جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « The Third Way » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The present article has been written with the aim of explaining the initiative of the third way of Seyyed Jamal ol Din Asadabadi in leading the Islamic society to the new age. Given the political and social conditions of his time, he sought to open a third path between the Salafi traditionalists and the Western modernists to the new age. Seyyed Jamal tried to compile an Islamic version of modernity and present it to Muslim communities with the authority of religion. Seyyed Jamal's main initiative in this way was to distinguish between the concept of "religion" and "tradition" on the one hand, and to distinguish between the concept of "culture" and "Western science and technology" on the other. But despite Seyyed Jamal's wishes, the third way eventually strengthened Salafism and fundamentalism in the Islamic world. In this article, using contextual methods, especially the history of concepts, the reasons and causes of such a thing have been studied. The separation of religion from the culture and tradition of Islamic societies at that time, in order to present a universal version of religion, strengthened the concept of Salafism and finally strengthened the dual concept of secularism and Salafism, which led to fundamentalism

This article has used the concept of explanation specified in Fairclough’s discourse analysis method to explain the mutual relationship between the New Middle Class and the Moderate Third Current in post Islamic revolutionary in Iran. For this purpose, first, we will draw up overall picture of the six elements of that current and then will analyze the relationship of these elements with the new middle class. So the normative )reproduction( or creative )trying to change( relation between these two variables will be the main question. Investigations show that the relationship between these elements and that class have been both normative and creative. That means the moderate third current can be considered as a part of the class struggle of the new middle class and also this current has not been able to represent all the wishes of that class and followed to change it. The new middle class has also been influential on the emergence and changes in the discourse of this current and it has been able to bring the discourse closer to its own ideals.

There are many factors that contribute to the emergence and continuation of the crisis in Libya, which can be explained and analyzed within two categories: namely internal and external factors. Nevertheless, the origin of threat in the Third world countries can be said to be more internal than external. Even the pro-revolution developments in Libya after 2011 originate more from internal problems and the gaps thus created than any other problem, something that has caused crisis and the lack of legitimacy in this country to continue. Considering what was said earlier, this writing seeks to answer these questions: What factors have caused the security crisis to transpire? Why has this crisis continued after seven years? And what will be the consequences of this continuing crisis for Libya, the region and the world. The temporary answer as a research hypothesis is raised as follows: the most important factor that causes the security crisis to continue in Libya is oil and fighting to guarantee domination over oil resources from economic point of view, domination of tribalism over Libya’s political-social structure from social-religious point of view, the conflict between Islamists and liberals, and the formation of national sovereignty according to the statistics of World Bank. As such, it follows that the government established after Gaddafi is as much facing challenges like harsh tribal conflicts, the crisis of authority and insecurity that stems from radical Islamist and tribal actors, all of which have increased social and political disorders. On top of these, foreign interventions have managed to sustain the crisis.

The typical reading of the theory of convergence, peace and cooperation among countries requires the states to gradually let go of some parts of their power and sovereignty. Such theories, along with the Eurocentric theories mentioned in the previous data, maintain that such a process starts with non-security technical and specialized fields (of which the states are not so concerned about) and then spreads to more sensitive areas through branching and transmission. Though these arguments have been fairly proved in the case of Europe, the truth is that no such thing has been repeated in any region of the non-Western world. Therefore, what this article is trying to find is that is convergence in other parts of the world based on a pattern other that the Eurocentric one? And if so, what is the alternative? This research attempts at investigating the abovementioned theory in non-European parts of the third world. Therefore, the question of the present paper is that "what is the convergence pattern/ model in the third world as a series of developing countries?" It seems that the cooperation in this process should start from the security issues in order to lay the grounds for mutual trust and understanding among the states and gradually the people; along these lines, we might be able to reach a significant and meaningful state of convergence.

The main purpose of this article is to investigate the dimensions and consequences of
the US influence in Iran during 1953 to 1979 and the formation of relationship between
the two countries after Islamic revolution of Iran. Qualitative Research Methods is used
for both data collection and analysis and explanation of the results. The research in analyzing data is descriptive-analytic. The research findings indicated that the US
influence in Iran had been pervasive and encompassed all aspects of cultural, political,
economic, military, and security dimensions that led to reduce the initial optimism of
Iranian toward the US. Following the outbreak of Islamic revolution in Iran, the process
of US influence in Iran has come to an end. To understand the current behavior roots of
this great power against our country, it is critical to explain the origins of this influence
which can enrich the understanding of the academic community and help the policy
making organizations.

Practical and theoretical developments in international politics and the following changes in foreign policy of countries have attracted the cross-regional powers. This paper concentrates on Latin America, raising a question about similarities and differences between the Chines and Iranian approaches toward this region which traditionally considered US backyard. By comparing the two approaches, results show that although Tehran and Beijing criticize the ongoing international discipline, China focuses on the economic aspects in her relations toward Latin area, but Iran prioritize political-security attitude in this matter. Assessment of capacities and attractions of Latin America and US tendency to the region and the process of deepening relations of the two countries with this region in terms of Ahmadinejad and Hu are parts of this paper which confirms the main idea.

A considerable part of the current thought has allocated to various debates on the “globalization age” and “Different Globalizations”. Globalization as a phenomenon which has tightened social, cultural and political relations is deepening and expanding in a daily manner. Despite of this generalism, a kind of exceptionalism in form localist theories has been remarked in the globalization context. The authors’ hypothesis is that, localism in its different epistemological, political and historical aspects has serious conflictions with globalization (e.g. continuation of modernity). The paper will survey the notion of globalization, its consequences and concept of localism; then to examine the author’s hypothesis, paradoxes of localism theory will be explained. The approach of the paper is descriptive-analytical.