جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "political action" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

hikmaht-e mutaāliyah (Transcendent Philosophy) is a branch of Islamic philosophy where the foundational concept is "the primacy of existence" (Asālat al-Wujūd). This concept serves as a meta-language for the entire philosophical framework, acting as the underlying principle governing all issues, claims, theories, and arguments within this system. The primary goal of this article is to explain the nature of "political action" in accordance with the meta-language of the primacy of existence. In this existential explanation, it is demonstrated that political action becomes one with the "self" of the actor, and it is this unity of political action with the "self" that gives it meaning. 

The method employed in this article is an existential explanation. Existential explanation is a type of philosophical reasoning consistent with the meta-language of the primacy of existence, wherein human phenomena are explained by referring to the ontological characteristics of the individual or collective "self." In this article, based on this explanatory method, the process of political action—from the initial intention of creation by an actor or the collective consensus of political actors to its ultimate realization in human life—is explained based on the inherent needs of these actors. Moreover, the meaning of political action is examined according to the individual intention or collective purpose of the political actor.

The first result of this article is that political action is an institutional action. Therefore, it has three characteristics: stability, continuity and homogeneity. This is because political action, following the intention of the actor or the collective consensus of actors, permeates the individual or collective "self" of the actors.  The second result of this article is that from the perspective of the meta-language of the primacy of existence, every political action is considered an "expanded existence" of individual action. By "expanded existence," it is meant that political action, with a singular existence, manifests in the individual actions of all political actors. The plurality of actors and their individual characteristics do not conflict with the existential unity of political action. As a result, in a political interaction, each of the political actors, in addition to their individual existence, has a transpersonal and common existence with other political actors. It is this expanded and shared existence that is the subject of political action, distinguishing it from individual action. Another result of this article is that political action is a meaningful phenomenon from the point of view of the primacy of existence. The meaningfulness of political action lies in uncovering the hidden meaning within it and conveying that meaning to others. Thus, political action, from an existential perspective, is akin to speaking. Just as speaking reveals the hidden meaning in one's mind and communicates it to the mind of the listener, political action, in existential explanation, relates to something real and true, which is the uncovering of the inner intentions of the political actor(s).

Political action, due to its stability, continuity, and homogeneity, becomes part of the actor's existence and realizes their existential status. Political action derives its meaning from its connection to the "self" of the actor, obtaining this meaning from individual intentions and collective consensus. Furthermore, collective political interaction among actors leads to the formation of a political identity.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the nature of hacktivism. A phenomenon that combines political activism and computer hacking techniques, uses technology and digital tools to challenge authority, support social changes, and disrupt traditional power structures, and has become an important tool for influencing politics. Is. From the path of documentary study and descriptive analysis, this article deals with what hacktivism is, the goals and techniques used, its relationship with other forms of social political action such as social movements and civil disobedience, and its impact on politics. Although the future of hacktivism is influenced by technological developments, legal frameworks, social attitudes and geopolitical dynamics, it seems that ignoring social and political grievances and ignoring protests and protesters, blocking the space and channel Criticism and legal demands, eliminating the opportunity and possibility of conventional social political activism, as well as the application of restrictive policies (censorship and filtering) on the internet will increase the incidence of this form of political activism.

The subject of this article is the basis of political power. In any society, political power is an established matter in its civil domain and undoubtedly needs a foundation. The main question of this research is what is the basis of political power in Imami jurisprudence and Imam Khomeini's political thought and what indicators and criteria does it have. At first, this research has studied and investigated the basis of political power. Then he followed this concept in the theoretical literature of Imami jurisprudence. Further, by examining the theoretical system of Imam Khomeini's political thought, he has shown what importance this basic and central concept had in his political discourse. Then, by making several indicators and criteria, he has compared and equated these two intellectual devices with each other. This research has reached the conclusions that political power in Imam Khomeini's thought has a dual and mixed basis, in which there are not only elements of divine sovereignty, but also elements of low-to-high power theories. On the other hand, this dual and combined basis has been able to respond to the requirements of the modern world while preserving tradition and adhering to the pillars of traditional jurisprudence. The research method is comparative and the data collection method is documentary and library.

The aim of the current research is to investigate the subjective approach of Ali Shariati as one of the important figures of contemporary intellectuals of Iran to man and his social responsibility, its impact on the revolutionary and radical interpretation of religion as a political ideology. By using this approach, Shariati formulated a revolutionary subject in Shiite religious literature. And with its help, he was able to provide the ground for the political mobilization of the masses during the Islamic revolution. And to what extent Shariati's revolutionary analysis of the Shia religion was effective in the political mobilization of the masses of people in the Islamic Revolution?

Using the historical analytical method, this research wants to analyze the main characteristics of Shariati's approach to religion and evaluate its role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

Paying attention to the political and social consequences of his analysis, including his attention to the revolutionary subject and its redefinition in Shiite religious literature and its role in depicting the revolutionary image of religion as a factor of social and historical transformation and its contribution to the formation and development of the Islamic Revolution are among the most important findings of this research.

The general result of this research shows that Shariati's intellectual project of presenting a subjective, ideological and revolutionary image of religion was ultimately the basis for turning religion into the main element of political mobilization in the Islamic Revolution.

Conceptual history is a theoretical approach to the modern understanding of political thought and action over time and in the context of sociopolitical transformations. In this approach, concepts are rooted in social developments; In such a way that with the change and development in the society and the field of action, the concepts also change in terms of meaning and function. The question of this essay is how to understand and interpret the relationship between political practice and political theory and whether conceptual history can explain this relationship in a way that the researcher, besides exploring it, fulfills his responsibility of constructing a better society and a better world. The assumption is that conceptual history can both present the most appropriate interpretation of the quality of existence of affairs and opens horizon of future for intervening social affairs; in a way that the realm of the researcher’s action in a position of a theoretical actor is determined. Using descriptive and analytical method, this essay introduces conceptual history. This article seeks to comprehend and interpret conceptual history in the context of modern understanding.

The lack of suitable facilities for life is not only limited to Kurdish areas; Rather, most of Iran's border areas resort to smuggling due to the harsh climatic conditions and proximity to the border. The provinces of Sistan and Baluchistan, Hormozgan, Bushehr and Khuzestan also have almost the same conditions as the Kurdish provinces of the country. In recent years, we can see that the hard life of Kurdish Kolbaran has been discussed and investigated by intellectuals and sociologists more than other border regions. It seems that Col-Bran have been able to present a new image of themselves to the people.This idea has not only forced the officials to answer to them, but it has also managed to arouse the sympathy of the people and the officials in their favor. Every exceptional phenomenon is formed based on reasons. In this article, I would like to answer this question with an aesthetic reading, what important phenomenon happened that raised the status of Kolubran in people's minds as a myth and made talking about them gray. For this purpose, the theoretical and methodological model of Jacques Rancière has been used.

The redescription of state building in Iran and the explanation of the role of political action, collective and free will of the revolutionaries are better represented by resorting to the classical theories of the state. The intellectual and cultural grounds of the formation of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of its special republic are consistent with the classical theory of "political action" by Hannah Arendt. Arendt's right-wing explanations of the revolution and the process of their formation are known among the moral and ideological explanations that try to provide a kind of explanation and interpretation of the idea of collective action leading to the revolution. This research criticizes the formation and logical and historical continuity of political action in the Iranian revolution with the help of Imam Khomeini's (RA) statements and how collective creative agency pursued the goal of establishing freedom. Based on the findings of this study, political action is sympathetic, spontaneous, and a manifestation of the committed will of individuals to establish freedom, resist domination,and achieve liberation. Political action affects the way actors act, the framework of

In Iran, despite the long tradition of historiography (such as the history of Tabari, the history of Bayhaqi, Akhbar al-Tawwal, etc.) due to the attacks of various tribes and numerous social divisions, history and scientific historiography has become a political chronicle. The long-standing domination of tribal governments institutionalized a kind of tribal-tribal morality and nervousness in our society. In the movements and struggles of tribal governments, Iranian society was thrown from one nervousness to another. The social and political history of Iran - in general - is a reflection of these nerves and angers. This tribal past has shaped our social psyche and in the political arena is still an important factor in how we act. If we look at the history of Iran based on this insight, the present study, with a historical study and with the help of descriptive and analytical methods, seeks an issue that has been less considered in previous researches, namely powerful forces and groups influencing order. Social in the contemporary history of Iran in the Safavid, Qajar and Pahlavi eras. The results of the present study show that the interventions of these currents with the help of rival foreign forces have been and are an important (destructive) factor in the political actions of Iranian society..

The existence of a government and one social system is rendered necessary in human life, because the absence of a government and a social system may result in chaos in every aspect of social life. According to the ShiÝa, the responsibility of forming a government is upon the living Infallible Imam, but, at the age of occultation, taking into account some traditions which can be found in some compilations of hadiths, it is possible that some people will form in thir minds some false beliefs that any uprising or idea for establishing a government at this age is not permissible and Muslim believers have to be in a position of inactivity and refrain from any political actions or uprising until certain  events as signs of the reappearance of al-Mahdi (may God hasten his reappearance) occur. In this research work, the writer tries to establish that the traditions in question may be weak in terms of chains of narrators, that the theme or content of such traditions do not suggest such false beliefs and that they are even inconsistent with the Qur’anic verses and other authentic traditions (hadiths).

Interaction of political Theory and Action in Shiite political thought and its role in the transformation of the first half of the second Pahlavi (1320-1332) Looking at the historical transformation of Islam, we can distinguish three tendencies about thought and action. The tendency that prioritizes action, the tendency that prioritizes theory over action, and the third tendency to believe in the interaction of theory and political action. Among these, Shiites belong to the third tendency. Throughout history, the Shiites have chosen various approaches, including taqiya, reform, and revolution, in interaction with the political environment. With the approach of the contemporary Shiite period, it has distanced itself from the approaches of taqiyyah and reform, and especially with the emergence of the Pahlavi period in the contemporary history of Iran, it approaches the revolutionary approach and the attempt to form an Islamic government. Here, the main question of the research is what effect did the objective context and transformation of the first Pahlavi period of the second Pahlavi period have on the Shiite political thought in that period and how did this thought affect the political action of the active Shiite scholars in this era? The hypothesis of this article is that the objective context and transformation from 1320 to 1332, which after Reza Khan's efforts to secularize and secularize to marginalize religion and its most important supporter, the clergy, caused changes in Shiite political thought and type of action. It has been done in such a way that these changes, while influencing the political action at that time, provided the grounds for the formation of the Islamic Republic Revolution in 1357

Examining the political actions of Yemeni Shiite groups is the main concern of this article. Yemeni Shiite groups, especially the Imams, Ismailis and Zaydis, make up a large part of the Yemeni Shiites. They ruled the country for more than a thousand years, but lost power in 1962 with a coup sponsored by Egypt. The method of this research is content analysis using Quentin Skinnery's theory.   Findings show that the Twelvers and the Ismailis are under the umbrella of the Zaidis in Yemen, and the Yemeni social contexthas been such that led to the emergence of different characters and various currents of thoughts among the Zaydi Shiites. The results show that Zaydi's interpretation of the concept of Imamate, although in the theoretical field has given him a moderate approach compared to other Shiite sects, but in political actions has led to radical actions and political pragmatism. The result of these actions has been influenced by their background and thought context in the past.

The main issue of the present research is to explain the causes of the emergence of ethnic political actions in different status of governance in Iran with an emphasis on the dialectic of democracy and development, while the required mood of interaction between the state and ethnicities has been identified. The research method is a qualitative comparative-historical that is used in the theoretical framework of Charles Tilly's social movements to explain two democracy and developmental components. As a result of the research, the era before the Islamic Revolution was non-democratic state with low development capacity because of Assimilation and the early years of the revolution is democratic capacity with a low capacity because of tolerant approach. In the final stages of the war, Sazandegi, the ninth and tenth governments and the Etedal, the capacity of the government has risen, because of the necessity of the development of infrastructure, and the improvement of the economic and social situation but the level of democracy has diminished because of security and countering Separatism. Finally, the era of Eslahat is seen as an optimal state of a democratic state with a high development potential.

The purpose of this study is to survey the different types of ethnic political actions in Iran and the process of their formation and development in different states of government and government, With the intention of helping to analyze the ethical roots of ethnicity and policymaking by presenting patterns of political action of Iranian ethnicities. Albert Hirschman's theoretical framework of "protest, exit and loyalty" is used for Surveying the pattern and process of ethnic political action.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate the reflection of political action on spirituality based on the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. To this end, a theoretical framework for identifying Persian literature on the studies of spirituality in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution is presented by indexing the definition of spirituality in the second step statement and completing its components with the help of other statements of the Supreme Leader. These writings can be divided into two parts: "Central Discourse Writings" and "Criticisms of Criticisms of Competitive Currents". The way the slabs represent the political action in these letters is also examined. These linguistic signifiers in the studies of spirituality in Persian that have developed around the definition of spirituality in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the implications of this discourse around the features of "revolutionary spirituality" indicate specific political actions in spirituality. The outlines of these actions in their active form are arrogance, justice seeking, martyrdom, and civilization. Signs of these active actions include: jihadi spirituality, civilization, justice, revolutionary, epic, liberation from domination, martyrdom, and progressiveism. Linguistic evidence of passive (reactive) political activism in the literature produced in the critique of competing discourse also includes American, Zionist, imported, arrogant, military, capitalist and consumerist.

Looking at the historical developments in Islam, we can distinguish three trends in opinion and practice. A tendency that takes precedence into action, a tendency which precedes theory as an action, and believes in the third tendency to interact with theory and political action. Meanwhile, the Shiite belongs to the Third Trend. Throughout the Shiite history, different approaches, such as taqiyya, have been chosen by the Shia in the context of this tendency, and reform and revolution in interaction with the political environment. Or approaching the contemporary Shiite era is far from the approaches of taqiyya and reformation, and in particular, with the emergence of the Pahlavi era in modern Iranian history, we are approaching a revolutionary approach and an attempt to form an Islamic state. Here, the main question of the research is that the objective context and developments of Reza Khan have had an effect on the Shi'a political thought in that period, and how this thought has influenced the political action of the Shiite scholars active in this age?

The social thinkers have been constantly looking for the identification of elements in order to decrease the challenges present in the societies and manage it in the favorable way. The Political Islamic philosophers, relying on their meticulous analysis related to the self of human have deemed institutionalization of elements like patience and tolerance in the social interactions as the main elements of decreasing and controlling the level of dealing with or struggling among groups and castes as well as the people in community. This research is to answer the question that: in view of Islamic political philosophy ,which strategies, how and on which base the element of political tolerance can manage the interactions between government and nation as well as people, parties, groups , formal and informal organizations in the favorable way and avoid any violent behaviors. The article tries to present an exact illustration of the position and role of this element in the social-political engineering via the descriptive-analytical method along with the analysis of viewpoints of Islamic political philosophers. The objective of this article is proving this issue that the political tolerance in the Islamic political philosophy is considered as the main element towards the realization of ideal city and the optimal political-social management. This very issue has made the Islamic political philosophers to call the elites, managers of community and mass of people for considering tolerance in the reciprocal relationships to present the strategies like strengthening ethical and belief foundations, as well as the institutionalization of rationality in the social relationships towards the stabilizing and deepening of tolerance in regard with the relationships and social interactions.

Contemporary approaches interpreted political theory as ignoring political reality, lacking a real problem and more subject of the abstract and metaphysical dignity. The research is opposed to this view and attempting to interpret political theory as engaging in political reality. For this purpose, this study intends to present a discursive conception of ancient Greek political theory and its relationship with political action - as a criterion of political reality. For this reason, the writers, first of all, look at the genealogy of the conditions for the emergence of political theory in ancient Greece. Then, by choosing the concept of polis as the central sign of ancient Greek political theory, explaining the centrality of this concept. The following section attempts to reveal the relation of discourse of the polis with the fundamental elements of the ancient Greek political theory. The last issue is about the quality and the relationship between political theory and political action in ancient Greece. This research uses the assumptions of discourse theory to support its claim.

Islamic revolution realized in Iran under the leadership of a religious leader. Although the leader was in exile but he had strong connections with his followers despite his deprivation of communication means. This issue in this paper is the basis of reviewing the relationship between language and politics; so the paper tries to explain pragmatic and strategic aspects of language in Imam Khomeini's leadership in the process of Islamic revolution. In the field of study of relationship between language and politics, there are two general approaches: politics as theory and knowledge and politics as power and the realm of collective action to sustain or to change the current situation. This paper, by focusing on the second approach and by using the theories of language competence and language pragmatics in the realm of media and in mobilization of mass, will try to examine influential functions and pragmatic aspects of language in Imam Khomeini's thoughts. The findings indicate that Imam Khomeini as a scholar in mystics, ethics and jurisprudence and by his own classification of Islamic sciences introduced the pragmatism as the core of those sciences and used the language along political and revolutionary actions. Mobilizing the mass, criticizing and opposing the current situation and inviting the people to realize the Islamic state are among Imam Khomeini's pragmatic aspects of leadership.