جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « اربعین » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

The actions of Iraqi people during Arbaeen are different from their current actions throughout the year and from the normal actions of people all over the world. Hospitality, kindness, respect, provision of water and food, free house and car by Iraqis for pilgrims, and things like that, make an unusual experience for every participant in this event. What is the characteristic of Arbaeen that makes such an event happen? Geertz's method of interpretive anthropology is considered to reach the desired answer. Data collection has been done over many years and more than twenty trips to Iraq and 14 times on walking from Najaf to Karbala on the occasions of Arbaeen, Arafah and half of Sha'ban between 1387 and 1401 but the achievement of the final interpretation and the birth of key concepts to pass from description to interpretation occurred with a trip to Karbala on the day of Ashura in the year 1401. As a result of the research, the importance of the issue of "time" and "the ability of time to give meaning to the world" have been introduced as the main factors in the occurrence of such actions. "Temporal confusion", "temporal excitation" and "Intertemporal movement" are concepts capable of describing those specific actions. These concepts show why and how Iraqis show those unique actions only on those special days. In these days, Iraqis' linear understanding of the movement of time has turned into a circular understanding of it, and it intersects the past, present, and future, and after the end of these days, the understanding of time returns to the same linear understanding and the secret of the fundamental difference between the actions of Iraqis in the days related to the Ashura incident and other days lies in this difference in the understanding of time.Data collection has been done over more than twenty trips to Iraq and 14 times on walking from Najaf to Karbala on the occasions of Arbaeen, Arafah and half of Sha'ban between 1387 and 1401 but the achievement of the final interpretation and the birth of key concepts to pass from description to interpretation occurred with a trip to Karbala on the day of Ashura in the year 1401. As a result of the research, the importance of the issue of "time" and "the ability of time to give meaning to the world" have been introduced as the main factors in the occurrence of such actions. "Temporal confusion", "temporal excitation" and "Intertemporal movement" are concepts capable of describing those specific actions. These concepts show why and how Iraqis show those unique actions only on those special days.

In recent years, the large-scale Arbaeen Walking Ceremony with the presence of tens of millions of people from different countries and nationalities has attracted the attention of analysts and researchers, and researchers have studied it from the perspective of religious, sociological, anthropological, political and strategic studies. In this research, the discourse model of "Ernest Laclau " and "Chantal Mouffe" has been used to study Arbaeen Walking. The main question of the article is, what are the discourse markers of the Arbaeen walk in individual and collective dimensions? According to the results of this research, in the Arbaeen Walk, keeping alive the memory of Imam Hussain (a.s.) and the martyrs of Karbala is a central sign that can lead to the articulation of other signs by attracting floating signs and in individual and collective dimensions. Also, the Arbaeen Walk has the capacity to marginalize other discourses such as Secularism and Takfirism based on hegemony and discourse competition. The current research was conducted with a qualitative approach and discourse analysis method.

The book “Arba’īn”  by by As'ad ibn Ibrāhim Irbalī has gained recognition among Shiite writers, at least from the eighth century, and discusses the virtues of Amir al-Mu'minin (peace be upon him). Irbalī 's obscurity among later Shiites, coupled with occurrence of changes in recording his names, has led Shiite bibliographers to confusion, resulting in the emergence of two personalities: "As'ad ibn Ibrāhīm al-Ḥillī" and "Sa'd al-Irbalī." A textual analysis of the book Arba’īn, in comparison with historical information, indicates that As'ad ibn Ibrahim Irbalī refers to none other than Abu al-Majd al-Nashābī, a prominent poet, writer, and influential figure of the seventh century. Moreover, by comparing Arba’īn  by Irbalī with Arba’īn  by Muhammad ibn Abi Muslim ibn Abi al-Fawāris, it becomes evident that Irbalī ‘s Arba’īn  is, in fact, a manipulated version of Ibn Abi al-Fawāris’s work. Even the introduction to Irbalī ‘s Arba’īn is fabricated and is based on the introduction of Ibn Abi al-Fawāris’s Arba’īn. The alterations in Irbalī's writing are extensive and follow relatively clear patterns. Finally, considering As'ad ibn Ibrahim's religious and political inclinations, as well as his personal, social, and literary characteristics, it seems inappropriate to attribute this book to him. It is likely that a forger with a penchant for (Ghuluv) exaggeration in the seventh century, by applying changes in Abi al-Fawāris’s Arba’īn, ascribed a new composition to As'ad ibn Ibrahim.

Over the past two decades, the Arbaeen ceremony has turned from a relatively simple walk carried out only by Iraqi Shia citizens into a widespread event attended by more than 25 million Shias from all over the world, including about three million Iranians. Naturally, this large amount of human presence in one place and to hold a ceremony, along with all the achievements and functions it has, also has negative unwanted consequences that can cause "damages" to the ceremony, to the participants (pilgrims) and those related to it (all Shiites and governments of Iran and Iraq). Especially when we consider that the presence of Iranians in the Arbaeen walking ceremony increased from a few thousand people to several million people in less than a decade; A growth that many people and institutions did not expect and therefore did not have the necessary preparation to face its consequences. In this article, we will first draw a general pathology of this ceremony and then analyze these injuries from the perspective of tourism anthropology.

In conducting this research, field methods along with document and library studies have been used. In this context, the writer's experience of attending the Arbaeen ceremony and also in-depth interviews with sixty people (20 experts, 20 supporters of holding Arbaeen and 20 critics of holding Arbaeen in the current way) are placed in this direction. Several of the interviewed experts were Iraqis who were familiar with the Persian language and Iranian culture due to their years of presence in Iran. All interviews were conducted and recorded in Farsi. Then it became a text and the problems were extraction of them. These injuries were divided into categories and combined or separated several times until we finally reached the final category.

Based on the findings of this research, the major damages caused to the Arbaeen walking ceremony can be included in seven categories: governmental-administrative, cultural-social, economic, environmental, political and international damages and finally tourism. Subcategories can be found and enumerated in each of these categories, and the most important subcategories have been briefly introduced in the present study. At the end, solutions were presented to eliminate or reduce these damages. The most important solutions are the government's intervention and activity in providing the infrastructure of this ceremony (such as sanitary facilities for the length of the route or arranging vehicles for the transportation of pilgrims) and entrusting executive activities, especially in the field of organizing processions, to the public and civil sectors and avoiding government Mowkebs from making large and magnificent Mowkebs. Also, it is suggested to the civil institutions related to the Arbaeen ceremony to be more focused and active in the field of familiarizing the pilgrims with the culture of the Iraqi hosts and pilgrimage customs and avoiding behaviors contrary to the pilgrimage culture

The Arabeen Ritual March is one of the world’s greatest annual pilgrimage assemblies. In addition to the acquired religious experience through presentence in this march, participation in the voluntary gratuitous activates and services for the pilgrims is a referent of the concept of religious good. The manifestations of these activities and contributions to religious good have two spheres, i.e. Iranian and Iraqi. On the one hand, the Iraqis have the main contribution and render greatest chunk of services to the pilgrims, and, on the other hand, simultaneous with the increase in the number of Iranian pilgrims, their contribution to the services to the pilgrims too are increasing. Qualitative research method was employed and the necessary data was collected through interview and participative observation, including photos, films and field notes. The findings of the research indicate that despite similarities between the Iranian and Iraqi services and activities, there are basic differences between them regarding their management style, establishment of makeshift service stations (mokebs), role of government in organizing the executive affairs of the Arabaeen March, political and revolutionary incentives behind the religious good activities and the level of competition for rendering services. On the basis of the abovementioned findings, the connotations of the findings of this research have been discussed for suitable policymaking related to the way of government’s handling of the religious and good actions during the Arabaeen Ritual March.

A comparison between the pattern of pilgrimage experience in the two pilgrimage rituals "Arbaeen Walk" and "Last Zero Pilgrimage to Mashhad" can provide a good understanding of the pilgrimage patterns of Shiites, especially Iranians. The present article, by asking about these differences and similarities, has been conducted in the framework of a qualitative research with participatory observation techniques and in-depth semi-structured interviews with pilgrims and servants in both hiking rituals. The research data were collected from two experimental studies on the Arbaeen walk and the last zero walk to Mashhad, both in 1396. The results show the fundamental similarities in the general patterns of travel and experience of Iranian pilgrimage in these two religions. At the same time, there are important differences between the experience of pilgrims in these two rituals, which can be seen especially in the prevailing pattern of travel, how to serve pilgrims and organize these activities, as well as the pattern of identity and cultural diversity in the context of these two rituals.

Throughout Shia’s history, the rites of Ashura have been profoundly intermingled with the followers’ collective conscience. Arbaeen pilgrimage, for example, which has undergone remarkable developments in recent years, has become a special and multifaceted socio-cultural phenomenon that deserves reflection from various research angles and perspectives including its meaning and internal mechanisms. This article, therefore, aims to focus on the collective participation in Arbaeen march while dividing its scope into three layers: open, semi-hidden, and hidden to describe the unique and distinctive features of it, especially the subjective or mental world of participants. To achieve this goal, 17 interviews were conducted with Iranian servants and caretakers who have the highest level and scope of engagement with the phenomenon. The content of the interviews was analyzed by using a combination of thematic analysis and ideal typing techniques. Finally, after three coding steps, 13 sub-themes were extracted to explain the participants’ mental world, summarized and described under four main themes of states, images, schemas, and interpretations.

The pilgrimage of Arbaeen, the 40th day of the martyrdom of ImamHussein (peace be upon him), which is exclusively reserved for and highlyrecommended by him, has continually been organized from Ashura in 61AH onward. In recent years, the pilgrimage of Arbaeen has become thelargest human congregation and a unique phenomenon in the world, so thatsome scholars consider it a miracle of the time. Those engaged in Arbaeenare highly diverse and demonstrate new behaviors and common normsduring this celebration.This article gives an account of the behavior of the hosting Iraqi peopleand servitors during Arbaeen from the point of view of those at place.The research is qualitative and of an anthropological type. The data wascollected through collaborative observation and both individual and groupinterviews conducted and classified by the researcher who has participatedin the event on numerous occasions.Research findings include three themes or categories of tradition,blessing and kindness, In other words, the pilgrims, the behavior of theIraqi people and their relentless service all along the path are ascribed totradition (the traditional roots of the people including their custom ofhospitality), blessing (the request for sustenance of blessings from Imams,in particular Imam Hussein) and ultimately an expression of disinterestedlove (devoting oneself to Imam (as) without any expectation ofreciprocation).

Ensuring security of the great solemn Arbaeen ritual with millions of participants of a variety of national and religious origins has a significant role in improving both the quantity and quality of the event in the years to come. Based on the experience gained by Iranian and Iraqi mobilized forces from their confronting different terrorist groups and recognizing the previous shortcomings, this paper offers strategies for improving the security level and its domestication by relying on expert opinions. The research has been done with general planning process based on David's model and Swot matrix following Copenhagen School approach to security. Its most important findings are the necessity of utilizing more and more from hashd-al- sha'abi potentials in establishing security and informing the pilgrims and volunteer service groups.

Ensuring security of the great solemn Arbaeen ritual with millions of participants of a variety of national and religious origins has a significant role in improving both the quantity and quality of the event in the years to come. Based on the experience gained by Iranian and Iraqi mobilized forces from their confronting different terrorist groups and recognizing the previous shortcomings, this paper offers strategies for improving the security level and its domestication by relying on expert opinions. The research has been done with general planning process based on David's model and Swot matrix following Copenhagen School approach to security. Its most important findings are the necessity of utilizing more and more from hashd-al- sha'abi potentials in establishing security and informing the pilgrims and volunteer service groups.