جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « turkmenistan » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Several decades have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and relations with the countries separated from the former Soviet Union were placed on the agenda of Iran's foreign policy apparatus from the day after the collapse. Iran made several efforts to expand strategic relations with independent political units; Efforts, most of which are defined in the form of official diplomacy. This is while the multifaceted nature of diplomatic relations has caused changes in the levels of diplomacy and political relations. From a paradiplomatic point of view, small and sub-national identities independent of central governments can play a role in the international arena. Based on this assumption, the question of this article is: "What are the strengths and weaknesses of diplomatic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, and how does paradiplomacy help to improve and promote these relations?" In response to this research, this hypothesis is proposed that "the major damage to diplomatic relations between Tehran and Ashgabat is the exclusive focus on official diplomacy between the two countries and the neglect of new aspects in diplomatic relations, including para-diplomacy, which can be the weak points of official relations in political axes. reduce economic, cultural and social issues and improve relations between the two countries by focusing on various tools in various fields of diplomacy." Since this research is made to compare two units, the method of using it is comparative.--

This research examines the possibility of developing relations between Turkmenistan and India in the field of gas export. With the increasing desire of countries to use natural gas to meet their energy needs, India has also focused its gas energy policies to increase the use of natural gas. Major limitations appeared with the expansion of coal and oil consumption; as a result, natural gas is at the top of the global energy portfolio. At least, in the medium term, India is heavily dependent on gas to meet its needs. In the most optimistic scenario, in 2025, India will be able to meet about 42% of its gas needs from domestic sources, and as a result, most of the natural gas will be extracted through imports.

Research question: 

The main question is what effects has natural gas had on India-Turkmenistan relations?

Research hypothesis: 

The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that regardless of the limitations of the pipeline construction, the TAPI can provide the context of mutual dependence and the development of economic relations between the two countries.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

In this research, the qualitative research method to examine the hypothesis is based on Gavan Duffy’s pragmatic analysis method. Data collection tools are libraries and internet resources. The theoretical framework of the proposed research is Cohen and Nye's theory of interdependence in the complex era of globalization, which is used in this research.

The analyzses carried out in this research show that Turkmenistan is located in the Central Asian region, which has the largest oil and gas reserves. According to British Petroleum Statistics, Turkmenistan’s gas reserves were 13.6 trillion cubic meters in 2020, followed by Russia with 37.4 trillion cubic meters of reserves. Turkmenistan ranks second among Central Asian countries in terms of gas resources. In addition to huge resources and reserves of gas and significant production, the discovery of the Yultan field in the vicinity of Iran’s Dolat Abad field made Turkmenistan the focus of attention of consumer countries, especially India. Since the economy of Turkmenistan’s is dependent on gas and energy revenues, the country’s strategy is to export and reach the market of emerging countries such as India.India has had a historical and cultural connection with Central Asia for more than several centuries. After independence, India’s foreign policy has pursued various objectives. In the 1990s, the Nehruists developed their welfare, security and foreign policy goals. Based on this, the economic and security objectives of India’s foreign policy apparatus in Central Asia have received more attention. In recent decades, with the emergence of emerging powers such as India and China, Central Asia has gained a special position as the key point of this continent. India has tried to reach Central Asia and Turkmenistan through the southern ports of Iran and Iran's communication routes through Afghanistan. India's cooperation in Chabahar port projects and Iran-Afghanistan communication routes is due to the significant competition between China and Pakistan in Central Asia and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. By building a vast and intertwoven network of roads and energy pipelines, China has gained access to Central Asia and provided itself with extensive political, cultural and economic ties that have provoked India's sense of competition.India’s growing demand as an emerging power has fueled competition in the gas market in Central Asia. Although in 2011, India generated less than 12% of its electricity through natural gas, it has been trying to increase this amount in recent years. Although the TAPI pipeline can work effectively for India and supply the required gas, there are also some problems: One of them is the passage of TAPI pipeline through the rugged mountains of Afghanistan, the lack of infrastructure and the lack of adequate protection of the pipeline against terrorist threats in Afghanistan. Notably, Russia's stance on the TAPI pipeline is a stumbling block for India, as Russia still wants to influence the newly independent countries, in particular Russia wants to dominate the energy policy of Central Asian countries in a massive competition with the United States and the TAPI pipeline is part of this. It is competition. Russia considers the activities of Turkmenistan and TAPI with the purpose of its security. It is possible that in the long run, Turkmenistan's gas will be more prosperous and benefit India, but for now there is India’s presence because China is more present in Central Asia and Turkmenistan.

Three factors have been involved for Turkmenistan to act as a gas exporting country in the international arena and to form mutual dependence with India. First, Turkmenistan has rich gas resources in the Central Asia region. These resources have increased from 1.8 trillion cubic meters in 2000 to 13.6 trillion cubic meters in 2020. Second, Turkmenistan’s natural gas production has increased to 60 billion cubic meters since 2012. Yultan, Bagtiarlek and Barun Energy gas fields have put Turkmenistan the focus of attention of consumer countries, especially India. Third, the increase of pipelines, especially TAPI, is an effective step towards diversifying Turkmenistan’s gas exports to other countries and it continues from Turkmenistan to Fazilka in India and has caused mutual dependence of the parties. Also, the findings of the research show that, India, as an emerging power with increasing economic growth, has a great need for gas imports and Central Asia, especially Turkmenistan, has found a special place for India. Currently, India imports 35.8 billion cubic meters of natural gas per year and Turkmenistan is the priority for India’s gas imports.

Water is the most valuable factor of life, therefore, the lack of water resources plays an important role challenges between nations and governments. Competition for water resources will cause problems. Today, many countries are facing the problem of water shortage and are on the verge of water stress. in addition to an interdisciplinary research, the connection of political science and hydro politic science in the issue of the disputes governing the border rivers of Iran should be addressed to the solutions of the disputes related to the northeast neighbors. In the intended research with the research method and the current research according to its purpose, it is developmental-duplicative. In this research, in line with the inductive-comparative strategy, two qualitative and quantitative methods have been used, and based on the determination of possible scenarios, the importance of diplomacy in the field of water, with two neighboring countries, will be explained.

"Strategic Pre-planning" is an Approach that Uses Objective and Future-Oriented Analyzes to First Draw a Complete and Clear Picture of the Future of the Research Subject and then, Using Special Models and Techniques, Determine the Strategy and Probable and Desirable Scenarios. and Processes their Results. Iran and Turkmenistan are two Countries with a Common Cultural-Civilizational history and a water-land neighbor, and in three political, economic and cultural fields, the two countries have suitable capacities and opportunities to establish strategic bilateral relations, and these capacities and opportunities happen to be "complementary" significantly. They are relative to each other. By adopting an explanatory and "interdisciplinary" method, the research tried to analyze the foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Turkmenistan and to answer the question: What are the foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the country of Turkmenistan and whether these strategies were successful and dynamic. Passive and unsuccessful? In response to the research problem, this hypothesis was proposed that Iran's foreign policy strategies have been passive and unsuccessful due to internal weaknesses and environmental challenges. The research results show that the chance of Iran's foreign policy favorable scenarios in Turkmenistan is very low due to various challenges and weaknesses. The method of collecting information was document-library research.

During recent decades, Iran and Turkmenistan have become reliable neighbours. But when these two countries want to develop their cooperation in the field of energy and export their gas to Europe through Turkey, they face different obstacles and challenges in issues such as bilateral relations, the Turkish energy market and the European Union. The purpose of this research is to examine the situation of Iran and Turkmenistan in the field of energy and the issue of gas transit to Europe through Turkey.Research Question: The main question is, what are the opportunities and challenges of Turkmenistan gas transit from Iran and Turkey to Europe?

The hypothesis of this research is based on the positive relations between Turkey, Iran and Turkmenistan and the geopolitical position of Iran, the connection with the opportunities and sanctions of the United States on Iran's energy sector, Russia's pressure on Turkmenistan for the exclusive purchase of gas, which is the most important challenge for the transit of gas from Turkmenistan to Europe.

In this paper, the qualitative research method for studying the hypothesis is based on Peter McLaughlin’s functional explanation. The data collection tool is based on library and internet resources. The theoretical framework of this research is based on the regional system proposed by Louis Cantori and Steven Spiegel. By combining this framework with functionalism, it examines the cooperation and competition of governments and analyzes the factors of convergence and divergence in the relations of these countries.

The analysis of this research shows that Iran and Turkmenistan have expanded their economic relations. The opening of the Mashhad-Sarkhs-Tajan railway lines and the Bafaq-Bandar Abbas railway line is considered as an important economic measure for the development of economic and trade relations between Iran and Turkmenistan. Also, the cooperation of the two countries in technical and engineering projects with numerous investments of Iranian technicians in this field has also been important.  Iran and Turkmenistan pursue their economic cooperation within the framework of the Joint Economic Commission. The main export of goods from Iran is related to Turkmenistan, and since 2013, the volume of trade between the two countries has increased, especially with Khorasan Razavi Province.With 5900 industrial units, 46 mineral resources and approximately 800 mines, Khorasan Razavi province has a high rank in the production of products such as saffron, pistachios, pomegranates and medicinal plants and mainly exports these products to Turkmenistan. The implementation of the border-crossing-permit plan between Iran and Turkmenistan has also provided the basis for the movement of nationals of both countries in the border areas.Turkmenistan’s gas reserves are scattered throughout the country. In addition to the huge gas resources and significant production in this country, the discovery of Yultan gas field near Iran's Daulatabad field has put Turkmenistan in the focus of Iran's attention. The desire of Iran and Turkmenistan to cooperate made Turkmenistan agree to the construction of the country's first pipeline in July 1995. The Kerpcheh-Kordkoy pipeline was built in 1997 at a cost of over $200 million to transport gas to northern Iran from the Kerpcheh gas field. With abundant gas resources, Turkmenistan negotiated with Iran to export gas from Iran to Europe via Turkey. Due to its geopolitical position, Turkey has become an energy pole and this has created an opportunity for this country to gain more economic benefits. The European Union (EU) has become heavily dependent on foreign energy resources in recent decades.Due to its geopolitical position, Turkey has become an energy hub that connects the Middle East, Russia and Europe. Many gas pipelines pass through Turkey, transporting gas from Central Asia and the Middle East to Europe. However, some of these pipeline projects have been suspended for some time. Turkey has given the green light to Iran’s presence in the Turkish gas market (to Europe) and the Tabriz–Ankara pipeline operates in this direction. 

The findings indicate that first, long borders and economic capacities in Turkmenistan are like the gateway for Iran to enter this country and the two countries have cooperated in the field of natural gas transportation projects. Second, Turkmenistan’s rich gas resources and various gas fields led this country to build the first Kerpcheh-Kordkoy gas pipeline with Iran, which met the gas consumption needs of Iran’s northern provinces. Simultaneously with the construction of this pipeline, the issue of Turkmenistan gas transit from Iran to Turkey was raised so that Iran would receive transit rights. With Najmuddin Arbakan coming to power in Turkey in 1997, bilateral relations between Iran and Turkey improved significantly and Turkey's economic growth has led to an increasing need for gas imports. In this regard, Turkey has increased its gas transit pipelines in recent years. Europe's effort to diversify its gas imports from exporting countries and not relying only on Russia has provided the opportunity for Turkey to become the energy hub of the region by importing gas from Iran (and even other countries) and using its geopolitical position to re-export energy and gas to European markets. The improvement of relations between Iran and Turkey and the transit of gas to Europe have strengthened their economic growth, but the US sanctions against Iran and possible obstruction of gas exports by Iran in the case of incresing US pressure, may prevent them from making profits in their bilateral transactions.

In the present era and especially in recent decades, water is considered as an important strategic factor in the foreign and security policy of governments and nations. In such a situation, fresh water as a non-renewable and non-reproducible resource brings this competition to a high level of foreign policy, this factor has become a serious crisis and tension between countries in the border rivers. The country of Turkmenistan, whose land consists of the Qaraqom desert, has obtained its water needs from common and transboundary waters in different eras. The strong need of the two countries for the water of Atrak River in the two periods before and after the collapse of the Soviet Union has always been one of the controversial issues of the two countries. Based on the descriptive-analytical method, this research tries to answer the question, what are the political-security challenges of Iran and Turkmenistan regarding the joint exploitation of Atrak and its hydropolitics? The findings of the research indicate that the Islamic Republic of Iran's sovereign diplomacy regarding Atrak in the two periods before and after the collapse of the Soviet Union was tolerance, tolerance and avoidance of tension, and this caused the bold and greater productivity of Turkmenistan. Turkey has become outside the rules of international law. Based on this, Iran should take a new approach towards the Turkish hydropolitics and the two countries should turn the imminent and possible conflicts into cooperation and development by providing appropriate solutions. 

Rising demand and declining supply have been two simultaneous trends that have exacerbated the crisis and competition for shared water resources in the region over the past few decades. On the one hand, population growth, uncontrolled consumption and increasing economic consumption have caused a sharp jump in demand for water resources, and on the other hand, climate change has led to a decrease in supply. Joint watersheds around Iran, especially in the eastern border watersheds including Hamoon (Helmand) and Sarakhs (Harirod) between Iran, Afghanistan and Turkmenistan have intensified. In this context, the main question of the present study is how to explain and model the convergent and divergent hydropolitical foundations of Iran in the common watersheds of the eastern borders? Common on the basis of hydro-liberalism and based on hydro-diplomacy, functionalist diplomacy and legal cooperation, while Iran's divergent hydropolitical foundations with these countries based on the theory of hydrorealism and based on disputes over water, the view of Afghan political leaders Climate change and disputes over the legal regime can be modeled.

At present, Iran’s neighbourhood policy toward  the Central Asian region has been preserved based on Iran’s geographical potentials. Turkmenistan is one of the countries in this region being of importance to the foreign policy apparatus by virtue of the neighbourhood policy and sharing a border. Hence, the question raised is what are the capacities and requirements of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Neighbourhood Policy concerning Turkmenistan? The presumption of the research is that situation  of  Iran and Turkmenistan on each other’s borders and existence of economic, political and cultural potentials create a ground for integration and cooperation between the two countries, and this can help ease Iran’s political and economic bottlenecks. The results of the research show that historically and economically , Turkmenistan has had many cultural commonalities with Iran. In addition, this country enjoys gas resources and various economic grounds. With regard to rivalries among the hostile regional and extra-regional powers  like the US and Israel in this country, on one side, and the existence of wide trade and economic sanctions of the west, Turkmenistan can be a fertile ground for offsetting pressures exerted on Iran and reducing them. The method of the research is qualitative of the descriptive-analytical type, and the data have been collected using the library method and through cataloguing.

Common historical and cultural features and geopolitics proximity encourage energy, transit, and regional cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan. This article examines the different aspects of economic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, including the opportunities and challenges as well as the potentials to develop ties. The current research also investigates the different ways through which Iran can involve in Turkmenistan's economy. The findings show that is that it can be achieved by strengthening the transit lines and resolving Iranian exporters' visas, guaranteeing investment risk, prioritizing economic diplomacy, and defining common interests in the transit area. Both countries are of great importance in the international arena because energy exports strengthening the cooperation between the two countries could lead to a more significant impact of these two actors internationally. This article attempts to describe the main issues of this paper is a descriptive and analytical method.

Due to the unbalanced distribution of resources as well as unique political geography in the age of globalization based on international political economy, the global geopolitical systems alone are not able to meet their needs in various structural and functional areas to meet their interests and shortcomings to each other. They are interdependent. Among them are geopolitical capacities for cooperation and interaction to achieve common interests between neighbor-centered political actors, energy geopolitics (energy sources and energy transit corridors), and positive hydro-politics (cooperation in common water basins). On the one hand, the increasing population growth and in line with it, the scarcity and unequal distribution of water resources, has increased competition for water resources, especially shared water resources in the border areas between the countries. Under these conditions, border rivers can provide the basis for cooperation between neighboring states based on the principles of diplomacy and understanding of geographical realities. On the other, the existence of energy resources and transit corridors, specifically in this respect, choosing the optimal way to reduce geopolitical dependence, can pave the way for cooperation between the countries. As a regional power in Southwest Asia, Iran has numerous neighbors and long borders, including land, sea, and river, with different political approaches; Iran’s long borders and its numerous neighbors offer a range of opportunities and threats. One of the sources of threat and opportunity in relation to Iran’s neighbors is hydro-political issues in border rivers and the role of Iran’s position in energy transfer. Cooperation on water issues based on water diplomacy and the hydro-structuring approach can pave the way for cooperation in other geopolitical dimensions, including energy geopolitics. Therefore, Iran, with its wide border rivers, needs to establish cooperation based on the principles of diplomacy and formulate strategies to generate opportunities in the surrounding environment to enhance its regional power. Turkmenistan is one of the influential countries in the periphery of Iran with long borders and common water resources in northeastern Iran. Central Asia in general and Turkmenistan, in particular, are among droughty countries and this situation has led to a divergence in Central Asian countries. Meanwhile, Turkmenistan, as a downstream state is in dire need of water resources on its borders, including on its border with Iran, for its sustainable development of agriculture and industry. On the other hand, given that cooperation with Turkmenistan is part of Iran’s geopolitical interests, so ties based on common geopolitical factors with this country can have profound effects on enhancing Iran’s power on the Central Asian geopolitical scene. Turkmenistan is Iran’s gateway to the Central Asian region to establish relations with the countries of this geostrategic region. One of Turkmenistan’s challenges is how to transfer its energy resources to the world markets. The country is landlocked and has no access to the high seas, so its political future and independence depend on choosing optimal routes to transfer energy resources to consumer markets. On the other hand, Iran’s geography connects different regions and considering that Iran connects the two water zones of the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf, this country has a great capacity to create a corridor in the transfer of energy resources. Accordingly, the present article seeks to find a suitable answer to this question of what effect the two factors namely water resources and energy transfer have on relations between Iran and Turkmenistan by using a qualitative method and library resources. It has been hypothesized that “the most favorable practical context for the promotion of Iran-Turkmenistan relations lies in the two areas of hydro-politics and geopolitics of energy because the two countries are complementary to each other in these areas”. But the situation of Iran in the international system with the West has shown that despite the existence of favorable grounds based on common geopolitical factors, these relations have not formed fully yet. According to the findings of the article, Turkmenistan needs water supplying cooperations in border rivers, including joint rivers with Iran, to create sustainable development in the field of agriculture and industrial growth. Given the growing importance of water resources, water diplomacy between the two countries and the allocation of more water by Iran to Turkmenistan, as well as the establishment of joint water projects in the border areas, this can pave the ground for cooperation in other fields. Turkmenistan is also one of the richest countries in the field of gas resources. Iran can turn Turkmenistan’s vast gas reserves into one of its energy supplying hubs in the future. What limits Turkmenistan’s energy policy face is its landlocked location and lack of access to international waters; therefore, one of the main goals of Turkmenistan is to get out of geographical isolation and diversify its energy transmission routes to reach global markets and reduce dependence on Russia. According to the findings of this article, one of the countries in the periphery of Turkmenistan that can reduce its structural shortcomings is Iran. Iran has a unique geopolitical position and with its long sea borders, it connects several geo-economic regions of the world. On the other hand, Iran, as a regional power, needs to build constructive relations with its neighbors in foreign policy and Turkmenistan can be a link in establishing relations with the geopolitical region of Central Asia. What has limited the good neighborly relations between the two countries despite unique structural and functional capacities is the situation of Iran in the international system, but the international system is dynamic, and in the future, Iran will be at the focus of regional cooperations.

This article examines the impact of socio-cultural components in Israel's relations with Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran from 2011 to 2020. In its foreign policy strategies, Israel has sought to play an important role in this component by recognizing that culture and social issues are the soft power. Meanwhile, Central Asia and the Caucasus, and especially countries such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, are the main centers of foreign policy in the cultural and social dimensions. Given this, the main question of the article is what effect did the cultural and social components of Israel's relations with Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan from 2011 to 2020 have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In response to this hypothesis, it has been suggested that cultural and social components in Israel's relations with Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan, by trying to achieve normative-cultural separation, pose a threat to the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results of the research show that from 2011 to 2020, Israel has played an important role in culture and social issues, and the main component of this country in terms of cultural and social influence is the use of Jews living in these countries, which tries to use this Capacity to threaten the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The type of research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the Commonwealth, Iran became one of the main centers of relations with these countries. Iran is currently the junction of the Central Asian republics with the open waters of the Persian Gulf and the most suitable land connection route with the Caucasus and Turkey. Territorial cohesion, geopolitical needs and Iran's position as a bridge and limitations of water borders and the enclosure of Turkmenistan have created suitable cooperation areas between Iran and Turkmenistan. For Iran, Turkmenistan is also a gateway to Central Asia. With the declaration of Turkmenistan's independence, the Islamic Republic of Iran was one of the first countries to recognize Turkmenistan and to establish an embassy in the capital. The two countries have a common history of more than a thousand years.This article seeks to answer the question of what are the areas of cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan by descriptive-analytical method and collected by library method? The research findings show that considering the historical background and neighborhood of Iran and Turkmenistan, they can cooperate with each other in the fields of culture, economy and security and form convergence.

One of the problems in analyzing hydro-political relations in the river system is that the same factors, such as water scarcity and economic development, can create a wide range of conflicts or partnerships. Therefore, the aim of this study was to identify the variables and indices of effective hydro-political relations between Iran and Turkmenistan. The research method is descriptive-analytic. In this study, in the first place, using the views of experts and experts in political geography and Delphi technique, 15 factors were identified as essential indicators affecting the relations between Iran and Turkmenistan in the future. In the second step, Dimetal method was used to analyze and rank the causes, causality and disability. The results of the research show that factors: drinking water with a score of 1.53, employment with a score of 1.45, water for Agriculture with a score of 1.17, geothermal atrak of Atrak (0.55), conflict of strategic interests of both countries (0.47), geopolitical position of Iran with score (0.34), safety of water resources with a score of 0.15 ) And Turkmenistan's geographic location with a score of (0.04) is in the category of causal indicators and is definitely one of the factors affecting the hydro-political relations between Iran and Turkmenistan. The role of global powers in hydro-political relations with the nation (-0.01), the weakness of water use technology with a score of (-0.08), the influence of countries in providing water-related rules (-45%), judicial security with a score of -0.46, The impact of Iran's regional water crisis on national security with a score of (-0.71), security and energy transfer with a score of 1.13 and weakness of Iran's hydro-politic policies with a score of 1.15 in the category of disabled indicators Which are definitely one of the most challenging challenges.

Shortly before the collapse of the bipolar system, the cooperation of former Soviet officials with Iran led to a major upheaval in the border regions of the two countries. As a result of this cooperation, on 26/11/1368, on 15 February 1990, a Memorandum of Understanding was signed between Iran and the Soviet Union that coincided with the timing of its implementation with the establishment of independent republics across Iran's northern borders. According to the terms of this Memorandum of Understanding, facilities were provided for the transit of border residents, including that they could travel four times up to a 45-kilometer radius each year, subject to a border crossing permit. This study examines the subjective course of the border crossing permit scheme and points to some of its features, especially in relation to the Republic of Turkmenistan - one of the countries that gained its independence with the collapse of the Soviet Union. The result of the research showed that as the Memorandum of Understanding on the border crossing plan between Iran and the Soviet Union was concluded, but in practice, it was the Republic of Turkmenistan that favored Iran, so there was a great deal of change in this regard. On the other hand, the implementation of the plan had a great impact on the relations between Iran and Turkmenistan. The first consequence was the facilitation of the movement of border residents and the provision of contacts between the borderline nationals of the two countries.

 The aim of this research is to review and compare the indices of social development and tendency towards Radical Islam in Central Asia (a case study of ISIS or DAESH as a terrorist group).

 Social and cultural development within the framework of local and national values lead to self-esteem within the society and this process plays an important role in formation of social and cultural identity within the society. However, lack of attention to cultural and social developments as well as shortcomings of political and economic developments in Central Asian countries after the collapse of Soviet Union, which faced with a power vacuum, have been shaped in a variety of different ways; therefore this has led to the situation in which people resorted to their own historical and cultural identities. Lack of social and cultural developments affected the tendency towards Radical Islam in Central Asia. This process led to the situation that undermined the concept of nation-state and accelerated the appearance of radicalism and fundamentalism phenomena. On the other hand, Central Asian countries which have faced extensive social and cultural problems, have moved towards ethnic and nationalistic identities and with regard to the extensive social and cultural problems in the region, the process of identity-building has not been consistent with national and cultural values of the region and has moved it towards religious radicalism. Therefore, when nationalism couldn’t fill the intellectual gap in Central Asia, radical Islamic groups were able to attract people by using powerful advertising methods and public deceptions to persuade them that they are able to improve the quality of their lives.
The importance of this subject is laid in the following issues. First, the countries of the region are able to control this situation by trying to improve social development projects. Second, getting familiar with the plans of radical groups leads the countries of the region towards adopting appropriate measures and strategies. According to the above-mentioned subjects, the present research tries to explain the social development indices and the tendency of the region’s citizen toward religious radicalism, especially DAESH terrorist group, by using sociological and socio-political approaches. Therefore, the main question of the research is that is there any difference between social development indices of the five commonwealth states - Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kirghizstan, and Tajikistan - and their tendency toward religious radicalism?
Research question:Is there any difference between social development indices and tendency toward radical Islam in Central Asia? (Case study: DAESH)
Research hypothesis:In order to answer the research question, one hypothesis is mentioned: there is a significant difference between social development indices of the Central Asian States from which DAESH recruited its members.

The method of the present research is descriptive and correlative. The research data have been collected through quantitative methods and secondary analysis; the information was gathered from the economic development indices at the website of the Institute of International Studies which is based in Finland (2015).
Research

The findings of this research indicate that from the five countries that have been studied, Kirghizstan with 7.1 percent, Tajikistan with 13.6 percent, Kazakhstan with 17.9 percent, Turkmenistan with 25.7 percent and Uzbekistan with 35.7 percent have recruited the lowest and highest warriors from DAESH respectively. In addition, according to inferential analysis, the findings of the research show that there is a significant difference between the social development indices of the countries from which DAESH recruited its members. The error level of this analysis was 0.01.
Furthermore, there is a significant difference between social development indices - such as social progress, health costs, net immigration, globalization, and educational costs - within the five Central Asian countries from which DAESH recruited its members; error level of this analysis was also 0.01.
Therefore, according to the theoretical and empirical analyses of this research, we can say that after the collapse of communist ideology, internationalism and the national politics could not manage the plural Muslim societies in the region. Uneven development within the commonwealth countries - in different cultural, social, political, and economic aspects - reflected itself after the collapse of the Soviet Union and therefore the developmental weaknesses could not meet citizen needs. Meanwhile, due to the low level of social progress indices - such as providing basic needs, access to health and welfare, access to opportunities, and costs of education, health and treatment - the citizens of Central Asian countries have immigrated to other countries, especially Russia. This issue, accompanied by the situation created by free market and the expansion of globalization, has led to a bigger gap within these societies. In this connection, Islamic ideology which unites people regardless of their ethnic identities has been welcomed by many people in these countries. Therefore, the economic and social situations in the region, the inability of governments to solve the economic and social problems and also severe repressions, have led to the improvement of radicalism. This has created a condition in which religious extremist groups have been able to recruit its members from the discriminated populations.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the formation of the Central Asian and Caucasian countries, the war in Afghanistan, the US invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the unrest in the Arab Middle East, along with other geopolitical factors such as energy, security, terrorism, nuclear issues, missile defense shields The role of Iran's geopolitics in the Middle East has become increasingly important, so Iran at this time is looking for a role in its position in this field, one of which is an important region of Central Asia, which Iran, with its common cultural, historical, social and political ties, Geographic agents are calling for an active role In that area. Among the Central Asian countries, Turkmenistan, due to its large volume of gas resources, has a long common border with Iran and the country with the proceeds from the sale of gas for its development, and, on the other hand, the need of the Islamic Republic of Iran to supply its northern gas And in addition to trying to use transit benefits. In addition, Turkmenistan has a half-look at exporting its gas to the world markets through Iran and Turkey. In addition to economic issues and increased gas sales, Turkmenistan has pursued an increase in pipelines in a way that aimed at reducing the Russian gas monopoly in the country, which is why Iran plays an important role in Turkmenistan's gas policy despite the tensions. The purpose of this paper is to explain the position of Iran in the transit of Turkmen gas, following regional and international description and analysis of the current situation in the region, and then providing solutions to improve the state of convergence of both Iran and Turkmenistan in the field of gas relations.

Turkmenistan as an effective player in the geopolitical developments in the region with geopolitical capacities trys to efforts in developments in the region. Since geopolitical factors in the formulation of defense strategies is the basis for the adoption of appropriate policies so that the main purpose of this study is to identify geopolitical factors vigilance creates opportunities the development of defense strategy Islamic Republic of Iran The aim of this study is related to the main question, the most important geopolitical factors contributing to the formulation of defense strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkmenistan vigilance creates opportunities What are? Using descriptive, analytical application form, questionnaire set in two stages and the sample of 92 subjects (as a whole number) providing and using SPSS software processed data is sent. The most important geopolitical factors affecting to the Islamic Republic of Iran's defense strategy priorities are gas transit, neighborhood eshghaBad the border with Iran, Turkmenistan to Iran in transit dependence on energy and commodities, the volume of economic exchanges between the two countries, religious commonalities between the two countries, Iran's membership in eco and cultural interests of the Turkmen people to culture.

The European Union’s limitations to assured and inexpensive access to energy resources, the usage of resources as political instruments by countries such as the Russian Federation has made diversification and transmission lines of energy resources the Union’s primary aim in the international policy arena. The European Union aims to access rich sources of natural gas and create new markets in accordance with its economic goal; the Southern gas corridor project is in line with this energy policy. On the other hand, Turkmenistan¢s strategy is to be transformed to a strategic actor in the energy domain. Turkmenistan¢s geographical location, its rich sources of natural gas and its strategy to diversify its energy export routes, especially in the period of the country¢s next president, paves the way for the opportunity of extensive international cooperation.
The question which is proposed in this regard is the following: what role will Turkmenistan have in the European Union’s new energy policy outlook?
Accordingly, our proposed hypothesis is that with the implementation of the southern gas corridor project, Turkmenistan will actively cooperate and compete with Russia to have a presence in the supplying of energy to the European Union.
The paper has been based on descriptive-analytic method and the interdependence theory.

Since 2001 Ashgabat lunched more normal pattern of neutrality. In 2006, with the arrival of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow as new leader, The process of change in foreign policy intensified. In view of the aforementioned considerations, this paper seeks to answer the two main questions: what kind of changes Turkmenistan's neutrality strategy have experienced? And what have been the economic consequences of this strategy? The hypothesis here is that the Turkmenistan’s foreign policy until 2006 was based on Isolation. After 2001 negative neutrality has been adopted. Then, with the arrival of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow, active and positive neutrality has been adopted. This strategy explain as one of the main factors of economic growth in Turkmenistan in the last ten years (2016-2006).

geopolitical capacities dose a more effective role in developments in the region devel-opment. The main objective of this study is to identify the most important Turkmeni-stan's geopolitical factors affecting on the Islamic Republic of Irans defensive strategy condification that uses descriptive, analytic applications, the questionnaires set in two stages and the sample of 92 people offering and using SPSS software to process data is sent. Statistical analysis of the Cronbach alpha coefficient carcass, KS and Friedman test was used to study the theoretical and Mhyt¬Shnasy to recognized Turkmenistan's geo-political factors and continue with field studies and obtaining the opinion of the elite in the development and action and do something to change the geopolitical factors men-tioned in 58 operating areas of sextet(physical, human, economic, domestic and interna-tional political and military) and recognized based on the conceptual model of supply and to obtain community Statistical and was designed in the form of a questionnaire. On the question of research, the most important factors affecting the development of Turk-menistan's geopolitical defensive strategy Islamic Republic of Iran are there? Resulting in a factor 58 in six areas based on the degree of importance and the ratings were con-firmed.