جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « State » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

What is the relationship between social capital, which is referred to with concepts such as trust and cooperation between community members, and social development in rentier states? In the states that rely on the rent economy, where income is often obtained through an exclusive opportunity of dominating the income sources, the financial independence of the states from society shapes a kind of state and quasi-state economy. The result is that, due to the weakening of the society and its dependence on the decisions of the state and its corrupt bureaucracy, the mutual trust, transparency and competitive cooperation in the society is weakened. Hence, rent states feel no need to be accountable to society, weaken and destroy social capital as much as possible. The final result will be nothing but backwardness in social development indicators or unbalanced social development. The final consequence of this situation is that despite some quantitative indicators of social development, qualitative indicators remain deeply underdeveloped. This research will investigate the process of destruction of social capital in the states based on rent economy and its relationship with the development of social inequality or the formation of unbalanced social development with a descriptive and analytical method.

Nineteen century in Iran was the birth period of "The Iranian modernity". In the process of modernizing of Iranian society, two groups played the main role, the intellectuals outside the circle of power and the bureaucrats inside the government. Mirza Yousef Khan Mostashar Al-Dowleh (1823-1895AD) was one of the most important modernists of that era, whose treatise "One word" is one of the best texts written in the pre-constitutional era about the importance of paying attention to the constitutionalism of modernism in Iran. The theoretical framework of the article is based on two main paradigms of constitutionalism (the interpretation of the rule of law based on natural rights and the interpretation of the rule of law based on state-oriented rights) and the research method is the "analytical-historical" method. From the analysis and interpretation of the content of Mirza Mostashar's treatise in this article, it was concluded that the fundamental intellectual concern of Mirza Yousef Khan Mostashar Al-Dowleh and his main goal of writing his treatise is the establishment of a modern legal institution (establishing the rule of law) based on natural rights inspired by the declaration of human rights. He was in Iran, but at the same time, he tried to use the capabilities of the traditional legal system of Iran (jurisprudence) in the framework of the modern epistemological understanding of law to build a modern legal system.

Imam Khomeini's first political move and confrontation with the Taghut government was to oppose the approval of the state and provincial associations bill. Of course, it is not that the imams started their political activities after the death of their teachers, namely Ayat Azam Borujerdi and Kashani, but these activities can be observed and observed years before 1341. This article aims to answer these questions by looking at the Imam's political leadership in this matter, firstly, what are the most important components of his management in guiding the people, which ultimately led to the victory of the uprising and the cancellation of the vote of the bill, and secondly, is this component They are only in the field of political thought or management science and sociology or they are completely based on Islamic ethics and education. The research findings that have been analyzed by the method of library collection with a descriptive-analytical approach; It shows that Imam's political management and leadership is based on the principle of task orientation and therefore on components such as; Continuous monitoring of political issues, not procrastinating and avoiding delays in action, following the principle of consultation in affairs and using the minds of others, the need to move based on a plan while trusting in God, relying on collective movements and avoiding individual actions and perseverance until Achieving the goal and result is based.This article is an answer to the question of how Imam Khomeini coordinated Islamic ethics with political leadership, but gave it the color of unity and objectivity. In order to prove this claim, we point to a specific period of Imam's political management in a descriptive-analytical way. A period of two months, which is considered the first bold political movement, but in opposition to the tyrants of their era, and examining this movement as a small and yet complete model introduces us to all the important components of their management during their leadership.

in this article, an attempt is made to explain Iran's foreign policy by emphasizing some variables of James Rosena, such as the government, society and the structure of the international system. In addition, its evaluation should be paid during the period (about 1.5 years) of the Rasis's state. The question of this article is: What changes has Iran's foreign policy undergone in the light of the demands, values and norms of the groups and middle classes of the society, the foreign tendencies of the government and the relationship with the great powers? The explanation to be proven is: the identity and value distinction of the 13th state with groups and the middle class, especially women and young people, is going on at different levels and dimensions, especially in the field of foreign policy. The similarity of identity between these groups with culture The West has caused America and Western European countries to align with them. On the other hand, the Rasis’s state is trying to confront the West, especially the United States, by strengthening its view of the East and trying to establish a strategic relationship with China and Russia. The findings of the research indicate that the variables of the state and the international system have the greatest impact, and the variables of the society, especially the values, norms and demands of the middle class, play a marginal role in the direction of the Rasis's foreign policy

In order to understand the feasibility and economic viability of Iranian gas export projects, the neighboring exporters and their policies and strategies need to be taken into account. These are Russia, Iran, Qatar, Turkmenistan, Saudi Arabia and the United States. While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power, While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power its market integration could be hampered by vested interests from incumbent market suppliers and their main political,While Iran understands its own tremendous resource potential and sees itself as a major emerging natural gas power economic and geopolitical stakeholders. Assuming that Iran overcomes its various internal problems and could realize its vast natural gas potential without limitations and constraints, it still faces competition from other suppliers. Iran’s main competitors in the regional gas market would be Russia, Qatar, Turkmenistan and the US.

Following the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan by the U.S. and its international allies, intense efforts aimed at peacemaking and conflict resolution were made at all levels to put an end to the instability and violence in this war-ravaged country. Accordingly, an attempt was made to create a new consolidated government with a focus on institutionalization in Afghanistan. An international conference was held in Bonn, Germany in 2001, in order to facilitate the consultation between Afghan political leaders and other stakeholders to discuss the establishment of the foundations of the new government in Afghanistan. The consequences of this conference included the establishment of a score of significant national organizations which constituted the foundations of the new government in Afghanistan, and the creation of a dominant coalition of diverse Aghan groups which became the ruling class. The new government received foreign aid from the U.S., its Western allies, regional states, international aid agencies, and other donors. However, the newly-established government did not last more than two decades.One of the main objectives of this research is to investigate the institutional factors influencing the formation of the government and its performance in Afghanistan in the period of 2001-2014. The research questions are as follows: 1. What institutional factors have influenced the formation of the government in Afghanistan and its performance in 2001-2014 time period? 2. How have these institutional factors affected the formation and performance of the government in Kabul in 2001-2014 when Afghanistan benefited from "relative political stability"? In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the institutional factors led to the formation of a dominant coalition by the stakeholders among the institutions on the basis of the 2001 Bonn Agreement, and in turn the dominant coalition government was able to achieve relative political stability through rentierism and “limited access orders” to rent for the individuals and institutions outside the coalition. The method of institutional analysis—which was presented in the works of Douglas North and his associates—are used to collect and analyze data from various reports and statistical sources provided by reliable national and international centers. In addition, the authors gained insights by a careful investigation of the selected findings of the work of other scholars concerning the issue in question.The theoretical framework was based on North’s institutionalist theory and his concept of limited access orders. The theory is useful in describing and explaining the political and economic state of affairs in the post-conflict societies. In most developing countries, individuals and institutions actively use or threaten to use violence for the purpose of having access to resources and accumulate wealth, but development programs would not be successful unless violence is curbed. Reliable stability is the most important precondition for development in all dimensions, particularly in the process of state building. To achieve stability, it is necessary to end violence and eliminate the concealed threat of the use of violence. North’s concept of the limited access orders refers to a type of institutional arrangement in which conflict-prone and conflict-ridden countries are able to curb violence by providing economic incentives to powerful groups to cooperate with each other in maintaining peace and stability. The authors compared the government performance of two previous Afghan leaders: 1) Hamid Karzai’s government during 2001-2014 which coincided with the emergence of the new government and the period of relative stability in Afghanistan; and 2) Mohammad Ashraf Ghani’s government during 2014-2021, which ended in the withdrawal of U.S, forces from the country, and Taliban’ return to power.  The formation of a dominant coalition based on the logic of rent distribution, and on a kind of profitable interaction of rival individuals and institutions led to a period of stability. In other words, the behavior of the political elites in the government (dominant coalition) of Afghanistan was guided and limited by rent and this situation led to a period of relative political stability. The findings could help to gain a better and more accurate understanding of the reasons for the 2021 collapse of the regime against a background of unravelling western support in Afghanistan, and the return of Taliban to the seat of power in Kabul.

The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's interpretation, by removing the standards and certainties of work, such as working in a specific place as a factory or an office and during specific hours of the day, have caused the destandardization of work and turned the global society into a risk global society and caused citizens to rethink the internal and international role of governments. Indeed, Coronavirus By forcing governments to adopt policies such as quarantine, forced suspension of jobs, limiting social interactions and reducing relations with other countries not only led to the closure of many businesses and unemployment of many people, but also by creating the need for a decisive role of the government in order to support different classes of different societies around the world to deal with this pandemic, it widened the scope of government's influence and the field of its social interventions. So, according to the findings of the research, which are the result of documentary studies by using the historical-adaptive approach to compare two different types of government in China and the United States, it can be inferred that with the outbreak of Corona, the liberal model of government is being replaced by a stronger government that is not a type of Chinese authoritarianism, but is an embedded liberalism that combines economic freedom with domestic social support. Some Important works have been written about the political and social consequences of Corona, among which we can mention Francis Fukuyama's article (2020) entitled "Pandemic and Political Order". The author claims that this crisis, like other global crises such as: The Great Recession, World Wars, the 11th September attack, has special consequences which its political dimensions are even more important than its economic effects; Therefore, this pandemic can lead to the intensification of nationalism, isolationism and an attack to the liberal political order. Farhad zivyar and reza khodabandelou(2019) in an article entitled " corona and reproduction of authoritarianism in democratic states" claim that successful experience of authoritarian states such as china in dealing with coronavirus can turn the global desire in to the accumulation and concentration of power and therefore, the closure of democratic space. But what distinguishes this article from other works that have been written in this field is its focus on the work and risks that have occurred in this arena by the occurrence of Corona that has changed the citizen's attitude about the role of government and the philosophy of its existence. In addition, although these works give priority to authoritarian states in drawing the political order of the post-coronavirus world, in this article, authoritarianism has its own criticisms that reveal the necessity of moving towards a middle path in the frame of embedded liberalism. So, it can be concluded that although since four decades ago, the best government is the one that restricts its field of intervention in society and only provides military security in the country, but in the risk situation, not only governments have found an opportunity to expand their interventions in the society, but also citizens have come to the conclusion that their egalitarianism concerns and their comprehensive security may be more important than their liberal desires. So, they prefer governments that deal with this pandemic and its harmful effects in different aspects with a wider range of power. The weak performance and inefficiency of the United States of America as the leader of the neoliberal agenda of the role and duties of the government on the one hand and the success of Chinese authoritarianism in dealing with this pandemic, verifies the accuracy of this matter. Of course, it does not mean that the Chinese authoritarian system is uncritical and perfect and its acceptance by other countries in the post-corona world is inevitable; Because China, due to the special features of its political system, such as complete controlling the flow of information, may be condemned of intervening the private sphere and totalitarianism. Therefore, it seems that balance is a requirement of dynamism, and this dynamism can be seen in the performance of Denmark government, which seeks to create a balance between international economic freedom and domestic social protection. So it's possible that the political order in the post-Corona world should be based on an embedded liberalism that maintains its economic independence and stands on its own feet in the international arena despite being affected by the flow of global communications and exchanges.

To explain the political and social situation of Iran before encountering the modern era, theories such as Oriental despotism, Oriental autocratic governments, or Sultanism, which is also known as the Eastern bureaucratic government, are generally used. In contrast, these theories seem to be more of an attempt to adapt history to theory rather than trying to shape the theory through historical materials and elements. In this article, while critiquing the shortcomings of the aforementioned theories, an attempt is made to address the inquiry posed by Patricia Crone in her book “Pre-Industrial Societies”. The framework she presented in her book and the evidence gleaned from other studies serve to answer the question of how the historical sociology of Iran came about and how the tensions between the state and society in pre-industrial Iran were shaped by the factors that influenced its formulation. Additionally, she explores the impact of this conflict on the Is, such as the Abbasid Revolution (SiahJamegan), "SepidJamegan” and "Ismailis” The selected hypothesis in this article is that the traditional governments have been unable to deal with these movements due to their thin and fragile nature, and even the small population movements could have occupied the central governments for years. Several examples of pre-industrial governments present in the history of Iranian civilization were examined in this research. The findings of this research show that pre-industrial governments as depicted by Crone are weak, and this weakness is evident in the results.

In recent years, the Globalization approach has become a powerful theory in International Relations discussions and has keep out the National States theories but spreading of coronavirus pandemic in recent month and involving all countries and international organizations around the world, challenged globalization and its beliefs. The main issue and questions about this event is how it will influenced National State theory and how we can reach a clear result about globalization challenges. The most of articles have published in recent days, discus about empowering the national state theory by this pandemic. COVID-19 recalls the vital role of States for watching and looking after their citizen’s needs; especially in security and daily needs and also, failure of international organizations in this case. In this pandemic, national states performance was better than International Organizations like European Union (EU) or World Health Organization (WHO). This effective performance on struggle with the pandemic, revivals national state importance in international relations theories and will change some parts of international economic and political structure. It seems Realistic theories in international relations will be more validated and globalists have to answer lots of questions about this failure in protecting people all around the world against the coronavirus pandemic.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the contribution of forms of conflict, competition and cooperation in the relationship between the government and ethnic groups during the Islamic Republic and the evolution of the relationship between the government and ethnic groups between 1979 and 2018. The main question of the research is related to the understanding of the developments in the relations between the government and the ethnic groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran in the years 1979 to 2018. It seems that in the first decade of the Islamic Republic, there was a mixture of forms of conflict, competition and cooperation in the relationship between the government and the ethnic groups. But gradually, in the following decades and until 2018, under the influence of the political opportunity structure in the political system, the pattern of competition and cooperation was strengthened. In traditional Iran, under the construction of the scattered and non-ideological power of Mulūk Al-Ṭawā'ifi, the relationship between the state and ethnicities was more based on cooperation, and in the Pahlavi period, under the construction of centralized and ideological power of the modern absolute state, the relationship between the state and ethnicities was more based on conflict. But in the period of the Islamic Republic, with the transition from the unstable power of the early years to the construction of power based on the constitution and the establishment of security stability and development approaches and the discussion of justice and public participation, the relationship between the government and ethnic groups has evolved into a spectrum of conflict, competition and cooperation. In this article, using the theory of political opportunity structure and the analysis of identity politics resulting from the construction of government power, more diverse aspects of the relationship between the government and ethnic groups in Iran between 1979 and 2018 have been discussed. The research method is qualitative and explanatory, historical.

There are differences between weak, fragile, helpless and collapsed governments; To varying degrees, these governments do not have the necessary efficiency to control and influence the society, and as a result, they are unable to establish order in the society and the process of accountability is disturbed in them, and they are increasingly helpless. These governments promise reform and it is not done, and only the frustration of the nations increases. Studies show that people avoid participating in political affairs as a result of isolated frustration, and eventually their individual anger turns into collective aggression and they come to the streets. Statistics confirm that Middle East societies have experienced this situation to varying degrees in recent years. This research seeks to answer a main question. "What is the relationship between the helplessness of governments and the frustration of nations in the Middle East?"; Is the protest against helpless governments manifested in the form of people's frustration?The results of theoretical studies show that this frustration is caused by "distrust" in political elites, "deprivation" and increasing economic inequalities, "destruction of cultures and beliefs" and finally "lack of interest in the current political currents". . As a result of this situation, most of the governments in the region are moving from a weak and fragile government to a helpless and collapsed government.

Germany is recognized as one of the world's most powerful economies, with unique experiences in economic modeling and institutional building. Ordoliberalism is a German socioeconomic school which believes that the country can maintain its ideals of social justice, and at the same time, establish a unique governance model to substitute Anglo-Saxon classical liberalism in the context of market economy and neoliberalism, by avoiding the pitfalls of "market fundamentalism." In fact, the German nation-state has been confronted with internal and external crises and conflicts since the unification of German-speaking political units during Bismarck's time in 1871. Nevertheless, Germany is a distinctive case regarding political economy and state building. Germany introduced the unique model of state building in the form of ordoliberlism as a modified version of liberalism in favor of social ideals. Based on Hegel's definition, one can explain that ordoliberalism creates a separating wall between "the political state" and the social individual based on the market processes, thus safeguarding the "civil society”, for which the institutions of the state are built in Germany. Ordoliberalism emerged during a severe crisis of liberal political economy in the Weimar Republic of Germany in the late 1920s. In fact, there was a sort of concerted political effort to restore the rationality of the free economy in the behavior of the state as well as the behavior of the market participants. Ordoliberalism— based on the teachings of ancient Greece, Christianity, and the Age of Enlightenment— became the theoretical backbone of the German social market economy. At the time, the liberal governance was presented as the necessary foundation of the free economy and as a force that could provide the framework of expected conditions for the intervention of the "invisible hand" in the economy to preserve its characteristic of ‘being free”.If economic liberty under liberalism means economy is completely free from any government intervention, there is the risk of the creation of monopolies and oligopolies, and the expansion of poverty in society by “Commodification of Rights”. In its historical process, ordoliberalism in Germany prevented such an outcome by establishing the civil society (i.e., the external state in Hegel's terminology) and reforming liberalism in favor of the common good while still contributing to the formation of governmental institutions in Germany. Earlier ordoliberals had argued in favor of ‘strong government’, which could not be manipulated by corporate pressure, and underscored the concept of ‘social market economy’. They cautioned that economic growth enhancing policies should not be at the expense of social programs. Domestically, Germany utilized democratic and fair mechanisms such as the presence of unions, state intervention in the equitable distribution of income and wealth, and preventing wealth accumulation by the cartels, based on respect for free-market principles. Principally, the paper aims to examine the evolutionary process of the German state during the 20th century by focusing on political economy and ordoliberalism. The primary goal is to explain how the ordoliberal system in Germany has been able to strike an optimal balance between the state and markets despite scores of ebbs and flows in the political history of Germany. At the same time, the article explores how the ordoliberal system has been integrated in the global neoliberal order while coordinating internal political forces in an effective way to build a democratic order. In short, the authors try to investigate the role of German ordo-liberalism in the historical process of the evolution of the state in Germany. The two research questions to be answered are as follows: 1. What are the foundations and characteristics of the German state? 2. From the point of view of state building based on Hegel's theory of state, to what extent has ordoliberalism influenced German politics? Ordoliberalism, as a variant of neoliberalism (or a state-centric neo-liberalism) has coordinated Anglo-Saxon liberalism for the benefit of the "collective good", and ordoliberal ideas have influenced postwar institution-building in Germany. In the research hypothesis, it is postulated that the strong state could regulate free markets to guarantee competition and social justice.This study introduces the main elements of "neoliberalism" as a German interpretation of neoliberalism using a historical approach. The findings of this article demonstrate that ordoliberalism, as the convergence of three intellectual and practical traditions (i.e., ancient Greek, Christianity, and Enlightenment) has successfully created the intermediate space between individuals in society and governmental institutions that Hegel had envisioned while adapting neoliberalism in favor of the social good. After World War II, Germany was integrated into neoliberal international order and reasserted its economic power as part of the capitalist world but aspired to be a model of ‘organized capitalism.’ To achieve the research objective, Hegel's theory of the state is used. First, the authors explain the main components and definition of the state, as well as the primary features of each of these components. Then, Germany's main efforts toward state-building are examined through a historical lens. Finally, the conclusion highlights the role and contribution of ordoliberalism in creating and developing the German state institutions.

As the pragmatic and utilitarian perception; the absolute power of the state, and the consideration of the state as the detached logic of social forces; the symmetrical and authoritative raison d'être of the state and the prominence of conservative realism in the traditional approach were transformed into the foreign policy-making as the exclusive prerogative of the state. The discourse of anti-otherness, task-oriented and ceremonially inferior attitude towards social forces in the traditional approach, not only denies the independent political life of social forces but also pushes them towards political vacuum and powerlessness. Influenced by structural ontology; generalized epistemology; and unidimensional methodology, the intellectual assurance of the traditional approach to social forces is to consider the activity as malfunction that leads to the sterility offoreign policy. Thus, the main question of this paper is why the epistemological, ontological, and methodological logic of the traditional approach is defective for analyzing the new foreign policy? By critiquing the authority of the state, focusing on a processual-proportional perspective, and considering both low and high politics, the main hypothesis considers foreign policy not only as a contextual behaviour, but also as an action based on an understanding of reality. By using a social practice, the new approach is not only oriented towards the acceptance of otherness and emphasises the independent political life of social forces, but also considers their participation in foreign policy making as right.This research applies the theory of pluralist sociology and the analytical-comparative method to test the hypothesis at the micro (subnational), meso (national) and macro (transnational) levels.The results of the research show that the developments that have taken place are neither a symbol of the departure of foreign policy nor a harbinger of the discourse of anti-foreign policy, but rather signs of epistemological changes. But they are signs of an epistemological evolution that different social forces are trying to allocate portfolios and influence decision-making accordingly.

Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical periods (1860-1926 and 1963-2010), within the framework of North, Acemoglu, and Robinson's institutional model. This approach focuses on formal rules, procedures, and organizations to explain the relationship between institutional structures and the success or failure of policies. The main question in this research is that despite the creation of political structure in Iran in the 19th century, compared to the experiences of Japan In the second half of the 19th century and South Korea in the early 20th century, why did the development program in Iran not go well and comprehensive political and economic institutional arrangements were not achieved? The obtained results show that the alignment of the government and the developing nation in Iran has not been successful due to the lack of institutional development.

Problem: 

The continuation and increasing intensification of the Contentious politics in contemporary Iran, which is an endless revolutions chain, coups, movements, uprisings, and political rebellions, have shown questions about the grounds and roots of this type of politics. In existing studies, the roots of political conflicts in Iran have been attributed either to the state or social cleavages. As far as the role of the state is concerned, it is usually focused on its structural aspects. This article omits the discussion about the structure of the state and focuses only on the functioning of the stateQuestion: The question of the article is: What is the relationship between the continuation and intensification of Contentious politics in contemporary Iran with the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of the contemporary Iranian history?Hypothesis: The hypothesis of the article is that the continuation and intensification of the Contentious politics has been caused by the imbalances and crises caused by the practical priorities and orientations of the state in different periods of contemporary Iranian history. 

In this article, the method of secondary analysis of historical data is used. Based on the data available in the historical sources, first, the process of the state's performance and priorities in different periods of contemporary history have been identified. Second, the process of accumulation of conflicts and conflicts arising from these performance and priorities has been shown. Third, the relationship between the two mentioned trends is shown. Finally, by using the "ideal type" method, an attempt has been made to design and present a model of the state, which seems to be able to reverse the process of conflict politics in Iran and lead to reconciliation politics.

The findings of the research indicate that over the last two centuries, five different models of state (in terms of orientation and performance) have been effective, which are: self-rebuilding state, nation-building state, developmental state, redistributor state and expansionist state. Of course, this does not mean that the ruling states have only one of these functions at any time; Rather, there has often been some kind of overlap in two or three functions, but at each point, one orientation and function has been the priority and focus of the state's attention. "Self-rebuilding state" appeared in a defective and discrete form during the Qajar era, but in a serious and effective way in the first decade of Reza shah’s rule (1921-40). The "nation-building state" also emerged weakly in the years after the constitutional movement, but seriously and effectively in the last decade of the Reza shah’s rule (1931-41). "Developmental state" emerged faintly in the second decade of Reza shah’s rule (1931-41), and seriously and effectively in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78), and in the years after The Islamic revolution also took place in some periods such as the presidency of Rafsanjani (1989-96). The "redistributive state" appeared faintly in the last fifteen years of Mohammad Reza shah’s rule (1962-78) and more seriously and effectively in the first decade after the Islamic revolution (1979-88). Finally, the "expansionist state" appeared first in the last years of Mohammad Reza King’s rule (1973-78) and then more seriously and widely in the years after the revolution, especially in the last two decades (2001-2022).

The analysis of the findings of the article showed that: in each of these five models of state, although they had some progress in realizing their main goals and priorities, but in addition to the historical delay in the desired orientation, there were failures in the same orientation. Selecting of the orientations have resulted of disproportionate strategies and policies by each of these states has also created new problems, conflicts and criticisms. In other words, the five patterns of the state have created a vicious cycle of crises, conflicts, instabilities and political violence and a chain of interruptions and breaks in the process of political, social and economic developments and It has resulted in the accumulation of crises in today’s Iran.

The results of the article showed that the way out of the current state of Iran is the establishment of a state Patterns that can be called a "conciliatory state". Such a state must first of all emerge from within a comprehensive social contract. Then, based on democratic and efficient institutional arrangements and a coherent legal system, the main priority and goal should be to solve the conflicts affecting the country. This state should accept pluralism and competitive mechanisms in different political, economic, social and cultural fields. This state instead of authoritarian interventions in different fields, should be the guardian of territorial integrity and people's security, and only where the competitive mechanisms face problems with inadequacies and conflict of interest, it should intervene in the framework of democratic laws and mechanisms to compensate for, settle differences and conflicts Resolution, and establish and reproduce social balance and political stability.

Cyber ​​threats are a global phenomenon that is becoming increasingly complex and influential despite advances in technology and cybersecurity performance. Cybersecurity issues depend on a variety of factors: the growing reliance on information technology for various functions, the behavioral characteristics of political actors that lead to conflict and war, and the vulnerabilities of information technology that disrupt performance. This article addresses this fundamental question: Given the main sources of cyber insecurity in the region, how have states responded to this challenge? Relying on a realistic approach and a descriptive-analytical approach, this paper seeks to confirm the hypothesis that regional governments, as key players, have responded differently to cyber insecurity. At the national level, some states have sought to increase cybersecurity capacity, prioritizing important institutional and administrative changes such as digital defense and integration into military capabilities. At the international level, some countries in the region have also participated in negotiations on international cyber norms, while others in the region are outside the process. The results of this paper are based on several recommendations at the national policy level and also on cyber changes in the region.

The question of the article is, what is the importance of independence and freedom in the second step of the Islamic revolution, and what levels and areas should be realized? The idea of the article is to reflect on the importance of independence and freedom and the key role of these two in the progress and development of society and especially in the creation of civilization. Therefore, the driving engine of the revolution is independence and freedom, and as much as these two are developed in a favorable way in the society, we can hope that the revolution has taken a step towards progress, which is a prelude to achieving a new civilization, and any amount of independence and freedom is a threat. And to be clear, the revolution has moved away from its original goals. Two original demands have been placed in independence and freedom, which have been demanded for more than a hundred years, that is, the negation of colonialism and the negation of tyranny, which are the two layers of independence and freedom, and have been clearly highlighted in the statement of the second step. The topics of this article, with a descriptive and analytical method, will be an overview of the concept of freedom and three social freedoms, including decision making, acting and thinking. Then it deals with the issue of national independence, which includes the freedom of the nation and the government. In addition to the fact that it is part of the theoretical foundations of the Islamic revolution and human responsibility, this effort is because the people's aspect and role-playing of the people is vital in the continuation of the revolution.

The subject of this paper is to explain the situation of hejab/Bi-hejab in contemporary Iran; whose main issue refers to the current situation of Iranian society. In the sense that the expansion in the scope and number of women and girls who are not compatible with the Islamic hejab can be explained. In this strategy, reality is studied in the light of theory and a kind of theory testing is done; the causal mechanisms in the theory are traced in the studied reality. we came to the conclusion that the general Bi-Hejabi common in current Iran It cannot be a dialectical result arising from the policies of the Islamic Republic. At the same time, the emergence of the Internet and the expansion of social networks in recent decades in Iran cannot be the basis of the answer to the problem analyzed in this research. It seems that a part of Iranian women have been moving towards westernization in terms of clothing since the era of “Naser al-Din Shah”; And what we are witnessing today can be the result of the said ongoing process so far. In general, this paper shows that Elias' theory of civilization has an acceptable efficiency in analyzing the behavior patterns of Iranians and revealing the hidden logic behind their changes. As a result, this article, while strengthening Elias's theory, confirms and suggests its application in the analysis and analysis of related issues in the context of Iranian society.

Globalization is a process that has transformed the world in different dimensions since the middle of the 20th century, so that as a result, different regions, countries and people have become more dependent and influential on each other. The aforementioned process, with the changes it has brought in various fields, has affected the structure and functions of states, including their policy-making functions, so that states no longer have the absolute authority and authority that they had previously in the field of The policymakers were privileged, they are not benefited, and they cannot do this without considering the effects of globalization and its factors. The basic point here is that one of the important areas of states policy that has been affected by globalization is policy in the field of nationalidentity. National identity is one of the important fields that governments always try to adopt policies to manage and protect. In the past, the function of identity formation was the sole responsibility of states, but today, as a result of the globalization process, states have lost their absolute control over the process of policy-making of national identity and are influenced by subnational and transnational factors.But with all this, due to the fact that the states are still the main players in the domestic arena, they can face the challenges ahead by carrying out appropriate policies in the field of national identity. Focus on their national identity in the era of globalization and prevent the emergence of nationalidentity crisis in the society.

Attention to causal, contextual and historical factors in the analysis of State`s behavior and actions has increased in recent years, and the literature of the Cognitive approach has expanded to understand the logic of developments and government policies. In the Cognitive approach, it is assumed that the Geopolitical actor operates in a field of strategic necessities - which that has inherited as an institutional legacy - and always has his own limitations and identity conditions. But in the field of Geopolitics, a comprehensive theory that can reflect the causes and perceptual factors and their influential role in action and policies is absent. Therefore, the current study is a preliminary design of a new theory called Geopolitical Cognition, which can qualitatively evaluate the reflection of these effects on the behavior of actors. There is always a cycle of influential factors in societies that influence the behavior of countries. Some of the collective experiences (such as war, military occupation, disintegration, massacres, important treaties) shape the collective memory and the mechanism of intergenerational transmission, they are preserved and gradually become meaningful in relation to the territory of the land and are part of the survival requirements or they are assumed to be a national Order. In the next stage, "States" in connection with these elements reach the stage of Geopolitical identification and in connection with the homeland, minorities, the international system and other nations, they form "I and the other"....In the final stage of its development, this path leads to the formation of a perceptual container or geopolitical cognition. Through their geopolitical cognition, societies and countries give meaning to external phenomena in relation to their political geography, which is the product of place (geography) and time (history). Therefore, through the discovery of the formation process of this cognition, at least part of the actions can be understood. Especially, with the return of nationalism to the field of international relations and the prolongation of the geopolitical transition from bipolarity to the new order, the middle powers in the region are trying to contribute more to the future order by increasing their territorial influence and deepening their strategic depth. Another benefit of such an approach is predicting the future actions of the countries. This fundamental research with a descriptive-analytical approach addresses this issue through the qualitative content analysis of experimental data and is the method of collecting documentary and library data