جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « international politics » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Artificial intelligence, as an advanced technology, has wide-ranging effects on international politics. Due to the complexity of artificial intelligence technology, instability may increase in decisions and behaviors of countries. This issue can lead to international crises and tensions. Also, the unbalanced use of artificial intelligence technology can lead to an increase in inequality at the global level. In this research, with a detailed analysis of the effects of artificial intelligence on international politics, we will identify the challenges caused by it and provide different solutions to solve the challenges caused by the impact of artificial intelligence on international politics.The main goal of this research is to gain a deeper understanding of the new trends in international politics, to analyze the effects of this technology on international relations, and to explain the appropriate solutions to eliminate the gaps caused by artificial intelligence on international politics. In this research, we find that artificial intelligence can improve international relations. and by using this technology, countries can use their resources and data more effectively and make better decisions and help achieve common solutions to international challenges, they can also cooperate and interact in economic fields. , improve security, social and political

The significance of regional organizations in restoring regional peace and security is undeniable. The Arab League, as the first regional organization in the Middle East, exhibited diverse reactions to the situation in Syria following the events of the Arab Spring. The primary inquiry of this research focuses on how this organization utilized its capacities to prevent the escalation of the crisis and facilitate the restoration of regional peace and security concerning the situation in Syria. Using a descriptive-analytic approach, this article delves into the underlying causes of the prolonged crisis in Syria and subsequently analyzes the decisions and stances taken by the Arab League, such as the suspension of Syria's membership and the imposition of political and economic sanctions. These analyses are conducted through the lens of constitutional commitments as well as political and legal considerations. The findings indicate that the twelve-year suspension of Syria's membership, despite its status as a founding member of the Arab League, not only underscores the complexity and multifaceted nature of the crisis at regional and international levels but also suggests that, in line with the fundamental objectives and principles of the organization, its approaches largely align with the interests of powerful Western governments and the expansionist policies of the occupying regime in Palestine, while running counter to the interests of the regional Arab and Islamic communities. Presently, the Arab League faces challenges such as dual approaches, decision-making influenced by its anti-Iranian members, issues related to immigration crises, and normalization of relations with Israel. From a regional perspective, the league's track record hardly reflects its role as an effective regional organization capable of resolving domestic crises within its member states or addressing international crises such as the Palestine-Israel conflict in line with the preservation of regional peace and security. Consequently, the Arab and Islamic region may continue to exist in a "region sans regionalism."

The current research aims to analyze the type of strategic orientation of the United States of America in facing the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially after the Islamic Revolution. The dualism of liberalism and realism, or a policy of mutual punishment and encouragement, has been adopted in the face of J.A. Iran. A. Iran. In order to prove the hypothesis of the research, while using the theory of aggressive realism, the behavioral pattern of the United States will be examined. The main findings of the research show that the approach of the United States is of the type of liberalism of "encouragement, encouragement and maximum participation". Or the harmonious model of liberalism and realism is not "positive and negative". Rather, it indicates the continuation and consolidation of the approach of aggressive realism, of the type of acute discursive, geopolitical and geostrategic confrontation in the form of "threat, punishment, sanctions" in the form of "various and complex balancing". So that the conformity and consistency of aggressive realism propositions with the approach of the United States in the acute confrontation with Iran is clear and obvious. The authors conclude that the behavior pattern of the United States is in the fixed form of aggressive realism, without a paradigm shift to liberalism. And it doesn't even have a tendency to shift within the theoretical paradigm of defensive realism. The main goal of America is to turn Iran into an isolated and victimized actor in the field of international politics. They evaluate J.A.Iran in the form of a game with a negative sum. And they always have a pure compliance with the approach of slander and international politics in their agenda. based on strategic rationality and compliance with international law.

Today, many critical infrastructures in the fields of energy, health, transportation (sea, air, land and even outer space) and telecommunications are highly dependent on computer systems and internet networks, Such a platform has changed the concepts of armed attacks and force as hostile states conduct their hostile operations in cyberspace, In some cases, these attacks destroy the infrastructure of a country, and the destructive effects of such actions will be far more than military operations, Therefore, the importance of developing international mechanisms is an inevitable necessity, The question is, based on which propositions do the current rules governing international relations make it possible to deal with subversive operations? And does international law have the capacity to identify cyber attacks as an example of resorting to force or not? It seems that the answer to the questions depends on the analysis of the existing international realities, Until now, binding international rules have not been established in this field, and governments only respond to these operations based on the principle of legitimate defense, However, there is no rule in the issue of compensation for damages and dividing the boundary between legitimate and illegitimate actions and it is difficult to identify cyber attacks as an example of force, In this article, the author tries to analyze a logical and descriptive interpretation of the rules of international law, the application of the said rules, focusing on the instrumental, goal-oriented and effect-oriented approach in the cyber space.

The present research aims to analyze the course of relations between Persian Gulf Arab countries and Israel, specifically focusing on their transition from divergence to convergence. Drawing upon the system theory, this study explains the development of their relations from divergence to convergence. The findings underscore the significant impact of interaction and interdependence arising from shared challenges and opportunities, leading to convergence in political, economic, and scientific domains. However, it is important to acknowledge that the support and establishment of peaceful relations between these nations have also been influenced by the economic and political interests of major international powers in the West Asian region. If the normalization policy between Persian Gulf countries and Israel is solely driven by external pressures from Western, Hebrew, and Arab statesmen, the prospects for their relations appear bleak. Instead, such a policy could potentially serve as an indicator of potential tensions in future conflicts involving Israel, Palestine, and Lebanon. The growing cooperation between Iran and Persian Gulf Arab countries, in comparison to their cooperation with Israel, has the potential to not only balance the convergence but also establish a balance in terms of threats. In other words, for Iran's convergence with Persian Gulf countries in security, politics, and economics to have a significant impact on the international environment (both regionally and globally) and influence the mindset of Arab officials, it must surpass the dependence of Arab countries on Israel and redefine their behavioral boundaries.

This article discus the relationship between the Doctrine of Resistance and political developments in Iran's foreign policy, as well as in regional and international politics. It begins by discussing the issue of instability, insecurity, and war in the Middle East in the 21st century, and questions the influence of political movements on the region's developments. In response to this question, the article presents a multi-layered hypothesis, which is explained in three sections. The hypothesis suggests that the Islamic Doctrine of Resistance, as the most significant political, cultural, and military movement, has had a significant impact on military-political developments. In fact, the comprehensive impact of the Islamic Resistance movement on Iran's foreign policy, the developments in the Middle East, and international politics and system constitute the overall structure of this hypothesis. The mobilization, organization, training, and deployment of volunteer forces from various Islamic countries against the Western invading and occupying front led by the United States and regional allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia have been the most important function of the Islamic Resistance front. Through the formulation of grand and shortcut strategies, designing operations, long-term planning, and overall management, the Islamic Resistance movement, led by the 21st-century strategist martyr Qasem Soleimani, has been able to overcome heavy and unprecedented military attacks on the Middle East and achieve significant victories in regional and international arenas, inflicting heavy losses on the enemy front.

Today, there is a deep belief that man, as a political animal, is motivated by emotions and internal functions of the brain and makes decisions within the framework of these emotions. From this point of view, psychology can be more effective than any other field in international relations as a window to understand politics. In the meantime, diplomacy, as the knowledge of the communication between representatives of countries and the beating heart of international politics in order to resolve disputes, needs to be equipped with psychology more than any other aspect of this field. In this regard, this article, with the aim of exploring the role and function of political psychology in diplomacy, seeks to answer the question; How and why can political psychology help diplomats in the process of diplomacy? Using the descriptive-analytical method and based on documentary studies, this hypothesis was tested that the actions of all people in the world are directed by their perceptual-personal treasury and mental expectations. Therefore, the mind as an active mirror shapes the phenomena and concepts, and the diplomat, by mastering psychology and personality cult, can reflect what he wants in this mirror to a large extent.

Due to its geopolitical characteristics and strategic importance of the Persian Gulf area in multiple military, political and economic fields, It has always been one of the main centers of international politics and geopolitical interests of countries as a concept for explaining and pursuing their national interests in geographical contexts. In this regard, due to the special (illegitimate) characteristics at the time of its establishment, the Zionist regime has repeatedly drawn policies to increase the vital space and pursue its interests in order to realize geopolitical interests. One of the geographical bases of this regime's goal from the beginning has been the geopolitical area of the Persian Gulf, which with recent developments has increased the hopes of that regime to implement its primary goals in the direction of influence in this region. With these preliminaries, this study seeks to answer the main question, what are the geopolitical interests of the Zionist regime in the Persian Gulf region? In this regard, It uses mixed methods (quantitative and qualitative) and through presenting a questionnaire to the statistical population of 39 experts from the Persian Gulf and West Asia, while coding the questionnaires using spss software. The most important geopolitical interests of the Zionist regime in the Persian Gulf were prioritized as follows: overcoming its strategic geographical isolation in the region,diversification and expansion of the technology export market to the Persian Gulf countries,creating strategic depth in the Persian Gulf area,expanding intelligence-security cooperation with the sheikhdoms of the Persian Gulf under the cover of communication-information exchanges against the Islamic Republic of Iran, dominating the water resources of the Persian Gulf through the establishment of water desalination sources in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and monitoring the strategic water area.

Due to its geopolitical characteristics and strategic importance of the Persian Gulf area in multiple military, political and economic fields, It has always been one of the main centers of international politics and geopolitical interests of countries as a concept for explaining and pursuing their national interests in geographical contexts. In this regard, due to the special (illegitimate) characteristics at the time of its establishment, the Zionist regime has repeatedly drawn policies to increase the vital space and pursue its interests in order to realize geopolitical interests. One of the geographical bases of this regime's goal from the beginning has been the geopolitical area of the Persian Gulf, which with recent developments has increased the hopes of that regime to implement its primary goals in the direction of influence in this region. With these preliminaries, this study seeks to answer the main question, what are the geopolitical interests of the Zionist regime in the Persian Gulf region? In this regard, It uses mixed methods (quantitative and qualitative) and through presenting a questionnaire to the statistical population of 39 experts from the Persian Gulf and West Asia, while coding the questionnaires using spss software. The most important geopolitical interests of the Zionist regime in the Persian Gulf were prioritized as follows: overcoming its strategic geographical isolation in the region,diversification and expansion of the technology export market to the Persian Gulf countries,creating strategic depth in the Persian Gulf area,expanding intelligence-security cooperation with the sheikhdoms of the Persian Gulf under the cover of communication-information exchanges against the Islamic Republic of Iran, dominating the water resources of the Persian Gulf through the establishment of water desalination sources in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and monitoring the strategic water area.

This study aimed to investigate the role of the media in strengthening the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the international arena, which was conducted using a survey method. The statistical population of this research is the professors of political science and communication sciences in Tehran. After repeated studies and identification of professors who have more aristocracy to current issues of politics and media. Due to the limited number of the target population, 65 people were selected as the statistical sample. A questionnaire was used to collect data. The results of t-test showed that the average score obtained for the role of media in amplifying soft power was above average. Therefore, the media has a favorable role in strengthening soft power. The results of examining the role of media in strengthening the components of soft power showed that the average score obtained for economic, cultural and political components was above average and for the scientific component was moderate. This shows that the media in strengthening cultural power, Economic and political, has played a desirable and influential role and has played a relatively desirable or moderate role in strengthening scientific power. There was also a significant difference between the role of traditional media and traditional and modern hybrid media in strengthening soft power. Based.

The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) was initially established to combat money laundering, and later objectives such as combating transnational organized crime, countering the financing of terrorism, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction were added to its mission. The activities of FATF are based on the 40 main recommendations of this institution, the interpretive texts of which are also attached to these recommendations. The basis for the legitimacy of the FATF recommendations is some UN conventions and resolutions. This institution gained more power, especially after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, to the point where it is considered one of the most important international regimes in the field of financial and banking standards. The main issue in this regard is the position of the FATF in the global economic system, international politics and also its behavior pattern towards Iran. In response to this question, it has been hypothesized that the FATF is part of the international banking and financial regime, which, by referring to international conventions and UN resolutions, has increased its international legitimacy and sought to It has expanded its supranational authority and influence in the fields of global economics and international politics. To address this question, we first examine the important international instruments in the field of combating money laundering that led to the formation of the FATF. Following is a trend study of the historical development of the FATF to use the descriptive-analytical method to examine the position of the Financial Action Task Force in the global economy and international politics. Finally, a comprehensive analysis of the FATF's exposure to Iran over the past two decades is presented.

As an inevitable phenomenon, terrorism has directly and indirectly engaged the formal and informal actors of the international system, and has gradually expanded the geographical scope of terrorist acts. This research is intended to assess the capability of the theories of international politics to respond to the conceptual transformation of terrorism, and to try to provide an answer to this question: “What are the most important features of the theoretical transformation of classical terrorism to modern terrorism?” With this in mind, due to the fact that theories in the field of international politics have not been able to analyze modern terrorism well, we tried to test the hypothesis that, there is a theoretical rupture in the concept of modern terrorism compared to the classical type following the process of globalization and change in the system International on the basis of systemic and multilevel views. Accordingly, the most important components of the theoretical transformation and of classical terrorism compared to modern terrorism are: increase of threats, generalization and expansion, change in the nature and function, importance of organizational, networking and cyber terrorism, geographical spread of international terrorism and change in activists' reaction to international terrorism. This is a theoretical research following explanatory method whose data are collected on the basis of library and internet resources.

International relations as any domain of socio-political interactions faces with issues such just and unjust, moral and immoral, right and wrong, i.e., issues traditionally discussed in political theory. This article aims to examine the relationship between International Relations and political theory in its various aspects. The main concern here is to show how the two are tied together. It is argued that the connection is through three main ways: political theory is a source of inspiration and /or legitimization for theoretical claims of various IR theories; the presence of normative concerns usually associated with political theory in even the “positivist” or “scientific” theories of international relations; and finally the existence of international political theories with clear normative aspects especially as it has been reflected in communitarian/ cosmopolitan debate particularly between and among realists and liberals. This clearly shows the ever presence and inevitability of political theoretical notions and discussion for the theory of international relations.

The purpose of this study is to compare the level of foreign policy analysis in the Middle East from the perspective of international relations theories with an emphasis on discourse theory. In this descriptive-analytical method, we will examine the foundations and propositions of poststructuralist theories, in particular discourse theories, the relationship between discourse and foreign policy analysis and the possibilities of discourse analysis in explaining developments and foreign policy in the Middle East. The results indicate that poststructuralist theories and in particular discourse analysis, with their emphasis on semantic construction, pay attention to the role of semantic, linguistic and discourse factors in the analysis of governments' foreign policy. Therefore, both theoretically and in explaining the practical and objective developments in the Middle East and the foreign policy of the countries in this region, they provide more opportunities for researchers compared to the mainstream theories of international relations.

A neutral view of science is one of the main features of scientific theory and one of the fundamental claims of the main stream in the theorizing of international relations. On the other hand, the critical theories in international politics, believing that the analytical shortcomings in this field are rooted in narrow-mindedness of the mainstream, have criticized the positivist, rationalist, materialist, and hegemonic attitudes of this current. The main question is whether it is possible to bridge between the critical approaches and the characteristic of scientific neutrality, and in this way to eradicate the barriers to free thought in the dominant approach and its origin. This paper argues that the four factors mentioned have formed the most important major obstacles to free thought and emancipation in the field of international relations theories through the imposition of meta theoretical foundations, Purposefulness in understanding issues, preventing the global distribution of issues and finally the commitment to secularization of science. The last factor however plays a pivotal role. One of the achievements of this paper is that it uses an analytical method to establish a connection between secularist roots in international politics and barriers to free thinking and an unbiased view. An issue from which the critical approach is not immune.

In recent decades, challenges such as disease, immigration, human rights, environmental issues, digital currencies, terrorism, drug trafficking, cyberspace, etc. have led to the transition of International policy challenges to world politics. These issues are one of the most important fields of study in the field of international relations. Understanding this transition depends on formulating these challenges. The main question of this research is: How can the challenges and issues of global politics be formulated? It seems that the presentation of a new formulation of challenges and issues of global politics based on the three components of "human", "biosphere" and "human-biosphere relationship" leads to a new perspective in which the multiplicity of actors And the impact and role of each of them is explained at the level of "global politics" analysis. In the present study, an attempt is made to provide a new and specific format and understanding of world politics with a descriptive and analytical method and collection tools such as library method in order to provide a new and specific formulation compared to the existing formulations.

The purpose of this study is to investigate and explain how civilizational debate is formulated in international relations. In this regard, it is examined that the two main active spectrums of this debate on what basis of meta-theoretical foundations formulated their discussions and, accordingly, what theoretical and civilizational rules and propositions have introduced in international relations. The results show that the existence of two types of trans-theoretical foundations, especially in the ontological dimension of civilization, has led to see two spectrums of civilization theories in international relations. The first spectrum considers civilization as an objective situation, object or phenomenon, and the second spectrum considers civilization as a process, subject and phenomenon of discourse. Each of these civilizational readings has different outputs in the analysis of the international system, foreign policy, security, and so on.

Power and its reproduction is a long-standing dilemma in the literature of International relations. Geopolitics in the classical perspective refers to the acquisition, control, or exploitation of land as a prominent way of gaining power. it has undergone various phases of evolution, from the existence of distinguished small worlds to hierarchical structures and, more recently, network structures. Its construction is shaped by great powers and in this way, it services to satisfy their power-seeking. The evolution of the international system has affected geopolitics and its construction and has been reflected in the geopolitical nested network in which the dynamics of power and its causal mechanisms are distinguished from the past. Although the international relations literature has tried to provide new perspectives to explain the new geopolitical realities, they have been unable to explain the mechanism of power generation in a complex situation. That is why the main question of this article has arisen; and the question is ‘what is the mechanism of power generation through geopolitics, given the complexity of the international system? Geopolitics has shifted from a pairwise state based on relationships between great powers to a system _ network phenomenon. How power reproduces itself in a state of complexity can lead to an innovative view of the mechanisms of power and its reproduction in the geopolitical networks. This is the focus and main concern of this article. The complex network as an emerging theoretical perspective provides the basis for a scientific revolution in the field of geopolitics and power. This article presents a new theoretical model in the conceptual framework of the geopolitical network and explains the causal mechanisms of power generation in this type of network based on the complexity rules.

Over the past few decades, critical theories in international politics, believing that the analytical deficiencies of this field are rooted in the analytic constraints of the prevailing current, criticized positivist (rational), rational, materialist, and domineering and steadfast attitudes toward the flow of ideas and emphasized the need for transformation in The world of Western-oriented attitudes has emphasized international relations theories and have emboldened post-truthful, reflective, imaginative, and emancipatory attitudes, and the source of analytic inability has returned many of the ideas to the above-mentioned factors. However, they are less concerned with the root and origins of the dimensions of these challenging factors in what the fundamental foundations are, and what is its relation to the secularization process of this science? This paper, with the idea that the materialist view of international relations, which is the legacy of the authoritarian rule of secularism in this field, is one of the factors contributing to the emergence of analytical challenges of existing international relations theories, attempts to draw the share of secularism in the emergence of these deficiencies and Demonstrates how the process of secularization of international relations science has redefined the opportunity for a free thinker to analyze objective facts from theories of this science, and the origin of what critical theories take over the dominant microcosm is rooted in the secularization process of this trend. He also states that his critical currents have not been immune from the pest because of adherence to secularism.