جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "polarization" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

If the regional order was supposed as a social institution and originated from a structural relation among players, the 2011 Arab uprisings, undoubtedly, would be a prelude to rising a new social structure and the previous regional order conclusion; so that, the Middle East regional polarization in new order has formed around the sectarian identities. In this context, the Axis of Resistance by utilizing an Islamic identity which includes all states in the Islamic world, is seeking to establish an integrated stance against the Israel and countering attendance exterior actors especially the United States in the region. In contrast to; The Pax Americana block, is as the massive achievements of the competitor within the last decade intends to absorb an integral part of the crowd who are mainly Sunni in the Middle East by provoking the “instrumental sectarianism”. Since some incidences within the 2000 decade; including the US-Britain coalition’s assault on Iraq and occupying it, the Arab conservative regimes’ political, military, and economic extreme dependence on the United States, and their notorious orientations toward Lebanon Hezbollah during the 33-day war seriously marred the Pax Americana block credit in the region, before out breaking the Arab uprisings and tilted the balance of power towards rival. This research paper intends to explore the role of Islamic super-state identity in shaping regional order within the Post-Arab Uprisings era through a social-identity connecting layer of the Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR). I seriously believe that the conservatism Arab regimes want to restrict the Resistance block, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, in the region via using the identical trends and polarization of the varied sects.

When the Egyptian Revolution began in January, 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood, as the most organized and influential political group in Egypt, was generally considered the most likely alternative for the Mubarak regime. However, they were designated an illegal organization again at the end of the revolutionary episode. Relying on Resource Mobilization theory and the theoretical paradigm of contentious politics, the main aim of this paper is to show how the process of polarization, that is, the changes in relations between the Islamists, secular groups, and the military, set the ground for the Muslim Brotherhood failure. According to the findings, the revolutionary episode went through three stages. In the first stage, the Mubarak/revolution polarization and in the second stage, the polarization of stabilization/continuation of the revolution took place in the political sphere. However, what made failure of the Muslim Brotherhood possible was Brotherhood/anti-Brotherhood polarization in the third stage in which the secular parties whose youth had a lot of influence in social networks, the armed forces, as the organization that controls the weapons, and Al-Azhar and the most important Salafi parties as the very important centers having the authority to speak on behalf of Islam, were on one side and the Muslim Brotherhood alone on the other. Hence, in addition to the mistakes of the Brotherhood which have occupied the center of literature, the role played by the armed forces, secular parties, Al-Azhar organization and Salafi groups were decisive in the Muslim Brotherhood failure.

The emergence of social divisions have been effective in the emergence of social-political currents, determining the type of political, party, electoral systems and the nature and process of competitions, etc. Political-social competition of political-party and civil organizations and political-social currents in modern societies claiming democracy is inevitable. This thesis seeks to answer this basic question with explanatory-analytical and descriptive method, why the participation and competition of political, social and intellectual currents in Iran is mainly due to the crisis of institutional trust (to civil institutions and political organizations) since the middle of the 1370s. Has it lasted until 1400? The hypothesis of the research is that inflexible polarization and power-hungry, law-abiding, non-transparent, unorganized and non-committed to civil and democratic principles and ethics, national independence and cohesion lead to a crisis of institutional trust in the government and civil institutions, lack of peaceful political dynamism. It has been in the political processes of the country. The findings of this research show that the polarization between two competing social and political currents, fundamentalist and reformist, leads to relative instability in the social-political system of the society, a significant decrease in social capital centered on public trust in political-party currents and It has even been ruled.

Politicization in the general sense refers to the involvement and preference of political and group motives and interests in judgments and decisions. In the field of governance, politicization is the non-observance of neutrality in policy-making and decision-making and the interference of political views, tendencies and biases in professional affairs; which may occur at different levels and patterns. Although politicization is one of the most important harms and inefficiencies in all areas of governance, it has more destructive consequences in the field of national security governance. In such a case, agents, political actors, and strategic and intelligence analysts intervene in their political preferences at various stages, such as: subject selection, data collection, information processing and analysis, and report production. They abandon objectivism in favor of political interests. This study examines the prominent trends and events in the field of national security governance in Iran, examines the dimensions and effectiveness of this issue and its findings show that politicization in forms such as polarization, influence, parallelism and disclosure or leakage of information entails significant political and security costs. Accordingly, suggestions have been made for controlling politicization or managing its harmful consequences.

Distribution quality and spatial regulation of the population play an important role in sustainable development of the regions, meeting the needs, better services and national safety and security. The paper discusses the issue of spatial regulation of the population in the Iranian cities as well as the distribution of the population in the Iranian southern coastal cities. In this context, urbanization and polarization of the population is the main feature of population deployment in the said areas. Except Bushehr province, uneven deployment of population is an evident phenomenon. Therefore, a desirable planning as well as moving towards even distribution of the population especially in the Oman Sea coast, west Hormozgan and east Bushehr is an urgent necessity.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran is a fundamental transformation regarded as a historical landmark. Thestarting point for the formation of this Revolution can be seen to bethe polarizationof the society in the final yearsof Pahlavi regime, wherethe peoplefrom different backgrounds and ethnicities and with differing social status stood against themonarchy. The present paper is an attempt to investigate to what extent the structure-broker relationship has affected the polarization of the Iranian society on the threshold of the Islamic Revolution. In this paper it is assumed that the activation of social gaps will lead to the creation of a disjointed civil society which can tolerate merely small-scale, scattered and short-term protests. The main factor contributing to the polarization of the society is deemed to be the agency of the broker. What caused convergence and consensus among all social classes and revolutionary forces to oppose the regime was the leadership of Imam Khomeini and his promoting Shiite ideology.

The present study identifies the formation of parties as the result of the political renewal of Islamic Republic of Iran, and investigates the process of evolution of parties in Iran according to Huntington's model of societies under renewal. The phenomenon of political renewal and formation of parties in Iran can be investigated from two aspects: (1) Islamic revolution was a demotic revolution in which almost all social classes participated; (2) with the victory of Islamic revolution, a constitutional law was formulated based on two pillars of Islamism and republicanism. This provided the necessary basis for formation of parties. Besides, the economic renewal of the country in the period of reconstruction brought about a middle class contributing to formation of parties in the years to come; however, this process also posed challenges for Islamic regime due to concerns for preservation of Islamic laws on the one hand, and people's participation on the other. These concerns were one of the factors hindering the development of parties and their being institutionalized.