جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "گفتمان" در نشریات گروه "علوم اجتماعی"

The topic of women has been one of the most debated in the discourses of contemporary Iranian history, acquiring a unique meaning in each era. These discourses and the conflicts that they contain have significantly influenced her identity. The visibility of these conflicts in social actions is a significant factor in the Pahlavi period.This paper employs critical discourse analysis to investigate the narratives associated with the quasi-modern Pahlavi discourse on women. Its objective is to analyze the socio-political context in which the modern woman is situated, to comprehend the concept of the modern woman and the semantic processes that shape it, and to comprehend the dominant ideology of this discourse.According to the research findings, the primary discursive statements are as follows: the necessity of Iran’s immediate modernization, past-oriented patriotism and a forward-looking authoritative state, women’s social rights, the necessity for women’s education, emphasis on women’s duties, reevaluation of women’s dress code, the imperative of lifting the veil, and altering marital relations. In contrast to the traditional woman, the modern woman is portrayed as the embodiment of Iranian modernity in the discourse. The ideology of ancient-oriented nationalism and the emphasis on the concept of a progressive dictator have influenced it to disregard previous identity-forming elements and highlight modern elements that are reminiscent of European women.At the discursive and social practice level, this approach contains contradictions that suggest that women’s liberation and progress were not the ultimate objective, but rather a means to diminish the influence of traditionalists and, alternatively, to present a staged image of modernization as the primary objective.

Cultural power is a combination of power as a transdiscursive and productive thing and culture as a discursive and dynamic thing. Instagram social network has created a powerful visual culture due to its visual-auditory appeals, which has become a platform for the formation of new discourses. In this research, the components of diversity, the extent of sharing, and the clarity of priorities have been investigated in order to analyze the place of cultural power in Instagram. This research has been done by relying on qualitative methodology and using the text analysis method, and the data are visual and text data. The field of study of pages of users with the top ten ranks on Instagram (in terms of the number of followers) whose content, posts, captions, and comments of their followers have been analyzed. The main question in this research is what is the position of cultural power in Instagram? The results of the research show that Instagram is useful for its low cost, ability to play images, availability, flexibility to people with different moods (introvert and extrovert), interactive and multipurpose, ability to share content, multi-person communication in the form of live broadcasting, having artificial intelligence and finally functioning in accordance with the interests of users and being up-to-date, by solving human needs, has caused the presence of different actors in the field of cultural power, and therefore has created a different type of cultural power.

"Development" and terms such as unstable development, unbalanced development, underdeveloped, under development, etc. are widely used concepts in analyzing the conditions of non-western societies such as Iran and comparing them with developed societies. What is considered as certain and natural in these analyses is the necessity of the realization of "development", in such a way that it seems impossible to imagine another form of reality. The development and its indicators have become not only the point of support for many evaluations about policies and states but also a dominant criterion for judgment about non-Western people and society. Nevertheless, "development" is historical like any other social phenomenon, and its correct understanding requires adopting an approach that pays attention to this aspect. "Genealogy" as a theoretical-methodological approach studies social phenomena such as development in their historical process. This article is contemplation about the capabilities that this approach provides for "development studies".

To achieve this purpose, the participation of Foucaultian genealogy, post-development and post-colonial studies of development (which are influenced by Foucault), Foucault's analysis of the Iranian Islamic Revolution, and some considerations have been used to provide an optimized version of genealogy for use in "development studies".

According to this approach, the correct method in “social science” is genealogical historiography, because the existence of every social phenomenon is a historical construction. Rejecting the assumption of continuity does not mean denying the existence of any type of continuity in history, but rather it is a methodological tact. Genealogy implies a fundamental critique of modernity, because it does not consider it emancipatory. This analytical approach allows the researcher to criticize dominant narratives about “Development”. The formulation of the problem is one of the most important possibilities of genealogy for development studies. Genealogy begins its analysis with a question in the present. Therefore, the genealogical problem of development is a question of the “present”. Analyzing the descent of the idea and practice of development is not in search of a single origin. Success in this search, while paying attention to the special history of each land, requires tracing the reflection of the descent of the global development discourse, its elements, and social forces in the society that is being studied. Genealogical studies of development, while applying the concept of “Discourse”, sees a connection between representation procedures (discursive practices) and material procedures (non-discursive practices) of development, pay attention to individual and collective agency, and do not seek homogenization, theorizing and extreme generalization.Genealogy traces power relations involved in the construction of meanings, because power is one of the factors in the historical construction of identities. While criticizing the “juridico-discursive” model of power, Foucault forms a network for the analysis of power relations by proposing the concept of “governmentality” in which the state can be examined. In this analytical framework, attention is also paid to subjectivity and individual freedom. The emergence of this subjectivity in Foucault's analysis of the Iranian Islamic Revolution is resounding. Genealogy provides the possibility of understanding how the idea and practice of development are formed by analyzing power relations in different forms and levels; from examining development projects as a means of exercising power to power relations between developed societies and non-western societies. In the analytics of power, the resistance is also analyzed at the same time. In the version of genealogy presented in this article, attention is paid to the impact of contingency events on discursive and non-discursive practices; with the explanation that at any historical period, a specific event that cannot be predicted based on the existing discourse order may create different historical conditions.The relationship between power, knowledge, and discourse is the domain of Foucault's genealogy. Because of the relationship between power and knowledge, the analysis should include “institutions, regulatory decisions, laws, administrative measures” in addition to texts. This approach provides the possibility of analyzing the practical mechanisms of development discourse such as professionalization and institutionalization. By deconstructing planning, genealogy reveals the effects of power and knowledge in the spread of development. The genealogical analysis in terms of the relationship between knowledge, power, and discourse shows how the development discourse constructs the non-Western world as a subject of knowledge and what kind of interventions are organized based on this. Genealogy also pays attention to resistance or marginal discourses. In terms of methodology, “resistance analysis” is a necessity for “power analysis”. According to Foucault's analysis of the Islamic Revolution, the genealogy of development in contemporary Iran adopts a special theoretical approach regarding the relationship between this revolution and Western development. Finally, it is possible to present and think of alternatives.

The genealogical approach with its conceptual toolbox, can contribute to our knowledge of the topic by highlighting aspects of the idea and practice of development so far unnoticed. Genealogical research can show that if the idea and practice of development had other forms, what discursive and non-discursive practices were involved in these changes? The genealogist, by criticizing of present, questions the “natural” and “definite” form of the existing phenomenon and presents a new picture of it. Genealogy can defamiliarize the “development discourse” in the non-western world. Genealogical studies of development have the possibility of realizing a set of exploratory, descriptive, understanding, and evaluation objectives. The possibility of adopting a post-colonial approach is one of the critical capacities of this type of study. The application of genealogy in development studies can sometimes be implemented with all its components, sometimes parts of it can be considered as an independent study. Genealogy has significant capacities for “development studies”; but being satisfied with a single theoretical approach as a sufficient explanation of the complexity of the subject under study is reductionistic.

This study delves into the works of the Turkic poet Osman Kemal Efendi, commonly known as Osman Kemali. He was a devoted disciple of Jalal al-Din Rumi and a memorizer of the Quran. Rumi's profound engagement with rational and transmitted sciences, literature, jurisprudence, hadith, Quranic exegesis, and the sayings of Imam Ali (AS) provided the fertile ground for the emergence of the most exquisite panegyrics dedicated to Imam Ali (AS) in the Persian literary tradition. This influence has also inspired Osman Kemali's poetry to be crafted in an ethereal style, embodying a genuine affection for the Ahl al-Bayt (AS). The significance of the present research lies in the introduction of a poet unreserved in his expression of love for the household of the Prophet. The primary objective of this study is to examine the extent to which Osman Kemali's poetry is influenced by Rumi. The research methodology is predominantly library-based, supplemented by interviews in certain sections of the study. The theoretical framework is grounded in discourse analysis, drawing on the ideas of Fairclough (2001). Findings indicate that Kemali's poetry is deeply influenced by Rumi in terms of theme and meaning, and it can be posited that the meter of his verses closely resembles that of Rumi's. In contrast to Rumi's poetry, which incorporates both personal and impersonal pronouns, Kemali's work is characterized by a restriction to personal pronouns. Another salient feature of Osman Kemali's poetry is his use of allusion; he employs verses, hadiths, and even Rumi's poetry as allusions throughout nearly all of his works, following Rumi's stylistic approach

As a representation, landscape is a particular way of seeing. landscape is not only an ideology, but a visual ideology and a power relation. The purpose of this article is to investigate how to use billboards and visual memorials to present the desired discourses and imagery of local governance in the urban landscape of Dezful. To achieve this goal, all the billboards and visual memorials of the city are studied  in a semiotic and representational way. Then the studied cases in terms of imagery patterns were studied and the characteristics of each of them were examined to get a clear picture of the semiotic landscape and representative designs of the city of Dezful. The results of this research show that with the start of the war and considering the damage done to the city, the local government felt the need for a new image related to the role of Dezful in the war. After the war, imagery related to the clergy enters the urban landscape in a new and completely contextual way. After several decades of dominance of these two discourses, with the emergence of new necessities, emerging discourses such as cross-border resistance and historical also entered the urban landscape of Dezful. In this context, cities like Dezful engage in a kind of political-ideological marketing to show their role in the ruling discourse and its key events in a more important and key way.

 The aim of this research is to critically examine the statements made by the candidates in the thirteenth presidential election of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The method employed in this study is critical discourse analysis using Norman Fairclough's approach. Accordingly, at the descriptive level, discourse is examined at three micro-levels (discourse as text). At this level, discourse elements such as vocabulary, polarity, metaphors or implications, and overall coherence are investigated. At the interpretive level, discourse is analyzed at the meso-level (discourse as process).

Based on the findings, the discourse of the candidates has been examined in economic, socio-cultural, and political dimensions, as well as their ideological orientation and executive backgrounds. The candidates' discourses in these debates have been categorized into two ideological streams: "revolutionary" and "reformist."

The results indicate that the focal points of the revolutionary discourse revolve around criticism of the Rouhani administration and reformists, belief in internal power and reliance on domestic capabilities, a jihad-oriented approach to solving people's issues, social justice, and more. Reformist candidates, on the other hand, emphasize the necessity of engaging with the outside world, civil liberties, and other related topics.

Language is vital in exchanging information and representing individuals' facts, beliefs, and ideological systems. This study investigates the linguistic performance and decoding structural patterns in shaping Persian native speakers' interpersonal and intrapersonal relations of power and identity. The study subjects were 150 male and female Ahvaz Payame Noor University students who participated in cultural and political associations. Pearson Product Moment correlation coefficient and Multi-Variable Regression were employed to analyze data. In the present study, different authentic samples of conversations were gathered from the Persian native speakers to explore the effect of verbal communication and religious beliefs on social identity. Data analysis of the correlation between linguistic and ideological aspects and the structures of identity and thought revealed that language is an instrument for maintaining identity and beliefs and a symbol for gaining political and social powers within community groups. If a person has had decent and reliable parents and people in his childhood who have met his emotional needs well and has experienced a sense of security and self-confidence, and at the same time, religious and moral foundations have been correctly and with If practical patterns rely on individual, he/she can overcome identity challenges.

The political management of men and women is the result of the reproduction of inequalities in which the governments play an important role and has a determining feature for the ruling discourses, and women are always the other and the identity maker for men and the determining factor of power and authority. Now the main question of this research is the representation of the relationship between gender and Politics in the Pahlavi discourse and then the political management of women in the political governance structure of the country. This issue is investigated by examining the texts produced by the authors of the Pahlavi discourse, including Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, as the manifestos of this discourse and how the political roles of women are represented based on the analysis method. It is critical of the discourse. The purpose of this article is to identify the obstacles of women in political management in this era, a period in which, along with the granting of voting rights, the few and limited presence of women in political positions becomes significant .The results of the research show that in the modernism of the Pahlavi era, secularization of the society was carried out on several fronts, the judicial structure was modernized and the new educated lawyers replaced the traditional clerical judges. Iran became and with the development of basic education as well as higher education for women, the ground for their participation in political and social services was provided and women entered the field of political management in political roles such as representation in the National Assembly, the Senate, in the position of the ministry and also as a judge. Although this opportunity happened to a certain class of women, and despite the modernization of the society, a large part of the society had a traditional attitude and did not participate in these changes .On the other hand, the expected achievements of modernism in western societies and the success of women in achieving their goals in the form of feminism, these activities were opposed by the government and ideological definitions were presented for feminism.

Amidst Iran's confrontation with Western modernity and the subsequent discursive conflicts, women's lives, identities, and living conditions came to the forefront as prominent topics of discourse. This resulted in an extensive array of discussions concerning them, thereby transforming women into a subject of tension. This article analyzes the discourses that emerged concerning women in the writings of the Constitutional era. It employs critical discourse analysis to investigate how the modern woman subject was formulated in the most prominent discourses of this era. The objective of this study is to comprehend the ideologies that govern each discourse of the Constitutional era as they pertain to the modern woman subject. Additionally, the position and status of each discourse within the hegemonic discourse are examined.The results suggest that the progressive discourse presents the modern woman as a demanding and critical subject, having been formed in opposition to tradition. Conversely, the traditional discourse depicts her as a liberated and European-like figure. In the midst of these semantic disputes, the integrative discourse constructs the subject of a woman who is acknowledged as a conscientious, Sharia-compliant, and duty-oriented individual. The integrative discourse's construction of meaning, which avoided explicit conflict with religious traditions, attained a more advantageous position and has maintained its existence throughout subsequent eras.

The discourse of the Islamic revolution, whose central sign is based on monotheism, considers the approach of resistance as its main work. The Leader of the Islamic Revolution has also proposed and explained the dimensions and angles of the resistance in his statements and words on various occasions, but after investigating in this field, no research was found that, from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, is a model of the effectiveness of the resistance front in the discourse of the revolution. has checked Islamic. Based on this, "Knowing the efficiency model of resistance in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei" is the main issue of this article and "What is the efficiency model of the Islamic Resistance Front in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei?" It has been raised as the main question in this research. This research, using the method of thematic analysis, seeks to discover the efficiency model of the Islamic resistance front in the Islamic world from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei, and the findings showed that the efficiency model of the resistance front is derived from a network of themes including five dimensions and twenty-seven components and is based on the overarching themes of spirituality. Orientation is task-oriented and...

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the alliance among the revolutionary discourses broke apart. The producers of the political-jurisprudential discourse within the state and the revolutionary Islam of the People’s Mojahedin Organization, each defined the basis and the goal of the revolution differently, and considered themselves the leader of the revolution and the other as an obstacle in the way of the achievement of its goals. These stances inevitably pitched them against each other. With the intensification of this confrontation, violence intensified as well. The antagonistic confrontation between the political forces and the government inflicted huge damages on the Iranian revolution that was in its early stages. The question of the present research is as follows: What were the reasons for the antagonistic confrontation between the government and People’s Mojahedin Organization? In order to answer this question, Laclau and Mouffe’s theory and method of discourse analysis have been employed. The findings of the research show that each of the discourses of jurisprudential-political Islam and the revolutionary Islam of the Mujahedin considered the "other" as an “alien” and "enemy" of the revolution and sought to reject and eliminate it. Thus, an armed conflict broke out between the two enemies.

The purpose of this article was to analyze the discourse of social development during the periods of the Islamic parliament. For this purpose, the text of the negotiations related to social development in the first to ninth periods of the Islamic parliament with emphasis on the negotiations related to the first to fifth development programs and using the"theoretical" sampling method as the target community, has been the basis of analysis. The findings of the research indicate that in the first and second periods of the parliament, due to the war conditions in the country, the focus was on the distribution and meeting the essential needs of the members of the society, and everything that was connected with development in the sense of economic-social growth, they were considered abnormal and were removed from the verbal and practical literature of development. In the third parliament, due to the dominance of the "economic adjustment"discourse, we witnessed a"one-dimensional approach to development" with the priority of economic development and marginalization of other aspects of development, including social development. In the fourth parliament, the discourse of "sustainable growth and development" became the ruler in the 5th and 6th parliaments, the discourse of "sustainable development" and in the 6th and 7th parliaments, the discourse of "local social development" And finally, in the 8th and 9th parliaments, the discourse of "progress and justice" has dominated the discourse.This approach has indicated a kind of break and non-continuity of the comprehensive discourse of social development in different periods of the Islamic parliament.

In the fifth term of the presidential elections with the focus on economic development, Hashemi Rafsanjani was able to attract public opinion by presenting a reading of Islam and religious values ​​in order to improve the economic situation and construction, in his Friday prayer sermons in Tehran. After the war and the reconstructions caused by the damages caused to the country, Hashemi gave a recitation of Islam on the platform of Friday prayers, based on which prosperity was placed at the center of the discourse of Islamism. In his speech, he made the construction and reconstruction of the country a religious value. In this article, by analyzing the discourse of the Hashemite text in the sermons of Friday prayers, the change of focus of the discourse of political Islam has been investigated. Fairclough's theoretical framework is used in discourse analysis. The main question of the current research is how Hashemi Rafsanjani's economic development discourse turned the axis of the war discourse?

Although the components outside the control of the limited circle of the executive branch play a significant role in the foreign policy of governments, the discourses and in other words the sub-discourses governing the executive branch are also very important in the formation of decisions and especially the way of implementing foreign policy. The focus of this article is to study the foreign policy of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran during sixteen years under the influence of the sub-discourses governing the country's executive system during the presidency of Mr. Ahmadinejad and Mr. Rouhani and to identify and analyze the dimensions of the evolution of the foreign policy discourse. The question of the article is what was the reflection of the semantic system of the ninth and tenth, eleventh and twelfth cabinets on the components of Iran's foreign policy during the mentioned periods. According to the results, the discourse of justice-oriented fundamentalism in the Ahmadinejad cabinet led to the adoption of an approach of reconciliation with the international system in Iran's foreign policy by stimulating public opinion inside and promoting the belief that the international order is unfair. The support of the inferior masses, the central sign of the discourse, in contrast to the moderate discourse ruling the Rouhani cabinet, by generalizing the principle of balance and balance from the domestic environment to the international environment, led to the formulation of a pragmatism approach in Iran's foreign policy. Borrowing from the discourse analysis theory of Lacla and Moff, the present research examines the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In this article, an attempt has been made to study the sociological policies of the cultural-artistic reform discourse and its effect on film productions, and by using the method of critical discourse analysis, the works of film production have been investigated. The intellectual system of the article consists of three analysis components.The discourse of"Lakele and Mouffe",critical discourse analysis of "Fairclough"and discourse theory of "Michel Foucault" and the use of discourse analysis in the research method based on the combination of the two approaches of "Lakele and Mouffe","Fairclough and Van Dijk" and by studying film productions Reform discourse was used. In this regard, the film"Born in the month of Mehr"was chosen as an example of analysis due to the presentation of two different frames from the discourse period before and after. In the following, by summarizing the cultural-artistic policies of the dominant discourse, it can be concluded that with the change Gradually and not fundamentally in the meaning of the central signifier, a significant effect was created in the field of culture and art, this process was so positively evaluated by the audience of art that the cinematographic productions in the subsequent discourses were also greatly influenced by it

The purpose of the article is to bring Mead’s and post-structuralists’ views closer together. Here, Symbols and discourses play an important role.

A theoretical investigation has been conducted in Mead’s and post-structuralists’ ideas with emphasis on Michel Foucault. Moreover, various concepts such as discourse, self, subject and object may help us to reach a convergence between these two. Theoretically, the place of language and meaning as well as using various aspects of discourse and theories related to post-structuralists, in sum, will give some theoretical observations.

When an individual is placed in a dynamic and symbolic environment, it comes out of certainty and then accepts various and even rival meanings. The issues of ‘self’, ‘subject’ and ‘society’ are Mead’s points of departure to enter into the universe of discourse that begins with two origins of ‘I’ and ‘Me’. According to Mead, representation of the ‘self’ clarifies two concepts of ‘Mind’ and ‘Reality’. Placement of the individual in collectivity, leads the person to the situation where she may see herself as an object (external) and thus, here symbols play a basic role. Even mind is formed through symbols that have been replaced with different objects and construct it. In fact, symbols enter into the mechanism of human behavior and form his/her thought. G. H. Mead believes that significant symbols and gestures assume the social process of experience and behavior in which they develop. According to Mead, the “world of discourse” implies a context in which these significant symbols and gestures have meaning. Here, Mead talks of ‘generalized other’ in the sense that an individual accepts attitude of others towards her and finally all these specific attitudes are flourished in the form of single point of view. It is obvious that Mead links the world of discourse with the concept of ‘generalized other’. All this social process is a space where symbols have a common and the same meaning for all members of the group. At the same time, social participation is formed in these conditions. The formation of mind which is a matter related to the subject, actually has an external feature based on accepting attitude of others which in turn relies on symbols. All these happen through language that provides communication and social presence.In fact, significant symbols arouse mental streams and, in this way, an individual is able to think and also, she responds to herself. Therefore, it can be said that thinking is formed through the presence of symbols as well as the social process.

 On findings, it can be said that Mead’s concept of ‘social self’ has always been constructed in a social process as well as the universe of discourse and therefore, the concept of ‘self’ will accept various meanings. According to Foucault, individual or ‘subject’ has been involved in discursive sphere and eventually an integrated discursive whole is remained. Foucault has dealt with a displaced, limited and disintegrated subject and therefore, a ‘suspended’ subject as well as ‘discursive events’ may emerge.Emphasizing on discourse, Foucault considers improvisation of concepts to be formal, and then believes to the suspension of these discourses, in order to reach the ‘discursive events’ that constitutes his desired human sciences. In this way, making concepts and announcing them and finally, emergence of ‘discursive act’ becomes important. Therefore, discourses and their constituent concepts having functional features, each of which plays a role in the whole discursive feature. Because of the historical importance of functions in the making of concepts, Foucault is indifference about structures, that is to say, he studies the formation process of those concepts and also complexities hidden behind them.Mead believes that in the formation of self, the issues of experience and social behavior are of great importance. At the same time, social functions are essential features that play an important role in their creations. Mead says that an individual does not respond to every kind of stimulus, rather, she responds only to some of them and language shows the process of the motivation released by the individual.Symbols are used as mediators by language, and as a result of this use, the social self of the individual is shown. By emphasizing the formation of the discourse, Foucault emphasizes the phenomenon of language and highlights discourses. Language has become a complex phenomenon. Before Foucault, Mead discussed about the object and paid attention to the formation of the subject and the mind through objects (symbols). Here we see that G. H. Mead’s intended object, which creates the mind and thinking through symbols, coexist with Foucault’s multiple and unstable subject. Both find each other in the outside world through symbols.There is an important point that is emphasized throughout this article. In fact, we have two notions of symbol and discourse; understanding the former is simple and the latter is complex. The article tried to demonstrate that there is a relationship between these two concepts that may be established by theories and concepts discussed from both sides of social interactionists and post-sturctrulists. The kind of thought of Mead and Foucault are as such that they have referred to these concepts. Studying issues mentioned above may show that we have come from simplicity to complexity. This has happened through the use of language and also the quality of this usage. The complexities of establishing social relationship in the contemporary world are largely related to the issue of language. The importance of language dates back to making symbols which are apprehensible in the relationship between individuals. But, while observing the use of language today, in market place, in regulations and rules, in working conditions, etc. these complications may be visible. As G. H. Mead and Foucault emphasized, not only discourses but even symbols have become complicatedFoucault defines the ‘subject’ as a social construct and Mead, introduces the ‘mind’ as a social phenomenon. The Mead’s social self and Foucault’s discursive subject reach to each other. In the end, it can be stated that we have come from symbols to discourses but the symbols still stand.

The present article seeks to compare the discourse of music during the Constitutional period with the 1979 revolution. In the Constitutional period, the ballads of Aref Qazvini and then Mohammad Taqi Bahar (late Qajar and early Pahlavi period) have been selected as examples; Aref is the most famous composer of this period, whose works have remained in the social and musical history of Iran. "Chavush Music Center" has also been chosen as an example for the ballads of the 1979 revolution; This center is the most famous and also the most coherent music group that has created its revolutionary works based on Iranian musical instruments. The social differences of the two periods have also produced different content; Therefore, the poems of the constitutional period have less of an epic mood and are more sad narrating the social situation. Poems during the 1979 revolution, especially the ballads composed by the Chavoush Center, were mostly epic in nature, and they were meant to excite the society. This situation can also be seen in terms of form; The music of the79th revolution period is march-like and exciting and generally "martial" in contrast to the constitutional music which is sad and glorious, and both of these show the social status and social discourse of each period.

According to prevalent narratives, firstly, the Iranian revolution was the outcome of the dominance of the religious-traditional part of the society over the modern part. And secondly, it was the same religious-traditional section that took power and had their sway over the Iranian society after the victory of the revolution. This article wants to challenge both of these narratives. From this article’s perspective, the religious-traditional section of pre-revolutionary Iran itself can be divided into political and non-political parts. The discourse of “political Islam” was different from those of traditional and conservative ones which prevailed among large parts of the religion-oriented population of Iran. But the second and more important point is that even the pre-revolution discourse of political Islam did not remain the same, after the revolution and with the establishment of the Islamic Republic in the 1980s. It was found that during the post-revolutionary era, a new discourse was emerging as a result of the conjuncture of the event of war and “Imam Khomeini’s charisma”. This discourse shaped an ideology that gave legitimacy to the Islamic Republic in the sixties, inevitably demanded obedient and conservative subjects and could not remain the same discourse that nurtured rebellious revolutionary subjects prior to the revolution.

Deceptive social behavior undermines interpersonal trust and threatens healthy social interactions at various levels. Academic deceit is also among the common unethical behaviors in educational institutions, which has significantly increased with the technological development. In this article, taking an applied approach, deception in a linguistic sociological context is analyzed as an interdisciplinary subject. The analysis of phenomena from an interdisciplinary perspective allows for a better understanding and conditions for problem-solving. The study conducted in a social context within the second-grade girls' high schools in Tehran aims to achieve two main goals: 1- Identify the reasons for academic deception. 2- Examine the role of influential factors in shaping the discourse of deception and find ways to overcome it. A total of 233 students aged 15 to 17, who had experienced being in a deceptive situation, were selected. The samples had similar characteristics such as gender, occupation, educational level, and specific residential area. The research tool is a 30-item questionnaire constructed by the researcher about academic deception, validated based on the seven-point Likert scale and the Academic Deception Questionnaire by Fornes and colleagues (2011). Data analysis was performed using the SPSS statistical software. The research focuses on online classes, assignment submissions, and examinations. The research tools include two scales of academic duty-ethics and academic deception in the virtual space. The results analysis based on the Pearson correlation coefficient indicates a significant negative relationship between academic duty-ethics and academic deception. Considering this result, intervention and educational efforts to increase the ethical commitment of learners seem to be effective in reducing deceptive behaviors. These findings provide valuable information for educational stakeholders whose goal is to reduce deception in academic environments and offer important implications for the ethical education of learners.