جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Ansarullah » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The possible agreement between Saudi Arabia and Yemen’s Ansarullah and the conflicts of Saudi-UAE interests in Yemen has put the peace agreement in this country in a fragile state. Despite the extensive efforts and movements for peace in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are competing for influence in southern Yemen, which is of great geostrategic importance for both countries. The UAE, which was the main member of the military coalition against Yemen at the beginning of the Saudi military invasion of Yemen, currently has no role in the dialogues and negotiations between Saudi Arabia and Ansarullah. It is likely that the dynamics of competition between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi will continue in southern Yemen, and even after the agreement between Saudi Arabia and Ansarullah, it will cause more tensions in southern Yemen. Considering the current fragile peace situation, the main question of the research is that in the Saudi-Yemen peace, what will be the situation of the Yemeni islands under the occupation of the UAE? It seems that if this trend continues, we will witness the escalation of the conflict between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi.

 The creation and destruction of "tribal order" in Yemen is a decisive component in the analysis of the development process of this country. In this research, we answer the main question that what role did ethnic and tribal characteristics and components play in the popular uprising and revolutionary changes in Yemen from 2011 to 2022.

 The method of research is descriptive-analytical by using library and internet sources.

 One of the important and fundamental cultural and social features of Yemen, which has been the source of political developments throughout history, is the functioning of ethnic and tribal structures. This component in the Yemen popular uprising in 2011 has also been a vital component in rearranging the political framework of this country and current developments; After a long period of accompanying the tribal leaders in Ali Abdullah Saleh’s government, which led to the strengthening of the wealth and influence of some sheikhs and the weakening of some of their ties with the tribe, at the beginning of the crisis in 2011, we witnessed the multi-faceted performance and rearrangement of tribal forces. As a result, the position of tribes changed.

 The research findings show; during the revolutionary developments in Yemen, the traditional determining position of the tribes has gradually lost its coherence and their role in determining the current developments is decreasing

The authoritarian structure of the Al-Motamar party in Yemen always created political groups against each other in order to moderate the opposition and eliminate them. Therefore, the Islah party was formed not on the basis of cooperation in a democratic structure, but on the basis of a hostile fighter against Yemen's Ansarullah in the 1990s. However, wherever Saleh's authoritarianism put even the Islah party in danger, a natural alliance between this party and Ansarullah was temporarily formed. With the beginning of the Arab developments, although the Islah party and Ansarullah were in favor of removing Abdullah Saleh from power, his removal caused the intensification of the hostile competition between these two political groups, and the Islah party gradually lost its political, social and geographical resources in this struggle. However, China's mediation in reducing the tension between Saudi Arabia and Iran caused the crisis in Yemen to enter a new phase, in which, in addition to reducing the Saudi military attacks on Yemen, a platform for peace between Riyadh and Sana'a was also provided. At some point, political actors were often the deputies of foreign actors in the Yemen war; Now these actors must put aside their differences. What effect will the peace between Saudi Arabia and Yemen have on the differences and cooperation between Ansarullah and Islah party? The foundation of Islah party was based on the difference with Ansarullah, which was also ideological and religious. It seems that in the best case, during the period of peace, the competition based on hostility between these two domestic actors will simply decrease, although this decrease depends on the role of foreign actors in solving Yemen's challenges.

On April 6, 2014, Saudi Arabia, with the formation of a coalition of Arab countries, began its air attack against the people of Yemen, claiming to support Abd Rabu Mansour Hadi, the resigned president of this country. In this operation, UAE, Bahrain and Kuwait were allies of Saudi Arabia and countries such as Sudan, Egypt, Jordan cooperated with Riyadh in delivering military weapons. This article examines the role of Oman in mediation to resolve the conflict in Yemen Oman's foreign policy has changed since the 1970s under the influence of Sultan Qaboos bin Said's policies to move away from the isolationism of Oman's previous ruler, Sultan Said Ibn Taimur, and to establish regional and international convergence. Oman has also tried to act as a mediator in some cases to resolve regional disputes. Oman's greater presence in regional policies, which it tries to promote by maintaining the principle of neutrality, and at the same time, the country's active but shadowy role in resolving regional conflicts, makes it necessary to examine the country's new foreign policies. Mediation is of particular importance as an effective tool to control conflict and settle disputes by peaceful means. Oman is one of the countries that has displayed mediating diplomacy due to its geopolitical and geocultural position. The research hypothesis is that Oman played a positive role in mediating the Saudi war against Yemen. This article describes the role and influence of Oman in the Yemen war by using the descriptiveanalytical method and using the theory of mediation. Oman is working with the cooperation of Saudi Arabia, the United Nations and the United States special representatives for Yemeni affairs and the Yemeni parties involved in this country with the aim of reaching a comprehensive political agreement to resolve the current crisis in the Republic of Yemen.

Nowadays, the liberty and humanity movements at the world of Islam have been promoted as an accountable power in the regional and international environment. The Islamic revolution based on its revolutionary ideal and its ontological nature and the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the constitution considers it necessary and decisive to support and mobilize the resources and facilities of the Islamic resistance against the aggression of the arrogant American system and the Zionist regime. Therefore, the role and position of the Islamic revolution based on a rational and intelligent method is effective in the functioning of the movements and is worthy of research. The purpose of this research is to analyze the role and position of the Islamic Revolution in the resistance of Ansarullah and to analyze its defensive performance in Yemen. The problem of the research is to analyze the role and position of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran in Yemen and explain its results in improving the defense performance of Ansarullah in Yemen. The research method is a combined (qualitative and quantitative) one. First qualitatively the components have been extracted and then, in the quantitative part, by applying the fuzzy Delphi method and referring to 15 experts, the impact of each component has been measured. After a survey of experts, the effective dimensions and components in Yemen's defense performance were identified. The results of the research showed that the political-security dimension, the military-defense dimension; Logistics and mobilization of facilities and regional support dimension and 31 components have been effected in promotion of Yemen’s Hoothys defense performance. Also, the factors for promoting the performance of Ansarullah have been suggested. The results of this research can be considered and used applicably in powering the Yemen’s Ansarullah.

More than a decade has passed since the crisis in Yemen and the invasion of the Saudi coalition in this country. Its special position and importance in international and regional relations, on the one hand, and the anti-Zionist strategy of the group ruling Sana'a (Ansarullah and its allies) on the other hand, have caused the consequences of this crisis on the security of the Zionist regime to become a serious question. Based on this, the main issue of the current research is what security and political opportunities and challenges have the Yemeni crisis brought to the Zionist regime? The research method in this article is analytical-descriptive and library and internet methods were used to collect data. The findings of the research show that the crisis in Yemen, along with creating opportunities, has also created challenges for the Jewish state. The opportunities of the Yemen crisis for the Zionist regime can be divided into three general cases: advancing the strategy of balkanizing West Asia and the possibility of dividing Yemen and benefiting the Zionist regime from this development, increasing convergence of the Zionist regime with the reconciliation front during the Yemen crisis and pursuing the process of normalizing relations with Arab countries and benefiting from Yemen's geopolitical advantages during its instability. The challenges of the Yemen crisis for the Zionist regime are: increasing the military capabilities of Ansarullah, the possibility of targeting the occupied territories and the role of Ansarullah in the axis of resistance against the Zionist regime.

With the Islamic Awakening in 2011, popular protests in Yemen began with protests against government plans, with protesters calling for changes to the constitution, unemployment rate, economic conditions, corruption and reform.Taking the lead of the protests by the Ansarullah movement, Saudi Arabia, realizing the threat of a Shiite movement gaining power along its borders, and interpreting it as the influence of the Iran, launched a war against Yemen. Along with Saudi Arabia, the developments in Yemen are also important for the israel. Because from the point of view of this regime, if Ansarullah dominates the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, the Islamic Resistance Front will be strengthened more than before and the security of Israel will be endangered. Iran has been the main supporter of the Ansarullah movement in line with its foreign policy goals and principles. Despite Iran's ideological support for the Houthi Shiites, Iran has a strategic logic in supporting the Yemeni Ansarullah movement. The main question of this research is what is the strategic effective factor of the protectionist policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran against Ansarullah Yemen? To answer this question, the theoretical framework of threat balance has been used. The main hypothesis that answers this question is that what led to the convergence and unity of Iran and Ansarullah in Yemen was their understanding of the common threat of Saudi Arabia and the israel.

Layered and multidimensional threats that threaten the lives of political units in sensitive geographical areas have persuaded them to form a network-centric alliance to protect their own land and the interests of themselves and their allies. Lay a layer of actors on the agenda not only at the state level but also on a transnational scale. One of the basic pillars of Iran's defense strategy is the design and application of a fundamental and security-building approach called foreign defense with the ultimate goal of protecting the country's national security in West Asia. The pursuit of this strategy at the beginning of the formation of the revolution was mainly defined as the observance of the mission and the religious and revolutionary motivation to support the liberating currents, but in recent decades, and especially after the wave of awakening. Islam, the scope and activity of takfiri groups, the growing threat to the United States and its allies, and the coalition system of rival countries, including the Saudi and UAE regimes, often serve as a prudent and necessary approach to consolidation. Partitioning and directing has led to a network of powerful indigenous forces that are at the same time in line with the goals, security and interests of the regions of Iran and the Islamic world as a whole. Yemen's Ansar al-Islam, which plays a key and decisive role in the developments in Yemen today, is one of the prominent forces during the operation of this network.

The "axis of resistance" as a current of power, in recent decades has generally acted as a movement in various countries. Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Palestine, Ansarullah in Yemen, the Hash-Alshabi in Iraq, etc. are fighting oppression, arrogance and colonialism with a common goal. The currents of resistance, which are interconnected as a network and around an axis of belief, face a problem called "national government". In order to explain this issue, several questions arise: Is there a chance for turning these movements into government level? If so, what model of government is more appropriate? If these movements reach the state level, what opportunities and threats can be imagined for the future of the resistance axis? In this article, only the relations between Ansarullah and the Yemeni government are analyzed according to the SWOT method, and other examples from the resistance front are postponed to other articles.

With the aim of defeating the goals of the Yemeni revolution, the Saudi-led Arabic Coalition entered the Yemeni campaign in 2015. But there were clear signs of disagreement among key members of the coalition on the Yemeni scene. The southern regions of Yemen became competition place of Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Accordingly, the main question of the article is what are the most important factors of competition between the UAE and Saudi Arabia in the Yemeni crisis? The hypothesis is that the two actors' different perceptions of the common enemy component and their skeptical attitude about the desired results are the main factors in the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and UAE in Yemen. This article describes the components of competition between the two countries in Yemen through a descriptive-analytical method, and examines the impact of the competition between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi on the political future of Yemen.

With the onset of the Yemeni crisis, which began following the Saudi invasion of the country in 2015, various coalitions were formed in the West Asian region and beyond. The nature of many of these coalitions is clear. What has always been controversial among a wide range of these coalitions is the Coalition of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Yemeni Ansarullah movement in the field of foreign policy in the Yemeni crisis. In fact, the factors that led to the formation of this alliance at the international level between the two actors are the subject of the present study. Therefore, the present study has collected library resources in a descriptive-analytical method based on structural theory in order to answer the main research question: "What factors have led to the convergence of Iran and the Ansarullah movement in Yemen?". The importance of this research is also in the fact that it can refute the claims of many dissident countries, including Saudi Arabia, that the convergence and cooperation of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Yemeni Ansarullah movement is military. However, the hypothesis of the present study is that the common revolutionary and Islamist identity between the Yemeni Ansarullah movement and the Islamic Republic of Iran is equally important for the two actors, which has influenced the Iranian-Iranian and Ansarullah Arab identities and converged them in foreign policy. In a way, Saudi Arabia's efforts to create a rift between Arabs and non-Arabs have not worked.

The Statements of the Supreme Leader in a meeting with Ansarullah's spokesman in 1398, who said: "Thank God, the Yemenis will form a strong government", not only show the importance of Yemen and the Ansarullah movement for the Islamic Republic of Iran, but also his emphasis on Fixing the problem of power vacuum in Yemen through the formation of a strong government with remarkable potential. The existence of such a government can bring more peace and security to the people and the revolution in Yemen, and cut off the hands of the aggressors from this country. Also, the formation of a strong government in Yemen led by Ansarullah can increase the interactions of this current at the regional and international levels and provide the grounds for ending the crisis in this country as soon as possible. Accordingly, the study the possibilities and obstacles to forming a strong government in Yemen and the forthcoming scenarios can provide a clear picture of Yemen's future. Given the current situation in Yemen, Ansarullah, on the one hand, in his plans as a political movement, has considered the formation of a government and its presence in this institution, and on the other hand, the process of actions and movements of this group over the past few years clearly shows progress of the political process on the way to consolidating Ansarullah in Yemen. However, the question now is which model of government will ultimately be in line with the field reality and the interests of Ansarullah in the medium and long term? In this regard, the forthcoming article is devoted the possibility of forming a strong government in Yemen in its various dimensions, but to address this issue, the existing requirements and limitations have been carefully considered.

Arabic developments in 2011 boosted competition among Western powers. The crisis of the overthrow of the Saudi-dominated dictatorship provided a platform for Iran's influence in a natural unification with these Arab developments. To counteract this threat, the Saudis adopted a revisionist policy for the diversion of the Arab Spring by resorting to proxy wars, especially in Iraq, Syria and Yemen. The politics of Saudi Arabia were a sectarian manifestation of these developments around Shiite-Sunni. Yemeni developments and the rise of Ansarullah's power after the overthrow of Ali Abdullah Saleh and Mansour Hadi provided Saudi military intervention against Ansarullah. The disagreement between the groups on the formation of the government and the support of Saudi Arabia from Mansour Hadi and the fear of Houthi and Ansarullah domination provided Saudi Arabia with a 2015 military attack on Yemen. The Saudis have provoked the continuation of the war in Yemen, arguing that they are struggling with Iran's supporters. This paper seeks to investigate the effect of the Saudi proxy war on Iran in the continuing crisis in Yemen. The question is why the Saudi-backed war on Iran continued in Yemen? This paper, using the explanatory method and the use of library resources, has shown that the collapse of the balance of power in Asia for the benefit of Iran to the detriment of Arabia has led to the emergence and continuation of pro-war wars, especially in Yemen, and Saudi Arabia has tried with the coalition of other countries to disturbs the balance

After five years of brutal invasion of Saudi-led Arab coalition to Yemen and especially to Ansarullah forces, today we witness a very difficult situation in Yemen and none of the players are able to end the war. In such a situation the main question of this article is that what tools and facilities Ansarullah has to win the war? The answer of this question can be four options for Ansarullah. In minimum case plan of federalism and the disintegration of Yemen can be put on the agenda by Ansarullah. Because the possibility of coordination with other domestic actors has been very limited. In another level other case for Ansarullah for winning the war is to keep on its offensive approach against Riyadh. Another level which seems necessary is to confront with the Saudi media and to create a global network for cyber war against them. At the final level Ansarullah can use public diplomqvy in its domestic, regional and international politics.

In spite of being a small country on the southern border of the Persian Gulf and securing its security to trans-regional powers, the United Arab Emirates has, in recent years, been pursuing action and increasing activity in the region. In 2011, the UAE joined the other Arab states of the Persian Gulf in suppressing the Bahrain protests, and Saudi Arabia's wars with Yemen have pushed the Emirates into further interference in the region. Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in Yemen have also threatened the shipping routes used by the UAE in addition to security concerns. The research excerpt is based on the key question why the UAE played an active role in the developments in Bahrain and Yemen during 2011-2018. The research hypothesis is that the United Arab Emirates has taken an active role in dealing with the geopolitical factors as well as the religious convergence with the ruling authorities in Bahrain and the threat of Ansar al -lah's resistance forces in Yemen. To evaluate and test the hypothesis of the research and data analysis, descriptive-analytic research method has been used. The tool is a collection of library resources information (books, articles, documents and press).

After the military invasion of Saudi Arabia to Yemen, there was much speculation about Russia's stance. Controversial news was, also, published in this regard. Based on the age-old relations whom Moscow has with Yemen, there are two key issues in Russian foreign policy with regard to Yemen crisis. Firstly, Russia's confrontation with these developments must include delicate diplomacy and strategic policy and secondly, challenges and concerns arising from these developments can seriously affect Russia's interests. In this regard, the present discussion is intended to answer the main question: "what approach has Russia to Saudi Arabia's military invasion to Yemen? And what is Russian perspective on this issue"? Accordingly, the main concept of this paper explains that "in spite of many differences it has with Saudi Arabia, Russia adopted a conservative approach and hands-off policy in the crisis due to the lack of its vital and primary interests in Yemen, opposition to revolutionary movement and uncertainty of success of one of the parties ".

This article is going to discuses about Ansarullah movement Identity. Using dialectic approach the formation process of this movement is explained. Therefore historical changes، dynamics، social and geopolitical motives and relagional dimension of this movement have been studied. Regarding to this article point of view Ansarullah is not considered a radical religion movement. In stead it is an nationalistic movement which have main national strategic policies for the future of Yemen. considering this history and event this article is going to restudy its new identity articulation

Yemen's uprising that took place in 2011, with many challenges and obstacles to the continuation of the previous government faced a lack of leadership; we can say that the true revolutionary is not representative of the Reform Party in the first stage and failed uprising in improving performance. But in the next step with changing leadership of the party reform movement Ansarullah depends on the Shiites hothie uprising process have more operational aspects.This is because of follow the discriminatory policies of the new government against Shiites houthie and active participation Ansarullah in the political process was power transmission over the last three years. That could prove greatly committee this movement in the political process to achievement the goals of uprising.In addition, failure of coalition salafie-sponsored and Arabia in Ansarollah's area beneath including damage and omran appropriate field create for showing Ansarollah's power and ability for led protests.Outlining specific goals Ansarollah's proximity to the heart of society and demands of the revolutionaries is caused be success transformational leadership of Yemen.