جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « palestine » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Al-Aqsa storm operation can be considered the biggest, most important and most fruitful operation of Palestinian groups against the Zionist regime in the last 75 years, which will change not only the security equations under the Shamat region, but also the security-political architecture of the entire West Asian region. Al-Aqsa storm is considered a big intelligence-security failure for the Zionist regime, which was immersed in the glory of having a powerful and invincible military-security apparatus, and this will also change many of the constructions that were formed about the Zionist regime. Based on this, The article, using descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary sources, seeks to answer the question of what consequences the Al-Aqsa storm operation had on the national security of israel? The hypothesis of the research is that the operations of Palestinian groups on October 7 had negative consequences on the national security of the Zionist regime in military, political, social and economic dimensions. Based on this, the findings of the research show that The operations of Palestinian groups on October 7, 2023, not only had domestic and regional consequences for the Zionist regime, but also threatened the national security of this regime from international dimensions, and the inefficiency of the intelligence apparatus of the Zionist regime, as well as the non-fulfillment of the military doctrine of this regime, in addition to internal problems and economic, as well as the challenge in the field of foreign policy after the Al-Aqsa storm operation, has overshadowed the pillars of the national security of the Zionist regime in various dimensions. It can create fundamental and long-term challenges for the Zionist regime in the future.

The successive visits of high-ranking American officials to Israel after the beginning of the Al-Aqsa storm are more to encourage Israel to continue the war against the defenseless Palestinian people than to reduce tension and achieve solutions such as the creation of a government. Therefore, in the latest meetings, this time, US Defense Minister Lloyd Austin and General Brown, the head of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, traveled to Israel on December 16 to advise them on the continuation of the war, according to the media. Apparently, the purpose of these consultations is to provide a new strategy to carry out a limited and precise operation. White House National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan is another American official who has asked Israel to switch to low intensity operations in Gaza instead of heavy operations and to act according to the schedule. It seems that on the one hand, the American government is trying to reduce the international, regional and domestic pressures that are going on against America and Israel with speech therapy such as the two-state solution, and on the other hand, it is using the experiences of the American government in the past wars against ISIS and the Taliban. other Islamist groups at the disposal of the Israeli regime.

On October 7, 2023, the Palestinians launched a large, planned and precise attack against the Zionist regime, which was unique both in terms of military strategy and results. This research, in examining the Battle of Al-Aqsa Storm and the continuation of developments related to it in the first 7 months - including the operation of the Sadiq's Promise of the Islamic Republic of Iran - focusing on the society, the government and the Zionist army, has reached the conclusion that Al-Aqsa storm operation exposed the main weaknesses of the occupying regime in various social, economic, political, military and security fields as well as its criminal face in front of the eyes of the world and by showing the authority and capabilities of the resistance front, it opened the way for the final victory of the Palestinians.

The purpose of the present study is to review causes of the downfall of the labor party in Israel’s political arena. The main research question is: what have been the most important causes of the decline of the labor party in Israel within the past 2 decades? The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that the labor party’s support and back up of peace negotiations in the Middle East and the failure of the talks have been the most important causes of the party’s downfall. From the view of Jewish voters, the above party has ignored Zionist values by some suggestions and conditions such as division of Jerusalem, creating 2 governments, and withdrawal from the Golan heights and south Lebanon. They hold that the extension of the Palestinian groups’ attacks is the result of the labor party’s talks which decreased the votes and social status. Moreover, some reasons like the party’s indifference to socialist values such as joint farms (Kibbutzniks) and more support to the rich class made the middle-class distance from the party and tend to rightist and religious parties instead. Therefore, it declined the power and penetration of this moderate party in the political arena of Israel.

The present research aims to analyze the course of relations between Persian Gulf Arab countries and Israel, specifically focusing on their transition from divergence to convergence. Drawing upon the system theory, this study explains the development of their relations from divergence to convergence. The findings underscore the significant impact of interaction and interdependence arising from shared challenges and opportunities, leading to convergence in political, economic, and scientific domains. However, it is important to acknowledge that the support and establishment of peaceful relations between these nations have also been influenced by the economic and political interests of major international powers in the West Asian region. If the normalization policy between Persian Gulf countries and Israel is solely driven by external pressures from Western, Hebrew, and Arab statesmen, the prospects for their relations appear bleak. Instead, such a policy could potentially serve as an indicator of potential tensions in future conflicts involving Israel, Palestine, and Lebanon. The growing cooperation between Iran and Persian Gulf Arab countries, in comparison to their cooperation with Israel, has the potential to not only balance the convergence but also establish a balance in terms of threats. In other words, for Iran's convergence with Persian Gulf countries in security, politics, and economics to have a significant impact on the international environment (both regionally and globally) and influence the mindset of Arab officials, it must surpass the dependence of Arab countries on Israel and redefine their behavioral boundaries.

The primary objective of this research is to examine the foreign policy options available to the Islamic Republic of Iran concerning the Palestinian issue. By employing a qualitative research methodology, we conducted interviews with 21 experts specializing in political science, management, future studies, and history. Additionally, administrators from the Palestinian embassy in Tehran were included in the sample. The experts and administrators were selected through the snowball sampling method. The interviews were carried out until saturation was reached. Subsequently, a thematic analysis was performed, resulting in the identification of 10 key themes. The findings revealed potential, likely, and desirable foreign policy scenarios for the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Palestinian issue. Among these scenarios, the preferred option is the establishment of democracy and the formation of a unified state in Palestine through a referendum.

Through policies and strategies in various dimensions (political, military, economic, cultural and social), Israel seeks to attract new allies in different parts of the world, including in Africa. In this regard, the African Union has recently accepted Israel as an observer member of the union. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to analyze the dimensions and objectives of Israel's presence and influence in Africa. The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to answer the question, what are the dimensions and goals of Israel's presence in Africa? The findings of this study show that due to the prevailing policy of Alliance of the periphery doctrine and its shaping factors in Israel, and enjoying the geopolitical, geo-economic and geostrategic advantages of African countries and having great economic, security and military potentials, as well as taking into account the pragmatic political and economic considerations of African countries, Israel seeks to expand its relations with these countries and increase its presence on the African continent, with goals such as enhancing its international legitimacy and political prestige, undermining the anti-Israel unity of the Arab-Islamic countries, downplaying the Palestinian question, responding to a shift in US regional policy, and increasing its security and as well as achieving its strategic confrontation with Iran and its allies (promotion of water security and population security) and economic exploitation.

The forced migration of the Palestinian people has been part of a systematic policy to suppress and control the Palestinian people since the establishment of the Zionist regime in 1948. This hostile policy has been followed since the formation of this regime and reached its peak in 2007 with the siege of Gaza and the worsening of living conditions and the facing of the people of this region with all kinds of security, military, health and humanitarian threats. The purpose of these actions was to de-Palestinize the occupied territories, prevent the formation of resistance groups and the forced migration of the Palestinian people from their ancestral land by the Zionists, which is still being pursued by them. Forced displacement is a clear example of a crime against humanity in international law texts and human rights statements, and many resolutions have been created and condemned in various regional and international institutions and organizations regarding this phenomenon. In the most recent case of cruel forced migration of the Palestinian people by the Zionists, we can mention the Al-Aqsa storm. Operation "Al-Aqsa Storm" took place to condemn the years of oppression, suffering and displacement of the Palestinian people, a response to the disregard of the Palestinians' indisputable rights to their ancestral land, the lack of the right to self-determination and many legitimate and indisputable freedoms of the Palestinian people, which were violated by the Zionist regime with Cruelty, excessive and unjustifiable violence and the continuation of genocide and displacement of the Palestinian nation were answered. The current research aims to analyze the documents, agreements, articles and provisions in the texts and conventions related to international law and human rights, to deal with the issue of forced migration from the perspective of international and humanitarian law, and the degree of conformity of the findings to examine the rights of the current situation of the Palestinian nation.

Resistance does not happen only through guns and bullets, but literature can also become a form of resistance. National literature can be seen as the representation of feelings, thoughts and ideas of a nation about its homeland. When this issue is accompanied by war, occupation, revolution, chaos, etc., it becomes more tragic and becomes one of the means of resistance against the enemy. Among the different types of literature in Palestine from the past until now, what has been more colorful than other types of literature are poetry, which shows that poetry has more depth than stories, plays, novels and other literary forms, and also has a great difference in terms of diversity with other forms. This article tries to investigate the emergence of Palestinian resistance literature by examining the contemporary history of Palestine and find out how social phenomena have caused the formation of Palestinian resistance literature. Literature that has played a serious role in the resistance of the people of this country. Based on this and considering the compatibility of Skinner's hermeneutic method with sociology of knowledge, both of which seek to establish a link between social and political context and time with concepts and ideas, Skinner's hermeneutic method has been used in this article.

The Palestine issue has held a central position in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Since its inception, the Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued a policy of non-alignment and protection of Muslims, marked by the non-recognition of the Israeli regime and the protection of Palestinian rights. This article aimed to elucidate the foreign policy perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Palestine issue, with a primary focus on formulating possible, likely, and desirable scenarios for Iran’s future foreign policy on this matter.

As an exploratory endeavor, the present research employed a qualitative research method, which consisted of two stages: an initial exploratory study involving extensive reading and subsequent interviews. The research did not involve a statistical population; instead, a community of experts comprising 21 individuals was selected through the snowball sampling method.

The interviews were conducted until reaching the saturation stage. Then, nine themes were identified through thematic analysis. The identified themes encompassed the main statements derived from the interviews. They are as follows:Prioritizing the Palestine issue and emphasizing its significance in Iran’s constitution, as well as the necessity of supporting anti-Israeli resistance according to Imam Khomeini’s perspective, as national religious duties and fundamental pillars of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran;Supporting the resistance front, fostering unity, aligning goals among resistance groups against Israeli dominance, and establishing strong ties with countries that maintain anti-Israel policies;The lack of public incentive to support Palestine attributed to distrust in domestic policymakers, divisions among Muslims, and lack of consensus and a single voice on the part of the regional superpower concerning the Palestinian cause;Potential compromises involving recognition of the Palestinian government, alongside the importance of Islamic unity and awakening;Supporting Palestine as a national project, requiring a unified stance and support from all branches of government, including political, economic, social, military, and cultural sectors, as well as academic and research institutions;Supporting the resistance front and pursuing common goals against Israeli monopolization, while fostering strong relationships with the countries opposing Israel;Advocating for international laws pertaining to Palestine, planning and overseeing referendums, and championing the right to self-determination;Highlighting Israeli vulnerabilities, dismantling the perception of Israeli invincibility, exposing the true nature of Israel, and refusing to recognize it;Restoring the lost rights of Palestinians and reclaiming control over their territories;Achieving absolute dominance in the Middle East and gaining control over its financial and economic resources as Israel’s main objective, in addition to its strategic positioning.

In conclusion, the following strategies are recommended for Iran’s foreign policy on Palestine. First, the regional crisis indicates that the Middle East experiences the highest political and security unrest compared to other regions. This is primarily due to the conflicting security policies pursued by actors with different identities. The United States has focused its national security strategies on the Middle East. Iran should aim to create a regional and Islamic identity among the actors in order to foster constructive interaction. Each country in the Middle East has its own identity incentive to play its political role. Therefore, any regional innovations by Iran in addressing the Palestinian conflict and promoting Middle East peace should take into account making an identity model. The emergence of Islamic groups has transformed the nature of conflicts in the region, highlighting the influence of identity and ideological trends. These factors have also imposed limitations on the United States and Israel.Second, the redress of Palestinian rights is the main issue in the Middle East. Iran should play a role in establishing a strong, integrated government in Palestine as a first step towards finding an Islamic identity and reducing ongoing bloodshed in theregion. Other countries must recognize the Palestinian government. Third, the increasing conflicts in Palestine keep the peace proposal to come into effect and help stablish two governments in this region. Iran’s foreign policy goal on Palestine should be to support the idea of establishing a unified Palestinian government based on the majority demands. Organized support for Palestinian fighters is necessary under these circumstances. However, if Palestinian groups reject Iran’s policy, a new wave of anti-violence policies will emerge in the region. Therefore, revolutionary movements in Palestine should be recognized internationally, especially by the Islamic world. This recognition will help protect the revolutionary identity and resistance in Palestine by preventing Israel from repressing them.  Finally, Iran’s foreign policy towards Palestine relies on the support of its own people. It is crucial for Iran to maintain and protect this public support at any cost. While the current support is largely based on religious beliefs, the government should also clarify other aspects of its policy to the people. Addressing any questions or concerns that arise will help reinforce Iran’s policy on supporting the Palestinian cause. Therefore, Iran’s foreign policy on Palestine should be backed by comprehensive national support, and any compromise in this regard is tantamount to compromising Iran’s Islamic and revolutionary identity.

The purpose of the current research is to examine the Palestine issue in the intellectual system of Ayatollah Boroujerdi (RA) and Imam Khomeini (RA) using descriptive-analytical method. The research question is, what is the difference between the approach of Ayatollah Borujerdi and Imam Khomeini to Palestine? The Palestinian government was divided into two separate governments in 1948 by the vote of the United Nations and the influence of major world powers, the Palestinian government and the Israeli regime were the result of this decision. against this, widespread protests were formed, including seminaries and religious authorities, in different periods of time. During the Pahlavi II regime, Ayatollah Boroujerdi reacted to this tragic incident as stated in his declaration, and with the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the way of dealing with the Palestinian issue became stronger and There were much space for supporting Palestine. The findings of the research show that Ayatollah Boroujerdi and Imam Khomeini had different approaches in dealing with the Palestinian issue. Imam Khomeini's and Ayatollah Boroujerdi's view on the Palestinian issue is based on the view of two sources on the discussion of religion and politics and their activity in the religious and political spheres. The hypothesis of the article is that according to the intellectual foundations of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Boroujerdi regarding the relationship between religion and politics, Imam Khomeini believed in active activism and material and spiritual support for the Palestinian issue, but Ayatollah Boroujerdi, due to his protection of  the fledgling seminary, had chosen a passive activism approach in support of the Palestinians.

By looking at the deal of the century as an event or by analyzing it as a process, there are two different perspectives, and prioritizing each will lead to a change in the way we deal with it. Confronting the deal of the century is based on either of these two views and given the exploratory nature of the research, this research has no hypothesis. A trend-driven look at the Century Deal makes advertising the spam announcement or details of this map not just an event. Opportunities for every step of the way can guide you through all of your choices and make them your choice as a proposed authority. Sensitive to diplomatic visits, its users and introducers through Zionism, the Palestinian nation's venue to seek legal advice and consolidation of these programs, etc.
Russian Authorities Can Deal Zionist to Deal Supported through mosques Islam can serve as a second-century reference in future priorities with its punishments and sensitivities at least, now choosing the deal of the century and spacecraft and around you too, has provided. A study of Saudi exile revealed that waiting for the turn of the century event to unfold was a process of mental and psychological acceptance by the international community of the destruction of Palestine, and this event-driven view of the century deal has led pro-Palestinian activists to seek an effective response to this. Being an event and attempting to reduce the impact of the announcement event, while the announcement event has a promotional process behind it and identifying the steps and components of the process, can lead to active prevention and action rather than passive response. In this analytical and fundamental research, the method of text analysis utilizing library resources has been used.

More than 75 years have passed since the beginning of the Zionist occupation in Palestine. During this period, the Zionists have followed the policy of occupying the lands belonging to the Palestinians in different ways, in order to realize the "Torah borders" they claim, by adopting an expansionist approach. While the axis of resistance condemns and negates the total occupation of the Zionist regime in Palestine and the international community only recognizes the sovereignty of this regime over the lands of 1948, the Zionists have followed the gradual occupation of the West Bank through settlement building since 1967. In such a way that currently about 460 thousand Zionists live in more than 130 illegal settlements built in the West Bank. In line with the territorial development policy, the Zionist leaders have presented various plans to occupy the West Bank under the title of "annexation". The latest annexation plan belongs to Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister of the Zionist regime. Netanyahu even announced the date of July 1, 2020 as the implementation date of the annexation plan, but due to international pressure, internal differences of the Zionists and the decisive position of the resistance groups, this plan was not implemented on the said date. Considering the strategic importance of the West Bank, the Zionists will not abandon the occupation of the West Bank and will implement it at the first opportunity. Using the library method in data collection and the descriptive-analytical method in analyzing the findings, this article seeks to investigate the effect of the annexation of the West Bank on the axis of resistance. The findings of the article show that although the annexation of the West Bank will cause the destruction of the infrastructure of the Palestinian national government, opportunities such as the international isolation of the Zionist regime at the international level, the placement of the Palestinian issue in the center of global attention and public opinion, and an increase in the likelihood of the discourse of armed resistance against the regime Zionist and ultimately stop the destructive trends that are going on to the detriment of the Palestinian cause, will be provided to the resistance axis. Also, the annexation of the West Bank will probably lead to the formation of the third intifada and will greatly increase the security costs of the Zionist regime. In the case of successful annexation of the West Bank to the occupied territories and consolidation of Zionist rule over this region, the axis of resistance will face a challenge in terms of discourse, identity, method, motivation, military, political and strategic dimensions.

Since its establishment, the Islamic Republic of Iran, relying on the humane principles of "supporting the oppressed" and "fighting the oppressor" and the Islamic principle of " The rule of negation of dominance " has entered the Palestinian issue, and in its 45-year history, it has always tried to support Palestinian ideals in any conditions. Iran's position has been stable throughout these years, but various events such as the Iran-Iraq war, the normalization of Israel-Arab relations, the peace agreement between Israel and the PLO, and the Syrian crisis have caused Iran's relationship with various Palestinian groups to deteriorate. Flows like PLO and Hamas with their approaches of nationalism and Sunni Islam have created frictions with Iran's policies. This has given rise to internal reactions. In a historical process, it can be claimed that while being stable in strategy, the Islamic Republic has gone through these periods with the Palestinians in the field of tactics: the period of formation (1357-1359), the period of fluctuation (1359-1366), the period of restoration and reconstruction (1366-1389), the period of pessimism ( 1389 to 1398) and finally, the transformation period from 1398 until now. This division refers to the different Palestinian currents, each of which seeks the realization of the Palestinian cause based on theis political ideology. Regarding the Palestinian nation, Iran's relations have always been based on solidarity. In this research, based on the combined theoretical framework of constructivism and defensive realism, we analyze the reason for this behavior and based on the Moskavieh measurement and evaluation method, we analyze the lessons of these actions for current decision makers.

The holding of the 25th Knesset elections on November 10, 1401 and the formation of Netanyahu's cabinet with the alliance of the Likud party with three other religious parties that have 64 parliamentary seats, on the one hand, has caused this hope among the Zionists that finally after holding 5 elections in the last 4 years , have a relatively stable government, and on the other hand, the presence of 50% of religious parties in the cabinet for the first time in the history of this regime has caused severe concerns among secular Zionists. In recent years, with the tendency of the Zionist regime society towards the right-wing, in the governing circles of this regime, a challenge to its alleged democracy has been faced, which has shown itself in the form of a conflict between the extreme right-wing religious Zionist parties and the Likud party on the one hand, and the leftists on the other hand. . A behavioral analysis of the actions and statements of various parties and cabinets of the Zionist regime in the past few years shows that three general axes can be proposed regarding the nature of conflicts. The first and most important axis of conflict among parties and social groups has been the issue of "the legal and judicial position of the Supreme Court of the Zionist regime". Even now, with the dominance of right-wing and religious parties over the cabinet, this issue has become the most important issue of dispute between them and the opposition parties at the level of governmental and social structure. The second axis refers to the "efforts of religious parties to direct the Knesset's approvals and the actions of the government towards Halakhic orders." These parties have taken on a new color, especially in the new cabinet of Netanyahu, who have taken over many ministerial seats and executive positions. The third axis in the issue of the conflicts between the Zionist parties is the issue of "Palestinians, including Palestinians living in the territories of 1948 and the occupied territories of 1967." With these explanations, the main question of this article is: What is the prospect of cooperation or conflict between the current parties of the Zionist regime? In response, as a hypothesis, it can be said that due to the rise of religious people in the current cabinet, differences and conflicts among Israeli parties in the political, social and security fields will develop and we will witness an increase in Arab- Jewish, religious-secular and leftist-rightist divisions. In this article, the library method and the theoretical framework of Kevin Kraus's social gaps are used.

Saddam Hussein, the nonexistent president of Iraq, is one of the prominent figures in the Arab world, with whom a part of the Palestinians sympathizes and in some way regard him as a hero in supporting the Palestinian issue. This support has been brought up many times in the media and has had repercussions in Iran's domestic arena. In such that sometimes it has been used as a lever in the psychological operations of the opponents of the Islamic Republic. This article has tried to answer the reason for this support and sympathy for Saddam. Based on this, this article uses the concept of "understanding" in Max Weber's interpretive sociology literature and seeks an understanding of the Sympathizing of some Palestinians with Saddam. By examining the external factors of this empathy, its causal explanation has been attempted. Finally, by settling in a position outside the Palestinian mental and psychological space, this empathy has been critically explained. Although the method of the article is descriptive and analytical, it is also influenced by Weber's interpretations. The basic finding of this article is that the mental and psychological atmosphere of a part of the Palestinians, in a path of understanding, has components that consider Saddam's actions in support of the Palestinian issue as heroic, while the causal and critical explanation of this view shows propositions contrary to this view.

The reflection theory of George Lukacs's is most important theories that the totality and character are it’s foundation. By considering the historical and social conditions as the totality and application of the elements of the story, he helps the critic to explain the connection between the story and the society and presents a picture of the conditions governing the society in different layers of the story. The study of the evolution of Arabic fiction shows that the factors of literary movement such as schools, printers, translations, journals and newspapers, along with the growth of nationalism, have had a significant impact on the formation of the Arabic novel. By studnig the novel, we can see a part of the history of society in it either content or form. Characterization in the story is the main components of the story due to the representation of reality that reflect the historical totality in the characters of the novel, and depicts society as a coherent totality based on charecters and actions. The characters that we see in Bab Al Shams are representative the classes of Palestinian people and their affliction. The combination of totality and charecter reflects the ideology of the author. Lukác says affects the work of art in two stages: the first stage before the formation of the text, and the second is the reflection of the ideology reflected in the text.

The Palestinian issue is one of the most complex issues in the Middle East that has loomed large since 1948. During several wars with the Arabs, the Israeli regime seized control of Palestinian regions and occupied their lands. Thanks to its union with the USA, Israel considered its security guaranteed, however, since 2015, a trend known as "Normalization of Relations" has emerged, which has had some success, but both Arabs, particularly Saudi Arabia's allies, and Israel have faced security challenges due to the United States' increasing competition with China, which is one of the reasons for the United States' gradual withdrawal from the region, and the increased influence of Iran there. The main question that arises is "what role, significance, and position the Palestinian issue plays in the normalization of Arab-Israeli relations?" This study used an analytical-descriptive and, to some extent, historical approach to answer the question. The study's goal was to concentrate particularly on the Palestinian issue in this normalization of relations because it is one of the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategic points of contention with Israel and is intertwined with its security. The study's general findings revealed that Arab allies of Saudi Arabia do not place a high value on the Palestinian cause in the normalization process; however, Saudi Arabia, which claims to be the leader of Muslims, appears to regard resolving the Palestinian issue as one of the conditions for normalizing relations with Israel. However, if Saudi Arabia's security is jeopardized more than this, it will withdraw from this term as well.

The West Asian region is one of the most important international regions that has faced deep and extensive changes in recent decades. For many decades, Riyadh advocated the formation of an independent Palestinian state and opposed the occupation of the Zionist regime. In other words, Saudi Arabia's commitment to Palestine defined the geopolitics of the West Asian region for several decades. Observing the recent developments in the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime shows the move of Riyadh and Tel Aviv towards the normalization of relations. from this point of view, Rapid regional and extra-regional dynamics have transformed relations between governments and created new alignments in West Asia. The article, using post-event analysis, seeks to explain the growing relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel under offshore balancing of USA. In this article, we want to answer the question of how the US policy in West Asia has affected the relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. In response to this question, the hypothesis is raised that the United States is trying to maintain the security of this region in the framework of the hegemonic stability strategy by reviving its former policy, twin pillars policy in west Asia. As Kenneth Pollack, an expert of the American Enterprise Institute, in an article entitled "America's Exit and the Coming Contest for Military Supremacy" writes, America began to reduce its role and conflict in the region since Obama's time, and this process continued in subsequent administrations. America's withdrawal from the region has created a security vacuum that Iran and its allies are trying to fill. The domination of Iran and the retreat of the United States have frightened the country's allies and led them to form an alliance with Israel in order to change the disturbed regional balance in their favor. At the beginning of his writing, Pollock states that: "it seems fantastical, but observers may soon look back on the late twentieth century as a period of relative stability in the Middle East. Although there was no shortage of conflict and mayhem, the violence rarely led to dramatic change. No states were conquered and eliminated outright. Dictators came and went, but borders and even regimes changed little, After 1973, most of the major countries in the region stopped fighting one another directly, opting for terrorism and insurgency—strategies of the weak—over conventional attacks...". A part of this article showed that the revelation of the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime is the result of a gradual historical evolution process. The development of Saudi Arabia's relations with the Zionist regime can be divided into four stages: military confrontation with the Zionist regime and full support for Palestine (1948-1980); Establishing secret relationships (1980-2011); establishing open relationships (2011-2016); Close communication and moving towards the normalization of relations (since 2017). Meanwhile, common political-security problems, the situation in the Middle East after the US withdrawal, the use of geopolitical and technological advantages, as well as the use of the Zionist lobby in Washington by Saudi Arabia and the use of Saudi influence in the Islamic world by Israel, are the most important factors of friendship between Riyadh and Tel Aviv.This article shows that Saudi Arabia and Israel, who have tied their security to the United States, fear the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region more than ever. The findings of the article, based on the last developments in the region, also show that the expansion of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia can lead to a change in the geopolitics of energy transfer in West Asia and confront the region with new developments that are in line with the interests of the United States to control the world's energy resources. However, the article has also pointed out that the issue of Palestine and its importance in the public opinion inside Saudi Arabia and the people of the region is an obstacle in the finalization of the relations between Riyadh and Tel Aviv and will be the main variable in the future of the relations between the two.

AbstractSome countries of West Asia and North Africa, sometimes, through concluding an agreement with the Zionist regime, have publicly tried to establish normal relations with this regime. The following lines examine the normalization of relations with the Zionist regime from the perspective of international law. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the sources have been collected by the library method. This article has argued through the analysis of international legal propositions that considering the fact that these countries are members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, any action they take to normalize relations with the Zionist regime is contrary to the mission of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and in addition to the responsibility of those countries, it includes the responsibility of the mentioned international organization. The following article has presented a proposal with a functionalist perspective, and that is that in a situation where the Organization of Islamic Cooperation has not been able to achieve its goals, including the rights of the Palestinians, the International Conference of Islamic Unity is a suitable platform for the development and realization of international rights. It has provided customary international law among Islamic countries.