جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « چندفرهنگ گرایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

In this article, we try to analyze and evaluate the role of dialogue in intercultural communication and its consequences on identity formation. By showing the current global situation and the intermingling of cultures, races, ethnic groups, etc. we have addressed the issue that any intercultural communication based on the acceptance and understanding of others and differences, necessarily requires a conversation with another. On the other hand, the approaches of multiculturalism and interculturalism as two main perspectives in today's globalization and the mixing of cultures have been taken into consideration.In the meantime by using the views of the two main theorists of this field, Buber and Bakhtin, we have shown that dialogue is the essence and nature of any communication between people, cultures and different groups, and such a situation requires  a deeper understanding of the other and its place in the formation of one's own identity and essence. We also show that identities are always a relational thing and are in our relationship with others. The relationship with the other is only in dialogue, which leads to the acceptance of difference from a hostile state. But what is important is the articulation of such a dialogue in a global context where contradictions may replace differences. Therefore, in addition to detailing the conversation, it should be possible to present a new configuration of my position and at the same time of another, through which the conversation becomes possible. This article evaluates the different forms of such articulation and tries to explain the construction of identity based on such a situation.

This article reviewed the book "Two Essays on Political Philosophy of Feminism", and also overviewed the works of 3 writers of the book and its translator. The writers are feminist theatricians with radical, liberal, and social approaches to feminism, and I critically overviewed their approaches. Then I compared the feminist revision which was discussed in the second essay of the book with some samples of revisionist movements and theories in third-world and non-western communities like theories of Muhanti in India and Enloe in Malaysia. The result of this article is that even if the feminist theory of the first essay claim to pass from just-western feminist theory, ideologically is western yet, which means it believes in European- American worldview. Also, the social theory of the second essay shows the basics of social feminism in summary, yet specialized to western societies, but it can be useful to non-western societies with powerful civil societies. The methodology of this article is descriptive and uses bibliotic resources to review the book critically and see what the forte and poverty of the book's essays. My purpose is to find accessibility, correctness, and incorrectness of the discussion of the book and its writes claims about women and feminism.

In global societies whose issues have affected all aspects of private and public life, we are witnessing the spread of populist and specialist processes. On the one hand, we are witnessing growing universalism and homogeneity, and on the other, identity groups in the form of particularism and construct various forms of nationalism and a sense of religious, cultural, ethnic and political belonging. Providing an appropriate response to such a situation becomes even more important when we see the fragmentation of experience, fluidity and constant change, the importance of large financial, technological and media organizations instead of institutions, the end of the age of order, and we are at the beginning of the age of change and the rise of the risk society. Influenced by such a dual situation in which universalism (in the form of common moral-political values) and particularism (the independence of minorities and communities) are confronted with the question of how can we live and interact with each other? is very important. These responses, in the form of reviving the specific practices of the past, creating a world free of time and space constraints and preserving differences, and resorting to a kind of procedural democracy with the aim of accepting the rules of the game, ensuring respect for individual and collective freedoms and the institutionalization of tolerance are presented. The three central positions of the book are the subject, intercultural communication, and democracy. The starting point of the book is the personal subject, the path it takes, the intercultural connection and its goal, democracy. The main purpose of this article is to describe critique and evaluate the book Equality and Difference; can we live together?

As a modern political thought inspired by life politics, multiculturalism attempts to change public opinion. It is as Westphalian citizenship leaning on the transnational and liberal dimensions of democracy. Whereas by agnostic interpretation of politics and relying on the national and security-based aspect of democracy, the radical right parties label the discourse of multiculturalism as an opponent of the open society. The contrast of such parties to multiculturalism deepened to some extent that epistemological borrowing from mainstream parties has expanded their constituencies. Accordingly, the main question of this paper is how the radical right parties mobilize the electoral voting and whether the changing politics in democratic life will survive multiculturalism? The main idea is that the rising immigration waves, economic instability, and protest politics both with multiparty and proportional representation systems lead to increasing the votes of radical right parties. Despite of turning politics to right, the institutionalization of multiculturalism will lead to getting rid of politics and guaranty the survival of this discourse. Finally, by employing the theory of group threat and the analytic-explanative method, this paper will test the mentioned hypothesis at sociological, partisan, and systematic levels.

Dominant approaches in the Iranian civilization have always been accompanied by cultural tolerance and compromise. The case studied in this inquiry (Miandoab City) is a collection of cultural diversity due to its high level of immigration to the city as well as being located among three provinces. In the multiethnic and multicultural area where life went on peacefully until the past decade, there has often been a number of controversies between communities that resulted in military intervention. It has brought about signs of uncertainty and vulnerability with regards to social tolerance between various identities. Accordingly, the main research question in this study is: to what extent the people who belong to different religious cults tolerate others in this multiethnic, multicultural texture? What are the effective factors on the social tolerance of Miandoab citizens?

A thorough review of the conducted studies regarding social tolerance illustrates that most of the studies carried out in Iran have focused on the political aspect of tolerance, using samples of University students (Serajzadeh et al., 2004; Share’pour & Khoshfar, 2002; Golabi & Rezaei, 2013; Shahryari et al., 2015) and citizens (Moghtadaei, 2010; Adibisadeh et al.,2014;Jalaeian Bakhshandeh & et al., 2018) social and civil aspects of tolerance should be addressed among ethnic and religious communities. Due to its multicultural nature, the City of Miandoab in West Azerbaijan Province is a good field to deconstruct tolerance among ethnic groups of Kurds and Turks and religions of Shiite and Sunni.Considering the multicultural nature of the society of Iran, the accomplished researches about tolerance, social distance, and cross-cultural sensitivities among ethnic communities are scarce and partial. Theoretical and experimental literature of tolerance has a sixty-year-old history (Mather & Tranby, 2014).In the modern society, tolerance is recognized as a civil, political virtue. Considering the theoretical approach of King (1975), Daren and Tranby (2014) and exemplar restriction of Elisabetta (2002), the notion of tolerance has been conceptualized within political, religious, identity, and behavioral dimensions.According to theoretical and experimental studies by Mather and Tranby (2014), Golebiowska (1999), and Parillo and Donoghue (2005), social tolerance is influenced by contextual factors such as gender, religion, and ethnicity. These contextual factors contain macro structure conditions. According to Bourdieu (1986), the distributer of the whole capital (as a consequence of economic and cultural capitals) and capital structure (relative weight of economic and cultural capitals) within the social field determine the social position of actors, who are then considered to be at the same level as those similar to them in terms of the whole capital (Bourdieu, 1984). Putnam also asserted the role of social, economic, and cultural capitals in development and improvement of social tolerance (Putnam, 2001). Various forms of capitals are effective in mediating and expanding individuals’ insights and mental horizons, enhancing relativism and relative thinking, and shifting from exclusive to multiple identities. In fact, the rejection of multiplicity and refusing selection in identity related subjects can bring about a considerably unilateral and punitive perspective (Sen, 2016). Considering the exclusive nature of religious and ethnic identities along with the multicultural texture of the case (with Kurd and Turk ethnicities and faiths including Sunnis and Shiites), ethnic and religious orientations affect social tolerance. Accordingly, Miandoab citizens’ reconsideration of exclusive identities depends on the extent to which they enjoy social capitals and the range of their interactive field.

In this study, cross-sectional survey method was used with two purposes including description and explanation. Questionnaires were used for data collection. The total population of the study included individuals between the ages of 18-50 living in Miandoab; the sample population was obtained as 313 individuals based on the Cochran’s formula. As the present study was focused on exploring social tolerance mediated by various forms of capitals, “multistage cluster” probability sampling was employed. In the case studied in this inquiry, Sunnis and Kurds mostly live in underprivileged and semi-privileged areas; given the sensitivity of the subject, only the literate and employed individuals consented to cooperate with the research. The validity of the questionnaire was improved through formal validity and confirmatory factor analysis.

Findings showed that the average social tolerance is higher among Kurds and Sunnis compared to Turks and Shiites. Furthermore, the average economic, social and cultural capitals and ethnic orientations were higher among Turks and Shiites relative to Kurds and Sunnis. The average religious orientation were higher in Kurds and Shiites than Turks and Sunnis. According to the results obtained from bivariate analyses, there is a positive, significant relation between social tolerance and various forms of capitals. Meanwhile, the most considerable influence is related to the cultural and economic capital variable. In addition, there is an inverse relation between religious and ethnic orientations and social tolerance. Among contextual variables, there is a positive, significant relation between education and social tolerance while there is an inverse, insignificant relation between the variable of age and social tolerance. Based on the results of regression analysis, independent variables explain 52.3% of changes in social tolerance.The descriptive results showed that social tolerance of Miandoab citizens is at an average level. The results showed a positive, significant relation between enjoying various forms of capitals and social tolerance. In terms of ethnicity, the settlement of the majority of Kurds at marginal rural areas denote economic inequalities and undoubtedly, the absence of effective communicational exchange. Moreover, the results also showed an inverse, negative relation between ethnic and religious orientations and social tolerance. In such a situation, the tolerance of religious people and those who follow an exclusive, closed capital and act according to social norms and values are at a lower level.

Political tolerance among the examined sample is at an average level which could be a preventive factor; subsequently, legitimate freedoms should be recognized in terms of ethnicity and religion for improvement, while the means for their realization should be pragmatically provided as well. The low percentage of identity tolerance in the form of cults and the four main religions (The Righteous, Baha’i, Sunnis, and Shiites) rejecting one another represent the lack of communication and unity between the members of social groups examined in this study. Through increasing social connections among religions, the orientation of the generally tolerant subject of Daren and Tranby (2014) would be easier to attain, subsequently resulting in the maximum level of tolerance. In the behavioral aspect of social tolerance, engagement and enhancement of direct group projects would functionally bring gender-related sensitivities to public areas. The role of education institutes in influencing and imparting gender differences is of importance.

The book entitled “Theoretical Foundations of Politics in Multicultural Societies” has been written about the issue of multiculturalism and its theorizing. The question is, how should a political decision-making process be organized in a political community with different cultural, religious, and philosophical identities in a way that all members of the community have a peaceful co-existence. The book seeks to test the answers given to the question by examining the debates of contemporary liberalism and communitarianism. In other words, the general approach of the book is to defend communitarianism with a critical look at liberalism. The writer of the book analyzes and interprets the ideas put forward by communitarians and liberals from three perspectives of self, principles of political ethics, and policy of cultural differences. This paper will attempt to critically evaluate the book. The authors of this paper aim to answer the following questions. What is the focal point of the work? What is the purpose of this work and its place in the resources available in this area?

Iran is a Multi-ethnic and multi-lingual country. During the Pahlavi I Government era, the constructed language policy has moved from taking Persian as a lingua-franca Language to Persian as the only legitimate language of Iran. By adopting this language policy, Persian language was promoted as formal language and was allowed to proliferate; but other Languages in Iran were excluded from being used in educational, official and other formal fields. Regarding discursive nature of language policy and considering it as a social construct and assuming that the Kaveh magazine has been one of the discourse constructing journals prior to new order in Iran, this research has adopted Mouffe&Laclaueapproach to discourse theory and by using text analysis techniques of CDA has analyzed all of the magazines. Research has found that linguistic unitarism is a nodal point in Iranian Identity discourse and has explained the way that this discourse has become hegemonic.

The religious minorities problems have become the common controversial issues of western societies by factors such as immigration, pluralism, and interconnectivity from the 1970s. One of these issues of religious minorities has been their social life. Meanwhile, the question arises as to how the social life of minorities is in the Iranian society, which has an Islamic state. This paper is to study the Zoroastrian social life status in Tehran using observation, participation, in-depth interviews and documentary studies methods. Zoroastrian social life were examined among the four categories of “causes of Zoroastrian population decline”, “differentiation between oneself and another”, “marginalization” and “actions for social recognition”. Results show that Zoroastrians try to increase the sense of belonging and solidarity among themselves through the non-acceptance of non-Zoroastrians in their communities, the avoidance of marriage with non-Zoroastrians, the efforts to live in their particular regions and the education of their kids in special Zoroastrian schools. Zoroastrians also try to live in a totally peaceful way among the Iranian Muslim community to maintain their religion and to be recognized in society, and not to lose their legal rights. Therefore, it seems that they have a special status in their social life environment, and are not subject to any of the two patterns of assimilation and multiculturalism.

Michael Sandel,as an well-known communitarian theorist believe that self can not be conceive without cultural and social contexts which he or she is a member of them.He emphasize on that concept of self which accuqre it,s identity from it,s membership in different communities and cultures.Sandel believe that ethical aims and goals are concern to public goods, not to individual ritghts.Sandelian justice has been baisd on membership in communities and cultures.The membership idea which is the central poit of sandel theory of justice has cultural implication.Because method of membership in communities determine and formulate by the cultural approaches in communities.Different cultures is a part of the society.Sandelian self is a narrative one which has been interpretated by particular historical and cultural context which is a part of it.He believe that public good must determine the rights and defend the priority of good from rights.