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The negative vote is one of the significant topics in the field of political and social studies, which will be more important during the elections. Therefore, the political behavior of election candidates is recognized as a strategic issue for democratic systems. Based on this, the current research seeks to answer the question, what is the political behavior of the candidates of the Islamic Council elections that provokes the negative vote? The research method is descriptive phenomenology; The tool for collecting information was a semi-structured interview in the research sample of 14 candidates of the Islamic Council, which was carried out using the collage analysis method. Validation of research data was done through external auditors, returning to the interviewees and in-depth description. The results showed that factors such as capturing emotions, favoring one's own interests, elitism, announcing saviorism, managing rumors and purifying and reproducing negative social capital as the political behavior of candidates for the Islamic Council elections are an effective factor in producing negative votes.

Parliament members are not immune from monitoring and accountability for their behavior and performance, and most parliaments in the world have some type of monitoring (internal, external, or combined) on the behavior of their representatives. There is no one doubts on the necessity of the monitoring the behavior of the representatives, but there are differences in the way of monitoring and procedures. The present research aims to propose the necessity and possibility of forming a local consultative assembly in the constituencies of the country. The study method is a survey and the research sample is made up of 163 representatives of the 10 periods of the Islamic Council. To design the questionnaire, first, an in-depth interview was conducted with 12 people who had more than three terms of representation in the Islamic Council, and then a questionnaire was designed based on the interviews. Findings indicate that 94.8% of the study sample were male and 5.2% were female. More than half of the respondents had a PhD degree and the representatives of the 9th (22.5%) and 8th (19.7%) periods of the Islamic Council had the highest percentage in this category. 70.6 percent of the respondents considered the pathology of the parliament as very necessary and about 17 percent evaluated the performance of the Islamic Council in 40 years of passing legislations as successful and 76.5 percent evaluated the performance of the Islamic Council in the term of success in monitoring the performance of executive bodies as low. The results of the analysis of two variables showed that there is a significant relationship between the pathology of the performance and the reasoned and rationality of the representatives' votes on legal plans and bills, and the formation of the local consultative assembly. Based on the results of the logistic regression of gender, education, age, parliament efficiency score in the group 11-15, the level of importance of efficiency and evaluating the efficiency of the parliament has a direct effect and the efficiency score of 15-20 has a significant and inverse effect on the probability (formation) of the implementation of the local consultative assembly in the country constituencies. Based on this, to the extent that the importance of the efficiency and performance of the Islamic Council increases, the need for the elites of the field to advise the representatives, to influence the duties of representation, increases. This leads to the cooperation of more thoughts for monitoring.

After the United States and its allies' attack on Afghanistan, the Republic government replaced the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban. One of the gifts of the Democratic Republic to Afghanistan was holding elections with the presence of eligible women and men as voters and election candidates. Based on this, the fourth presidential election in Afghanistan in 2019 was held amidst the confrontation between the central government and the Taliban in peace talks in Doha and war in various parts of the country. Approximately ten million eligible voters had registered to vote. The elections, which had been delayed for several months, were finally held in September 2019. The low voter turnout quickly made headlines. Only about two million six hundred thousand people, or just twenty percent of eligible voters, had turned up to the polls. This lack of enthusiasm signaled a major shift in Afghanistan's political situation. Given that elections are one of the most important symbols of democracy, the behavior of Afghan voters sounded an important alarm for the central government and, consequently, the survival of democracy. An alarm that no one paid attention to, and less than two years later, its result was evident with the fall of the republic and the return of the Taliban.
In this regard, the research question has been raised as to how the grounds for the collapse of the republican system in Afghanistan were formed in the behavior of voters in the 2019 presidential elections? The research method is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach. The data has been collected from library and internet sources. The theoretical basis of this research is also based on the views and opinions of Robert Dahl, Inglehart, and Pippa Nouris in the field of voting behavior.
Robert Dahl's theory, based on the principle of cost-benefit calculation, denies the approach of sociability and emphasizes the importance of rational choice. Overall, this approach seeks to demonstrate a direct relationship between citizens' inclination to vote and their benefit from participating in elections.
Inglehart's theory focuses on changing the values of generations. He believes that over time and with changes in the international climate, the desires and thoughts of generations change. These changes are reflected in the social and political behavior of individuals.
Finally, this research has sought the help of the Pippa Nouris views, which has proposed a model for examining political participation and, consequently, voting behavior, which is one of the most comprehensive theoretical models in the field of elections to date. The popularity and acceptance of this model is due to the use of three groups of macro, meso, and micro theories. With such characteristics, it is possible to examine the voting behavior of citizens at different levels.
The research findings indicate that a set of factors has influenced the voting behavior of the people of Afghanistan. These factors not only illustrate the people's disillusionment with the 2019 elections but also reflect a general sense of hopelessness and distance from the republican system among the people. This hopelessness ultimately led to the fall of the republic to the Taliban less than two years later.
 
These factors and backgrounds included the following:First, "political and economic inequalities and imbalances" resulting from the monopolization of power by the Pashtun ethnic group.
Second, "undermining the religious identity of the people" resulting from the Western democratic system's governance, which incited bias and religious sentiment among the people of Afghanistan, ultimately paving the way for the acceptance of the Taliban.
The third factor was the "negative effects of the engineering of the 2014 presidential elections." The engineering of these elections dealt a heavy blow to the framework of democracy imposed on Afghanistan, the consequences and effects of which were evident five years later with the people's lack of enthusiasm for the fourth presidential elections.
In the lead-up to the 2019 elections in Afghanistan, the legitimacy and acceptance of the republican system had reached its lowest point.
Fourth, "the failure to achieve peace and national tranquility" after the US invasion of Afghanistan, which, with the continuation of military confrontation between the US and the Taliban, was never realized, and the security of Afghanistan was severely undermined.
Fifth, "Deepening ethnic divides" as a result of the Pashtun-centric policies of Afghan presidents (Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani) intensified ethnic nationalism and division, impacting societal cohesion and unity. In reality, on the brink of the 2019 elections, democracy in Afghanistan brought about systematic and modern ethnic biases, fostering increased division and significantly diminishing political participation.
Sixth, "Multiplicity and weakness of parties." The emerging parties in Afghanistan were predominantly ethnocentric and focused on individual interests. In the 2019 elections, rather than uniting society to find the best presidential option, parties engaged in political maneuvering, leading to division along ethnic and religious lines.
Seventh, "Exclusion of women from political participation." Despite efforts during the republican system to uphold women's rights, an anti-women culture hindered active female engagement. Women's involvement in political and social spheres was notably low on the eve of the 2019 presidential elections.
Eighth, "Emergence of a new generation." Educated and well-informed, the new generation perceived the current Afghan government as ineffective and untrustworthy, prompting a boycott of electoral participation.

The lack of enthusiasm for the 2019 fourth presidential elections in Afghanistan served as an initial indication, signaling reduced legitimacy and acceptance of the republican system amongst Afghan citizens.
In this regard, the actions of the central government, opposition groups to the republican system, and the interventions of foreign countries were three crucial elements contributing to the diminishing desire for political participation among the Afghan people. Over the past two decades, the central government, through the monopolization of power within a specific ethnic group and the marginalization of other ethnicities, fostered a cold war scenario among various groups, political parties, and ethnic factions both against the central government and the favored ethnic group. Concurrently, the Taliban and ISIS, serving as the primary opposition forces to the central government, gained significant influence and power in Afghanistan.
The shift from military confrontation to soft negotiations with the Taliban, coupled with the government's unaccountable concessions to this group, further demoralized the populace regarding the republic and democracy. This led to political and social distrust towards the democratic system. By the time of the 2019 elections, democracy lacked a solid track record among the citizens. The voting behavior showcased that the downfall of democracy or the republican system in 2021 was not unforeseen. Issues like poverty, corruption, insecurity, and inequality had peaked prior to the 2019 elections. These problems exacerbated post-elections, resulting in the central government losing its primary asset - public trust.
 
The election results and the voting tendencies of the Afghan people underscored that democracy cannot be imposed without substantial foundations in place. There was a disenchantment with Western democracy, with the populace anticipating a new political structure following the elections and the Doha peace accord. However, less than two years after the elections, Afghanistan found itself back under the same autocratic Taliban rule from a quarter of a century ago.

Comparative study of the electoral system of the National Assembly of France and the Islamic Council of Iran" Abstract Among the interesting and important categories in legal and political issues is the study of electoral systems in different legal systems. Naturally, the comparative study of electoral systems can show the weaknesses and strengths of these systems, and modeling successful electoral systems can help to fix the flaws in other electoral systems. The electoral system of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the French Republic, while similar, also have fundamental differences. The current study aims at comparing these two electoral systems. The hypothesis of this research is that both electoral systems are similar in relation to the quality of the elections, executive electoral institutions and supervisory institutions from one side, and regarding the voting method, independence and plurality of supervisory institutions, election administrators, election campaigns and people's monitoring of the election process have clear differences from each other. The general result of this article is that the most important difference between the parliamentary elections in France and Iran is in the field of executive and supervisory institutions, so that while holding elections in Iran is exclusively under government’s control, in France, other independent institutions such as municipalities and independent citizens also play an important role in holding the elections. On the other hand, supervision of Iran's parliamentary elections is essentially , discretionary type and it’s domain is very broad - which means from the stage of monitoring the authenticity.

The Islamic Republic system has faced numerous crises and incidents since the inception of the leadership of the Supreme Leader. Thanks to his management, foresight, and the support of the people, these crises have been either contained or prevented from occurring. Various studies and research have been conducted on the crises that have arisen in the Islamic Republic, published in reputable domestic journals. Most of these studies have focused on interpretative, narrative, historical, and analytical approaches. Some of these research works have also delved into the role of the Supreme Leader in managing and containing the crises during his leadership, using thematic analysis to identify the managerial components employed by him. However, the present article seeks to evaluate previous studies and research on the management of the Supreme Leader during crises, and the policies and leadership management components emphasized by this research to contain the crises. The research method employed in this article is a qualitative meta-analysis with a meta-combination approach. By examining around 42 published research papers in reputable domestic journals on crises, the findings indicate that researchers have identified 54 influential components of the Supreme Leader's management of crises through the thematic analysis of his statements and positions. Among these components, the "rule-oriented approach," "foresight and enlightenment," and "people-centeredness" have been introduced as the most influential policies of the Supreme Leader in crisis containment, being the most prevalent and prioritized.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran manifests the will of the people and political participation. Active political participation has always been emphasized by Imam (RA), the Supreme Leader, and state officials in the post-revolution Iran. However, during the four decades since the victory of the revolution, we have witnessed many ups and downs in this regards. This study aimed at a comparative study between the presidential elections of 2013 and 2021 in Iran. In fact, we sought to investigate the effect of political participation on the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran and how these effects can be explained in the context of presidential elections of 2013 and 2021. This study was conducted with a descriptive-analytical method. The general conclusion indicated that the higher the political participation, the stronger the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was illustrated in the position of Iran in the case of JCPOA in the wake of the presidential election of 2013, and that the lower the political participation, the weaker the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was more the case in the presidential election of 2021.

Issue:

 Considering that the Islamic Republic is considered a religious democratic system and all the senior officials of the system are elected through direct or indirect vote of the people, therefore elections are of special importance in it. For this reason, from the beginning of the Islamic Revolution So far, 40 elections have been held, and people's participation has stabilized security, and participation in elections in the past fourteen decades has been influential in the continuation of the Islamic revolution.

Necessity and importance: 

health and security in elections are very important and important, he added that the existence of these two components is essential for "sovereignty" and a safe and healthy environment for holding elections should be provided with the help of executive and security agents.

The main question:

 How does the relationship between elections and the national security of the Islamic Republic affect the authority and continuity of the Islamic Revolution? Findings From the processing of the hypothesis that was formulated in response to the mentioned question and analyzed based on the SWAT strategic model, it indicates that the Islamic Republic has outstanding strengths and limited weaknesses in the domestic environment due to holding elections. Elections are based on the strength-opportunity strategy. transforms and strengthens the national security and continuity of the Islamic Republic. The hypothesis of this article is processed with a descriptive-analytical method.

The concept of development in the Islamic Republic of Iran is institutionalized based on competition and partnerships, and paying attention to the future of these two factors indicates the strength or weakness of the Islamic Republic system. Increasing participation, as a multidimensional process, affects or is influenced by many components; In such a way that its realization requires teamwork, intellectual-procedural stability of the system's agents, in relation to positive trends and optimal synergy of potential and actual capacities and infrastructures. Therefore, the question of the present article is, what are the future-oriented guidelines for increasing competition and political participation in Iran? The current research is analytical-descriptive with a future research approach, using the scenario method. The findings indicate a scenario development for a favorable future for civil society in relation to political participation; which includes the possible scenario; possible scenario; He pointed out the favorable future scenario.

One crucial aspect of political development is social participation, particularly the involvement of women in politics. The objective of this research is to address the following fundamental question: What are the indicators and roles of identity-related actions in women's political engagement? The research is based on the hypothesis that women's participation in elections is significantly linked to the structural and identity frameworks of Iranian women. To investigate this, a mixed-method approach was utilized, and the findings were analyzed using regression analysis and step-by-step processes involving individual, identity, and structural v  ariables. The results reveal that women's political engagement has increased following the Islamic Revolution. Political participation during this period indicates a significant correlation between female identity frameworks and their involvement in politics. Out of the 14 variables examined, the most influential factors on political identity, and subsequently political engagement, were individual identity, gender identity, future orientation, and age.

The popularity of the divine government, in other words the influence of the popular vote on the legitimacy of the divine ruling in religious societies, especially in Islamic societies, has always been a subject of controversy among religious scholars and power-holders in political systems based on religion.In this field, in order to justify and justify their opinion, they have tried to rely on religious sources and texts and on Muslim scholars on the Qur'an and the tradition of the Prophet and the Imams. One of the most important cases of religious sovereignty in the sacred system of the Islamic Republic and among the most important religious sources in this regard is Nahj al-Balagha.The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to analyze the Imam Khomeini's speeches and to compare Imam Khomeini's speeches with that of the Imam Khomeini.You invited me and I was not interested in the caliphate"and the theoretical and practical adherence of Imam Khomeini is that such statements as"Even if people vote against their own will, that vote will determine the status of the nation. Was and has emergedThe popularity of the divine government, in other words the influence of the popular vote on the legitimacy of the divine ruling in religious societies, especially in Islamic societies, has always been a subject of controversy among religious scholars and power-holders in political systems based on religion.In this field, in order to justify and justify their opinion, they have tried to rely on religious sources and texts and on Muslim scholars on the Qur'an and the tradition of the Prophet and the Imams. One of the most important cases of religious sovereignty in the sacred system of the Islamic Republic and among the most important religious sources in this regard is Nahj al-Balagha.The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to analyze the Imam Khomeini's speeches and to compare Imam Khomeini's speeches with that of the Imam Khomeini.You invited me and I was not interested in the caliphate"and the theoretical and practical adherence of Imam Khomeini is that such statements as"Even if people vote against their own will

Iran is a vast country situated in a strategically significant region of the Middle East. Within its borders, a diverse array of ethnic, cultural, and religious groups coexist. A crucial aspect of Iran’s internal dynamics pertains to the formulation of ethnic policies aimed at fostering an inclusive unity and cohesion among its populace, all the while preserving and celebrating the richness of its cultural and ethnic diversity in line with the country’s objectives and ideals. Today, the formulation of ethnic policies has become an exceedingly vital and indispensable matter due to a number of factors, including the rise of micro and sub-national discourses and the need to regulate their interactions with the political system, government, and national identity; the proliferation of ethnic and religious groups in various countries and particularly in neighboring states; and the prominence of ethnic and tribal identities. Limiting the sphere of influence, authority, and acceptance of a shared collective identity, these developments are accompanied not only by the presence of influential international and regional factors and actors but also by gaps in ethnic identities. It is thus necessary to formulate ethnic policies in the country.A significant segment of Iran’s population comprises ethnic, local, and regional tribes and subcultures, whose inclinations, attitudes, and actions hold great importance across various social, cultural, and political domains in the country. The election is considered a key domain with the high frequency of occurrence in Iran. In this respect, the relationship and activities of ethnic groups during election periods represent a significant topic for study and investigation. The areas of interest include the degree and nature of participation of ethnic groups and their behavior towards a particular candidate or political party in the election. The participation in elections actually serves as a stable indicator of political participation.In Iran, ethnic groups perceive their participation in elections as playing a social–identity role in political dynamics. As candidates vie for as many votes as possible during their election campaigns, they engage in election campaigns characterized by slogans and the presentation of plans and promises. Meanwhile, in the institutionalized and conventional opportunity offered by elections, voters and citizens form their opinions concerning the desired choice by listening to and comparing candidates’ plans, programs, and policies.In a study conducted by Agumore and Adams (2014) in Ghana, the examination of 17 influential factors on voting behavior revealed that candidates’ electoral messages had the most significant impact on voters, while the candidate’s ethnicity proved to be one of the least influential factors. This suggests that the stance and programs advocated by candidates play a crucial role in motivating voters to support them. Alwan (2020) studied the tribal power in Iraq and its implications for the political and social system. The findings demonstrated that a weak and corrupt government contributes to the encouragement of tribal dominance. The Iraqi people, regardless of their personal beliefs, are strongly attached to their tribes. Despite recognizing that tribes are pre-state organizations and a distorted form of civil society, they perceive no viable alternative due to the inability of the weak state to establish law and order.Akbari and Fakhari (2016) explored the influence of ethnicity and ethnic identity on the electoral behavior of citizens in Bojnurd. The research involved 367 participants from diverse ethnic groups. The results revealed an ethnic voting pattern score of 34.7 on a scale of 0 to 100. Additionally, the average ethnic identity score among the respondents was 58.6. The findings of the study indicate a significant relationship between ethnic voting patterns and variables such as ethnic demands, the sense of political legitimacy, and ethnic identity, as demonstrated by the multivariable regression model. According to Tabiee et al. (2022), there are numerous paradoxes, contradictions, and conflicts between political tribalism and the development in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The research suggests that an increase in the tendency towards political tribalism leads to a decrease in development in the province. However, the development and progress of society can mitigate the effects of political tribalism, potentially leading to its dissipation.

The present research used the method of content analysis for data collection. The method involves gathering empirical evidence by enquiring text units rather than directly surveying individuals. In content analysis, the primary unit of observation is the text itself. Concerning the present study, the researchers selected texts on the candidates’ speeches presented in various sources, including newspapers such as Ettela'at, Shargh, Resalat, and Vatan-e Emrouz, as well as the candidates’ speeches during visits to East Azarbaijan, Kurdistan, and Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad. The researchers also considered the coverage of these speeches in the aforementioned newspapers or locally relevant websites. Additionally, televised elections debates, particularly those focusing on cultural themes, were included in the analysis.

Relying on empirical evidence, the study analyzed and compared ethnic slogans and ethnic belonging in the 9th and 11th presidential elections. According to the results, the representation of ethnic slogans stands at 31.11%t in the texts produced by candidates during the 9th election, whereas during the 11th election, the figure increased significantly to 68.89%. Moreover, the representation of ethnic belonging was found to be 26.93% and 73.07% in the texts produced by the candidates during the 9th and 11th elections, respectively. These findings indicate that candidates during the 11th period placed considerable emphasis on ethnic issues, delving more deeply into these matters. They made concerted efforts to attract the votes of ethnic groups by highlighting ethnic concerns and giving significant attention to these issues in their campaign texts and speeches. As a result, the candidates who had prioritized ethnic issues could receive a larger share of votes in the aforementioned provinces.

According to the research findings, it can be concluded that there was a significant increase in the representation of slogans and ethnic belonging by candidates during the 11th election compared to the 9th term. The candidates put a special focus on ethnic issues in their speeches and campaign texts. Among the candidates in both elections, Hassan Rouhani stands out for emphasizing ethnic issues more than others. His receiving notable and substantial votes in these provinces, particularly in Kurdistan, indicates his special attention to this category.The research findings, particularly in the 11th election, indicate that addressing ethnic slogans and belonging and highlighting them in presidential campaigns can effectively increase candidates’ votes in provinces with a significant ethnic population. However, regarding the reasons behind the heightened attention to ethnicity and repetition of past issues by the candidates in the 11th election, it is suggested that the demands and needs of ethnic groups had not been adequately addressed in previous elections. Alternatively, it is possible that the repetition of past issues is merely a strategy to secure votes, with candidates failing to address these demands even after winning the election, thus treating them merely as a means to an end.

Sweden is the latest European democracy to engage with the extreme right, which regularly seeks to capture the elections and the ballot box. The change of Sweden's politics to the right has destroyed or at least distorted the image of this country as the spiritual home of the liberal left or social democracy and People’s Home. Therefore, Sweden, compared to other European countries, does not experience a long-standing tradition of representing a far-right party in the parliament, and until recently it was described as a European exception without far-right parties in the parliament (Demker, 2012).Concerns about the increase in power of the right-wing parties have led to the creation of extremist approaches in Sweden (Rytgren, 2019: 439-455). Most of these concerns can be attributed to the influence of "Sweden Democrat". With the parliamentary progress and the rapid electoral growth of Sweden Democrat since 2010, the mainstream narrative and Swedish policies have changed both in the social forces and among the parties. The Sweden Democrat party, which until a decade ago was labeled as a political trend with negative characteristics (negative towards democracy) (and struggled with the efforts of other Swedish parties to be isolated), Now it is considered one of the most important and active forces in the sphere of Swedish politics. The Sweden Democrat now act as a group and party supporting the center-right government consisting of the Moderate conservative party (M), the Christian Democrat (K) and the Liberal party (L). Now the Sweden Democrat are the second party after the veteran Social Democrat and the largest party in the right bloc. In addition, this party, with the intelligence of its leaders, has shown itself as the party supporting the centrist government led by Ulf Kristersson. The conclusion of the Tido Agreement, which was established with the understanding of all the members of the coalition, is considered to a great extent to indicate the change of the political scene in Sweden in favor of the right-wing of this party.Anti-immigration, anti-Muslims, trying to socialization of refugees, dealing with environmental issues, the party's approach to crime, the party's attitude to economic issues, unemployment, etc. cause a different view of Swedish politics.However, despite the fact that the leaders of the party did not take power or ministerial positions and political positions, the performance of the party has highlighted another strategy other than seeking power. The question that arises is, what is the strategy of party behavior of the Sweden Democrat?By reviewing the general and fundamental ideological and methodological principles of the Sweden Democrat, this hypothesis is investigated that windows of opportunity like immigration, unemployment, crime, political and cooperative structure, and political humiliations caused by Social problems have gradually changed the behavior strategy of the Sweden Democrat and caused the consolidation and selection of the policy-seeking strategy by the party of Sweden Democrat.Conceptual framework; Party strategiesRegarding Kaare Strøm, in the division regarding party behavior, he distinguishes three categories: 1) power seeking; 2) policy seeking; 3) vote seeking. In this research, an attempt is made to pay attention to this conceptual tradition.1. Power seeking; Power seeking strategies of parties concentrate their control on political power concessions. It means private goods that belong exclusively to those who achieve political or government positions. Therefore, these privileges maximize the position of political power. Another point of power-seeking parties is that these parties are "mainly derived from governing coalitions in parliamentary democracies" (Leiserson 1968; Riker 1962). Strøm believes that "(coalition type) political parties only seek to increase the certainty point of winning"; because in his view, "this victory in coalition parliamentary democracies includes control over the executive branch or any other possible branch, and the power-seeking behavior follows these goals" (Strøm, 2010: 5).2. Policy-seeking; the second pattern of party behavior is policy-seeking behavior, which seeks to maximize influence on public policy. Riker shows that if the parties are "policy seeking", the goal is to take control of the executive body to make changes or apply the desired policies. Therefore, governments should include only enough parties to ensure majority support in parliament (Riker, 1962).The formation of minority coalition governments is placed in this format. In this strategy, the party decides to seek the greatest impact (role and influence) on the decision-making system, independent of political positions and holding executive power. This type of behavior can be seen especially in multi-party coalition systems. Especially in systems where the distance between the first party and other parties is greater and it is not possible to achieve a maximum of 50+1 votes and formation of government, and parties are forced to form alliances with other parties. In such a situation, the coalition parties, by creating the "give the power-take the decision" equation, avoid taking power in order to apply their policies and policies behind the scenes and as sources of decision-making. De Swaan expresses this pattern as follows: "Policy considerations form the most important part in the minds of activists ... In fact, the parliamentary game is about determining the main policy of the government" (De Swaan, 1973: 88).3. Vote Seeking; the third model is the vote seeking party model. In Downs’s primary effect on electoral competition, parties seek to maximize their electoral support to control government. In Downs' famous formulation, "parties set policies to win elections instead of winning elections to set policies" (Downs 1957: 28). Based on this insight, Downs strengthens his argument as follows: "Politicians... are motivated by the desire for power, prestige, and income... their primary goal is to be elected [in order to gain office public]. This means that each party seeks to receive more votes than any other party (Downs, 1957:30-1).Party family of the Sweden Democrat partyIn general, there is a consensus that the Sweden Democrat party is no longer a single-issue party. Their recent manifesto for the 2018 elections, in addition to immigration, covers a wide range of issues such as health care, housing, social cohesion, crime and crime, the labor market, research and education, culture and more (Sverigedemokraterna, 2018).Strategic turn of the Sweden Democratic Party1. Immigration and electoral jump of Sweden DemocratDespite the multicultural efforts of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden, it seems that the political and social structure of the Swedish society does not consider immigration as a resolved issue and a part of everyday Swedish social life. One of the reasons for the emergence of Sweden Democrat should be considered this issue. The vast literature produced by right-wing parties that Sweden faces great challenges from immigrants confirms this. For example, some Swedish analysts believe that "the wave of refugees and asylum seekers who entered the country in 2015 (mainly Afghans or Syrians) have had a destabilizing effect on Swedish society”. Linking the issue of immigration with organized crime has been done for this reason.This literature and more than that has led to the formation and definition of a new political structure in Sweden by right-wing parties. A look at the most recent basic program of the Sweden Democrat party in 2011, and the analysis of the content of the party's statements show a move towards a completely cultural nationalism (Elgenius, 2017: 353-358). Emphasis on elements of "national identity", emphasis on "definition of the nation based on Swedish identity, language and culture" are among these examples. The party now explicitly states that those born in other parts of the world can become Swedish, or at least "integrate into the Swedish nation". "In order for people born abroad to become members of the Swedish nation, they must speak Swedish fluently, see themselves as Swedish, live according to Swedish culture, and feel more loyal to Sweden than any other nation" (Sverigedemokraterna, 2011: 15).Paying attention to the ballot box changed the harsh and racist approach of the party in the late 1990s. The more the party moves away from its racist approach, the more it approaches the anti-Islamic approach (Rahmati, 2023: 57-79).2. Economic Rapture in Sweden and the electoral rise of the Sweden DemocratSweden, which in a long period of more than half a century with the universal welfare state and economic equality, high social advantages, social costs, social equality, correct redistribution system, high productivity, public trust and high social capital, human development, economic transparency, Social security and... had been branded (Rahmati, 2021: 195-235), in a period of witnessing the privatization of hospitals, schools, kindergartens, organizations for the elderly, care homes for disabled or disabled people. This issue has caused the idea of "the most equal country in the world" and the "universal welfare state" to change in the cognitive and mental perspective of Swedish citizens. An issue that has led to a significant increase in the level of social and economic inequality in this country, and finally, the feeling of inequality has caused a break in the main idea of "the people's home".At the same time when this break was created, the most important political force to take advantage of this situation was the political force that rhetorically opposed the Social Democratic Party's inability to protect the "people's home". Therefore, the Sweden Democrat considered the Social Democratic Party as the main factor in creating a vast atmosphere of economic insecurity and believed that the leaders of the Social Democrat have reached a dead end in responding to Sweden's problems and that a new political force is needed. Therefore, the Sweden Democrat were the most successful political force. Therefore, "every job loss caused by the economic crisis was converted into half a vote for the Sweden Democrat". The loss of jobs was also done rapidly in the years after 2010.3. Crime in the ballot box of the Sweden Democratic PartyThe Sweden Democrat party, by mixing issues similar to immigration and violent gangs and issuance of armed crimes, has been able to gain significant votes. The Sweden Democrat party has recently faced heavy media coverage regarding the increase in murders by gangs, and the inability of the Social Democrat party to control violent and criminal gangs, many of which are represented both in immigrant communities and in It introduces marginalized communities, etc., has been able to present the inability of social Democrat as the main cause of crime in public and create a political earthquake in Sweden. The statements published in the media which show the efforts of the Sweden Democrat to attribute the issue of crime to the both two factors of the inefficiency of the Social Democratic party and the issue of immigration show that the Sweden Democrat party has changed the issue of increasing crime to The title is used as a window of opportunity for the strategy of party behavior.Moreover, the party has strengthened its voter base by increasing its obsession with crime, unemployment, and the economic crisis on the one hand and linking these with anti-immigrants (Asbrink, 2022). In this regard, the formation of debates and discussions in the social environment of Sweden regarding the increase of surveillance and security measures, similar to the increase of surveillance cameras and the employment of security guards, has been one of the measures.4. Every disappointment, a loyalty to the Sweden DemocratPart of the origin of the vote of the Sweden Democrat party was rooted in political humiliation. People who have been attracted to the Sweden Democrat for various reasons have felt political inferiority during the last 20 years and have always seen themselves under suspicion or feeling stigmatized: this party, in addition to becoming a capacity for It has attracted the vulnerable, due to the creation of a romantic atmosphere of social rejection by those who for any reason did not invite their dependents to the party or fired them from their jobs, it also caused more loyalty. In other words, a large part of the vote base of Sweden Democrat is among the socially, economically and politically excluded.The 2022 elections and the methodological turn of the Sweden Democrat party towards a policy-seeking strategyBased on the developments after the 2022 elections, the general strategy of the Sweden Democrat party can be defined as "give power, take resources". Here, power means ministerial positions and resources means policy making. To put it better, the Democratic Party did its best to put the general and fundamental ideological principles of the party in the form of the Tido Agreement. In October 2022, four Swedish right-wing parties (Conservatives, Christian Democrat, Liberals, and Sweden Democrat) formed a government whose most important principles are anti-immigration, fighting crime and organized crime, right-wing economic approaches, high energy prices, the war in Ukraine (Nilsson, 2022: 622-634).Towards a power-seeking strategy?The change of direction to the power-seeking strategy depends on several elements and factors, however, one of the most important factors in determining the current strategic situation of this party is the efficiency of the vote-seeking strategy and the consequences of the policy-seeking strategy. Therefore, it is not unlikely that the successive successes of the Sweden Democrat party will lead this party to the transition to the strategy of seeking power and obtaining ministerial positions. However, the fact that this party was in the opposition and did not take political responsibility helped it to increase its share of votes in three consecutive elections. The question is, will this story continue now that it can answer the government's policies as one of the supporting parties? (Jungar, 2022: 4) It seems that during the three decades of this party's life, this party has been successful in the quality of implementing its strategies.ConclusionFinally, the analysis of the political behavior of the Sweden Democrat party and the social conditions of the Swedish society indicates that it should be expected that the Sweden Democrat party will gradually enter the third period of its party behavior strategy, i.e. the period of power-seeking party behavior; Although it faces major obstacles to enter this period, one of the obstacles is the members of the coalition government, especially the Swedish liberals. Another obstacle is losing the position of the opposition; By being in the position of the opposition, the Sweden Democrat party can better follow the two strategies of vote and policy-seeking, but by being in the position of seeking power, it loses its most important position and strategy; It means influencing the sources of political power. At the same time, this party has strong facilitators and incentives, including members of this party and members separated from other Swedish parties who want this party to take power, on the one hand, and Swedish contexts, including nationalist tendencies.

The main objective of this study is to present a theoretical model for explaining how one or more candidates or parties defeat their rivals and win in the national elections. Based on the framework of resource mobilization theory (RMT), different factors at different levels which determine the probability of the victory of a candidate in the presidential and parliamentary elections will be examined. The electoral resources—which are crucial to the success of candidates— include a collection of resource (e.g., explicit and hidden knowledge resources (KR), needs resources (NR), power resources (PR), influence and persuasion, moral resources (MR), facilitation resources (FR), and unforeseen resources (UR)). The relative importance and effectiveness of these six electoral resources are dissimilar. For instance, moral resources are the most sensitive and necessary requirements for entering an election race and remaining throughout the entire election cycle. Knowledge resources are second in importance, and their effectiveness primarily depend on a candidate's capabilities. The financial resources and social mobilization network are two of the facilitation resources which help to reduce a candidate's electoral expenses and/or increase his/her social and political capital. Among the unforeseen resources, the unfortunate events (e.g., wars, terror attacks, and economic crises) might provide opportunities for the conservative candidates, while the incidence of peace and favorable weather conditions often create opportunities for the reformist and change-seeking candidates.The author attempts to find appropriate answers to the following primary and secondary research questions: 1. How do candidates win the elections against their competitors in electoral competitions? 2. What resources are needed to win the elections? 3. How should these resources be mobilized? In the hypothesis of the present study, it is claimed that the victory of a candidate in an election depends largely on a combination of factors, notably the resource mobilization, the degree of success in persuading the voters and other stakeholders in the elections to support their candidacy, and the amount of luck resulted from particular unforeseen events with positive consequences for the candidate, or negative consequences for the rival candidates. Within the theoretical framework of resource mobilization theory, the method of data collection and analysis is based on a careful review and qualitative content analysis of the available evidence and the arguments presented in earlier studies on the subject of presidential and parliamentary elections and voting behaviors. The findings of previous research have indicated that the probability of success of a candidate is higher than the other competitors, when a candidate or his/her political party use the best way to mobilize electoral resources to persuade the voters and other actors in different stages of the election process—ranging from registration, qualification, debates, nomination, voting, post-election acceptance—to support him/her instead of other candidates. The main conclusion of the research is that the availability of the electoral resources is important, but their timely mobilization and allocation in the optimal way by a candidate and his/her supporters are crucial in persuading the key actors (i.e., the electoral officials who must approve his/her credentials, the media and powerful political parties and factions who must nominate and publicize their support for him/her, and the voters who vote) to act in his/her favor. Persuasion is the result of prudent resource mobilization, and luck is increased by the occurrence of unanticipated events with repercussions for the outcome of the elections.

In the current research, it is tried to explain the concept of expediency and examine its application in the electoral process of the two systems of Islamic revolution and liberal democracy. And on this basis, while explaining the structure and components of expediency in Shia jurisprudence and comparing it with the philosophy of the liberalism system, let's explore the nature of the differences, similarities and of course the results of these two approaches.In this work, which is based on the structural analysis and investigation of these two government systems, we found that the explanation of expediency in these two discourses was accompanied by complications and components that ultimately led to the formation of elections. In the Velayat al-Faqih system, this is the ruling of the government that determines the establishment of institutions and the regulation of events in elections, and its ultimate goal is to preserv

Ilam province, like other provinces of the country after the revolution in the field of political participation, has undergone a traditional transition to open and democratic methods. Ilam is a society in transition from a traditional society to a modern society and is considered semi-traditional or semi-modern in terms of developmental context. The traditional structure, tribe and economic conditions and the existence of traditional reference patterns play an important and active role in leading citizens to political participation in it. Its cultural and social structure is tied to tribal culture, tribe and ethnic diversity and can be called a tribal treasure. Tribe, lineage, tribe, white beard and other traditional elements are rooted in the social structure of Ilam, which is reflected in the creation of a socio-political capital within the group and outside the group in political participation. Tribal Baft - Its tribes have had a greater impact on traditional cohesion and increased inclination to political competition, which is more evident in the elections to the Islamic Consultative Assembly. Accordingly, the main purpose of this study is to explain the effect of socio-political capital on the level of political participation among the citizens of Ilam province. The method of conducting the current research is a survey and the data collection tool is a questionnaire. Using Cochran's formula from the statistical population of 410949, a sample of 384 people was selected and selected by stratified cluster sampling. The results show that there is a significant and positive relationship between socio-political capital (0.589) and political participation of citizens. Also, there is a significant and positive relationship between the dimensions of socio-political capital, ie socio-political trust (0.763), socio-political cohesion (0.654), socio-political awareness (0.406) and tribal belonging (0.680) and political participation of citizens. has it. In total, 42% of the changes in the political participation of the citizens of Ilam are explained by socio-political capital.

The parliamentary and presidential elections of Turkiye on May 14, 2023 are one of the most sensitive political contests between the parties of this country in recent decades. The Justice and Development Party or AK Party, which has been in power since 2002, is facing rivals while the economic crisis has made the living conditions difficult for tens of millions of Turkish people. Also, criticisms such as ignoring freedom of speech have been raised, and in addition, the foreign policy of Erdogan's team has led to the practical stoppage of Turkiye's membership negotiations in the European Union. Therefore, it is expected that dissatisfaction with the inefficiency of the government's economic policies and criticism of Erdogan's governance style will have a direct effect on the election results. The six important parties of Turkiye, which have a diverse mix of discourses from secular and Kemalist to Islamist and liberal, are trying to gain power by forming an alliance group called "Etalafa Mellat" and they want remove Erdogan and Baghçeli's government. The coalition of the nation has been seriously organizing and campaigning for the past year, and the victory of this trend can transform politics and governance in Turkiye. Meanwhile, in the field of foreign policy, serious changes are expected. This research seeks to examine the most important possible scenarios regarding major changes in Turkiye's domestic and foreign policy in the post-election period.

The purpose of the present study is to review challenges and strategies for informed political participation in the election system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytic and it relies on the hypothesis that the election system in Iran, in the lack of political parties, is often under the influence of cultural, ethnic, and religious fads and is finally conducted without awareness and in a massive and wide spread way. Some of the proposed strategies in this article include the necessity of referring to other institutions and gatherings such as shopkeepers, mosques, journals, and mass media which can somehow perform special functions of parties like giving information, enhancing political perception, decreasing fads, and removing political indifference among people. The results indicate that as for voters, political participation in Iran faces predicaments such as nativism, ethnocentrism, lack of information, and unawareness. The predicaments related to candidates involve the high number of volunteers, dishonesty in speech, and injustice in campaign procedure.

The main goal of the research is to study the factors affecting political participation in national elections in the Islamic Republic of Iran in the period of 2017-2022. The method of study is quantitative meta-analysis method; the tool of study is reverse questionnaire; the statistical population of the research; 87 survey research (scientific-research), of which 32 cases were researched with respect to validity, validity and quality of research. Correlation coefficient, sample size and significance level of each research were selected. The sampling is non-probability-targeted method. The unit of analysis is the research articles published in scientific databases approved by the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology. The research findings show that there is a significant relationship between cultural factors(candidate's lifestyle, satellite network, fatalism, cultural capital, domestic media, foreign media, religious beliefs), social factors (tribal-ethnic affiliation, social trust, social cohesion, social failure, feeling of social discrimination), political factors(political culture and awareness, political participation, political sociability, political trust, sense of political effectiveness, satisfaction with political performance, interest in politics), and psychological factors (self-esteem, sense of security, sense of isolation, sense of identity) , feeling of alienation), with political participation in national elections. According to the results of the research, elections are a political action and a manifestation of the legitimacy and acceptability of the political system, which leads to the growth of democracy, political development, and the realization of superior political governance. A healthy competitive political atmosphere is created; rationality, democracy and political collectivism are realized by citizens’ participation in national elections.