autonomy was used by the Soviet centralized system to regulate the demands of these groups and manage their relations with the dominant ethnic groups. In the centralized and hierarchical system of the Soviet Union, entities such as the autonomous republics, autonomous regions, and autonomous oblasts were dominated by the union republics. In the final years of the Soviet Union, and with the intensification of the process of separatist tendencies among the ethnic groups, the autonomous regions, with regard to the status of autonomy, moved in the way of territorial separation. The actions of the governments of union republics with the autonomous groups also intensified the separatist tendencies of these groups. Indeed, autonomy has become a factor in the emergence and intensification of the separatist process in post-Soviet space. Meanwhile, one of the countries faced with the issue of autonomy in the last years of the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet era is the Republic of Georgia. During the Soviet Union, this country had two autonomous republics, Ajaria and Abkhazia, and an autonomous oblast, South Ossetia. These entities, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, moved toward territorial separation. Therefore, in this article, the relation between the autonomy and separatism and the status of the autonomous regions in the Republic of Georgia as well as the Post-Soviet separatism in this country have been analyzed. Therefore, the main question of this paper is this: What is the relation between autonomy and separatism in international relations? And what is the effect of autonomy on the ethnic group separatism? In the findings section of this research, the article endeavors to examine the effect of abolishing the autonomy as an independent variable on separatism as an associated variable. In the following, hypothesis of this article is that giving autonomy to ethnic groups does not lead to radical tendencies and separatism; however, in general, increases the possibility of separatism; but the important issue is that the central government's action in abolishing the autonomy of ethnic groups increases the likelihood of violent separatism. In this paper, using the descriptive-analytical method, the authors have tried to study this hypothesis in association with the two autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the Republic of Georgia. Abkhazia and South Ossetia as two autonomous entities expressed their nationalist tendencies in the 1980s, and with the collapse of the Soviet Union, these tendencies became more violent. Tbilisi's actions in relation to these tendencies and in particular the implementation of intense policies in relation to these groups, have led to an intensification of separatist tendencies in these areas and ultimately to their war with the central government in the years after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Iran is a country with numerous ethnic groups located in the four corners of the country and they play an important role in the security of the country and national solidarity. The prerequisite of the national unity in Iran is the unity among the ethnic groups and the central government. The Turkmen Iranians living in the north and northeastern parts of the country are racially, lingually and socially different with the other compatriots, but the difference has not prevented the interactions of this people with other Iranians, except in those cases where the internal or external factors contributed to increasing the contradictions and differences existing. Considering the importance of the effect of the Turkmen people on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the quiddity of this (positive or negative) effect has become an important and necessary question. This paper, written by the library-documentary approach and the descriptive-analytical approach based on the Copenhagen Security Theory, relies on the hypothesis that relying on the social and cultural distinctions of the Turkmen along with belonging to the elements of national culture have had a positive role in national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. According to the research findings, the Turkmen have always considered themselves part of the Iranian people, as evidenced by the cultural and social activities of elites, religious clerics and people of this race in order to preserve the unity and convergence of the people of the region with Iran’s nation. By this description, it should be said that the cultural and social distinctions of the Turkmen and their interest in maintaining their ethnic and indigenous traditions have always been part of the elements of the national culture.

Sistan and Baluchistan Province is a border province in the East of Iran that employs a particular political, cultural, social and geopolitical context affected by geographical and environmental, political, cultural and security across the two sides of the border with protection and provocation on the part of regional and transregional aliens which affects the performance of ethnic and religious groups in this Province, instigating insecurities in these regions. Therefore, using an analyticaldescriptive methodology, this article tries to analyze the factors that have an effect upon the performance religious-ethnic groups in Saravan County, a sensitive border county in this Province. The findings in this research indicate that from among various factors effective on the performance of religious-ethnic groups in the internal security of Saravan County, “the geographical and environmental factors” have higher average, with social-cultural factors (with emphasis on security conditions) having lower average. As for the extent to which these factors are effective in the internal security of Sistan and Baluchistan, the social and cultural factors (with emphasis on economic conditions), have higher average and the geographical and environmental factors have lower average in terms of having effects.

The profound changes that have occurred in information technology-communication, accompanied by a paradigm shift in technology, industrial technology, information technology has caused so much so that it may be said computer electronic networks, the infrastructure and the dynamic World are. Given the widespread and profound implications for the emerging internet phenomenon in human biology and demographics century and a bit on the left, has many models to understand the world of politics, culture, economy and society is impossible without understanding the role. This is why researchers and writers in various fields of knowledge about the Internet and its impact on different areas of individual and social life are theories and ideas are building. The impact of this technology on the emergence and spread of new forms of social interaction between different groups within a community, and they are very important. This article will attempt to explain why we welcome these actions and interactions of the Internet, on the one hand, the opportunities and the threats and challenges by focusing on the principles of national identity, national unity sovereignty and national security deal.

The Persian Gulf is considered to be one of the most important centers for the immigration and movement of different ethnic groups in the process of the establishment of civilization in Iran. From the rise of the Safavid government in Iran until 1945, this point attained increasing clarity and influence. During this period, the immigration of various ethnic groups was completely different from that in the past not only due to the motives, reasons, and motherlands of immigrants but also because of its consequences and roles in the changes in the Persian Gulf. Accordingly, the present research was conducted to explain the different types of immigration, the motives of immigrants during this period in the Persian Gulf, and the role of immigration in the changes in this region. In doing so, the author intended to provide an answer to the question of the effects of immigration in the Persian Gulf in the changes in this region from the Safavid period until the end of World War II. In response to this question, he posed the hypothesis that the immigration of different ethnic groups to the Persian Gulf since the establishment of the Safavid Dynasty in Iran was the main cause of the political, social, and economic changes in this region. This study was carried out following the library method, and the related findings, while providing an answer to the posed question and testing the formulated hypothesis, shed some light on some of the problems associated with immigration in the Persian Gulf.

The purpose of this article is the meta-analysis of the studies couducted about ethnic problems in Iran. To collect necessary data, the authors used relevant keywords, consulted the universities graduate theses and visited relevant websites. Finaly, the studies which met the specified criteria were selected and necessary data to test hypotheses were extracted by a questionnaire prepared by the authors. 10 studies were selected for the calculation of effect size statistics and other necessary information. To calculate these effects, the authors used CMA2 registered software and analyzed the assumptions. The results show that in total, indentified independent variables were effective on political mobilization, integration and national identity. The combined effect size was 0.708 (0.708d =) that was statistically significant. Since this amount is in the range of 0.8 to 0.7 it is assessed in accordance with the category average Cohen. The results also show that variables such as a theoretical foundation, respecting the customs, traditions, religion and language of ethnic groups, appointing ethnic elite in political positions or adopting an interactive approach by government, emphasizing commonalities and differences between religions and feeling economic and cultural discrimination, have been statistically effective on the political mobilization for ethnic integration and national identity. It can be concluded that to achieve political mobilization for ethnic integration, national identity and national solidarity, reducing economic deprivation and discrimination, emphasizing religious commonalities and respecting the language and customs and laws related to ethnic groups should be considered.

One of the issues and problems in the Iran is the ethnicity and the challenges that posed threats on the national unity in the past and the present and caused the collapse of the political regimes. The article is to find the effective elements of the ethnic conflicts and crises in the Iran and in emphasizing on the ethnic study of its Ardebil province as a case study، is trying to present some proper techniques to managing the ethnic diversity in Iran with respect to the principles، norms and culture of the ethnic groups as well as enforcing integration and supporting the national unity. In this regard، the article seeks to study the crises after the victory of the Islamic revolution and the ethnic clashes in 2006 in particular and to find out the permanent causes as well as the changing ones. With this approach، the article uses the documentary and library works as well as field study including the questionnaire.

National integrity is an important means for maintenance of communities life. It is difficult to imagine a society without national integrity due to the association between nation and govermment and among socio-cultural groups within a society. National intrgrity is so important that governments by all means try to acquire it. Previous studies show that preservation of national communities in diverse societies, including Iran, is subjest to the conditions of the relationship among ethnic groups. Domestic tourism development contributes notably to such relationships in a country. Domestic tourism development leads to coherence and unity within a nation, especially in economy, culture and community.Furthermore, it causes national communitys stability and permanence by intensifying people's sense of loyalty to their country. Considering economic and socio-cultural conditions of Iran, abundance of sub-cultures cannot be denied, so policy of "solidarity within diversity" would be the most appropriate. Applying this policy is essentially cultural and can be procured via intercultural discourse. This paper asserts the role of cultural tools in strengthening national integrity, as the aforementioned policy is cultural and modern. Definitely, tourism development increases understanding of oneself and of others, which is the main tool to fulfill national integrity.

Regarding the problems and prospects of human self-definition, the unifying thread is "identity" in its various manifestations throughout the life course. Diversity is one of the aspects of Iranian society. This paper presents the findings of a politico - linguistic research conducted in 2006 among the Tat people living in Takistan in Qazvin Province, some 130 kilometres to the north east of Tehran. These people though a minority ethnic group in Iran, constitute the majority population of the city of Takistan and its surrounding vicinity. Tat language which is a member of the South-Western group of the Iranian branch of the Indo-European language family is the great aspect of these people's identity. The operating assumption of the paper is that struggling with different aspects of their identity these people see themselves as entirely distinct group and honour their three thousand years old identity. Of particular interest is the relationship between their perceived differences, actual differences, and geographic location. Interviews, observations and questionnaires were employed to examine the perceived identity of Tats.

Free elections and fair competition are two aspects of democracy and also legitimacy of any political system (particulary transitional societies). The present article investigates at first the theoretical aspects of elections and its processes. Then it describes the role of ethnic groups in electoral competitions of those societies. Finally it discusses the iranian activities aiming transition to democracy and their historical experiences. In general, the author of the article categorizes three different approaches towards political participation: "monologists", "dialoguists", and "opportunists" assuming non of two faeets. He also notices to 9 rounds of presidential elections in analysing the degree of participation in two provinces (Kurdistan and Baluchistan).

The study of the rights of minorities and ethnic groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Constitution indicates that despite the absence of a specific and coherent pattern and the failure to make use of mainstream models for the attraction and confirmation of the minorities’ participation in this legal instrument, the rights of the groups in question are referred to and reserved in various ways. In the Islamic Republic’s Constitution, three categories of ethnic group, religious minority and denominational minority have been distinguished, and while the religious minority may be combined with the two other groups, separate rights have been provided for each of them which themselves can be amalgamated. Undoubtedly, the rights of minorities are discussed when there is kind of difference, and most of Iranians and the religious government arising from the Constitution are largely different from the religious minorities. Hence, the designers of the Constitution have paid much attention to the religious minorities whereas the mere ethnic minorities have not been subject to much attention. Apart from the seats reserved for the religious minorities in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, there is a one-article act providing for the respect for their religious rights and performance of their religious rituals. However, religious and ethnic minorities, due to their commonalties in religion, have been regarded as part of the majority Iranian society in terms of social and political rights. Therefore, in cultural domain, their rights for continuing their cultural existence have been sanctioned and the freedom of religious rituals for the Muslim denominational minorities has been respected according to the act in question.