جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « political thought » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

Now and in the early years of the 15th solar century, due to various internal and external reasons, the position of Iran and the opportunities and threats facing it are considered a key issue in all affairs of the country. The key word "Strong Iran" which has been emphasized many times by the Leader of the Islamic Revolution in recent years and has enjoyed a high frequency in his speeches, in Iran's historical "now" in facing the said issue, it can be reread as a basic "strategy". Therefore, in the present article, I try to read this keyword and its semantic fields from a semiotic point of view, in the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei and based on his intellectual principles. In a semantic relationship, signs such as strong manager, strong nation, national spirit and self-confidence, endogenous authority, resistance economy, science, and ethics and faith can be received as key words around the semantic field of Strong Iran in Ayatollah Khamenei's speech.

The valayat-e faqih theory holds significant political weight as a cornerstone of Imam Khomeini's ideology concerning the governance of Islamic society during Imam Masoom's (AS) absence. Furthermore, he stands as the sole jurist who successfully established an Islamic government grounded in this theory, furnishing it with an impartial appearance, thus providing the initial instance of jurist dominion over society. The primary inquiry of this article pertains to whether Imam Khomeini's political ideology underwent any transformation over the extensive period spanning from the 1950s to the Islamic Revolution and his tenure as the leader of the Islamic Republic. To answer this question, the content of Imam Khomeini's two books “Keshf Asrar” and “Valayat–e Faqih” has been scrutinized and analyzed using the descriptive-analytical method. The research hypothesis posits that in both of the aforementioned books, Imam Khomeini formulated the theory of velayat-e faqih. Furthermore, in both texts, he affirms imprtial Mujtahid as the complete successor of Imam Masoom during the era of occultation. Hence, despite the fact that Imam Khomeini articulated distinct facets of his political philosophy at various junctures in accordance with the circumstances of the time and location—two fundamental components of ijtihad, in his estimation—the structure of his political philosophy has remained unchanged since the 1950s until his demise. The conceptual underpinning that drives Imam Khomeini's ideas in both volumes is the Shi'ite perspective on the proper conduct of adherents in the presence of an oppressive monarch. The foundational tenet of this school is the rejection of collaboration with an oppressive sovereign, barring specific circumstances that authorize such cooperation. This foundation can elucidate the political ideology and conduct of Imam Khomeini during his various political eras, including the intensity and feebleness of his opposition to the Pahlavi regime.

The present article seeks a comparative look at the views of Ayatollah Naeini and Imam Khomeini on the political system during the absence. Both jurists had an opinion on the formation of a political system during the absenteeism, but they had different opinions on the formation of the government and the characteristics of the government according to their perception and interpretation of their narrative and rational arguments on which they practiced ijtihad in the most central way. On the contrary, Imam Khomeini, as the successor of Allameh Naeini in this movement, with a broad and comprehensive approach and based on a positive approach to thinking in this regard. In a way, regarding the political system, the Islamic Republic came to an absolute jurisprudence with the rule of the divine guardianship of the people. Moreover, it has been argued that Imam Khomeini's political thoughts about the political system during absenteeism is more complete and comprehensive than Ayatollah Naini's. In this article, the comparative analysis of the components of a political system in two general parts of formal components and content components has been carried out and compared.

The purpose of this research was to investigate the impact of Mohaghegh Sabzevari's thought on the social behavior of the Safavid sultans, which was done by studying the available sources. The research method of this topic is descriptive, which is a documentary method by studying books, articles, and examining the theoretical foundations of the thinkers of the Safavid period. The findings show that with the emergence of the Safavid dynasty, a new page was turned in the way of governance and communication with the people to stabilize and develop the society in that period. With regard to the officialization of the Shia religion and its acceptance by the people, the Safavid sultans turned to the thinkers of the Shia scientific fields in order to legitimize themselves and adhere to the rational and rooted rules connected to the revelation and religious texts for the administration of the country. Scholars also seized this opportunity to promote Shiism to the level of political and social administration of the newly independent country of Iran, and began to theorize about the type of guardianship and jurist supervision over the monarchy. The importance of this issue comes from the fact that the rise and fall of any civilization is the result of accumulation, reproduction and degeneration, which is the social and political system of societies. In this situation, Mohaghegh Sabzevari strengthened the social behavior of the Safavid sultans and stabilized their government by presenting reformist ideas.

The crisis that arose as a result of the decline of the Abbasid caliphate in the middle of the seventh century AH for Sunni political thought continued for centuries. This crisis in the tenth century for a prominent thinker named Roozbehan Khonji, a prominent Sunni theorist, led to the attempt to revive the caliphate by appealing to the kings who held political power in his time, rather than concerning religion. The book “The Political Thought of Khonji, The Wandering Faqih” examines the views and ideas of Khonji as one of the last representatives of Sunni thought in Iranian society. The present article is both a critical reading of the views of "Sheikh Khonj" and a critical review of the book. This study is organized in four parts. Criticism of the author's approach to the Safavieh rule, critical study of Khonji's opposition to Shiite political rule and anti-Iranian elements of his views are among the points that are emphasized in the present study. Also, the theory of domination, which is presented as political realism and the reduction of the epistemological position of political thought is one of the challenges that will be sought.

Common good as one of the basic concepts in political thought has not been studied independently yet. This concept, along with concepts such as public interests, public expediencies, public policy, common interests and common good, has formed the basis and foundation of most approaches and controversies of different schools. In the common discourse of political science, the public good refers to the material, cultural or institutional possibilities in which the members of a society share interests. This study aimed at providing the most fundamental sharing and differentiating aspects of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Naeini’s political ideas and their political views on the foundations of the theory of public good through a comparative study of their political ideas in the framework of the crisis theory of Thomas Spriggens. Accordingly, the main commonalities are the concepts such as legalism, denial of tyranny, the centrality of the role of the people in government and the differences, the form of government, the basis of government legitimacy and the conditions of Islamic rule. In general, both thinkers, according to scientific proposals in the field of the relationship between Sharia and politics, offered a special interpretation and created a new perspective in Shiite jurisprudential theories in dealing with new political concepts. Allameh Naeini's most central political views as the initiator of this movement in the Shiite political jurisprudential tradition were the rejection of tyranny and the jurisprudential justification of the constitutional government, which was based on his negative approach. On the other hand, Imam Khomeini, as the successor of Allama Naini, in this movement, with a broad and comprehensive approach and based on a positive approach, developed this issue.

This paper intends to indicate how semantic transformation of a word can shift and redirect a society’s trend toward a certain path. The concept of Maslahat or “expediency” that was used theoretically and within the framework of secondary rules until before the Islamic Revolution, resorted to the mechanisms of Ijtihad and dynamic jurisprudence after the victory of Islamic Revolution and was institutionalized within the Expediency Council to find appropriate solutions to the newly emerging issues. Such metamorphosis in the concept of expediency was an innovative move by Imam Khomeini who regarded governance as one of the primary rules of Islam prioritized over the secondary rules. The paper’s principal question is this: How semantic transformation of a concept can result in creation of new capacities for that concept? In response to the question, it should be said that the semantic transformation has changed the concept of Maslahat from its primary concept in such a way that it has become the theoretical basis and modern way of institutionalization in the structure of the Islamic Revolution. This library-based paper, developed through analytical-descriptive methodology, shows that government rules issued based on the expediency of the time, are among the primary rulings and in certain cases superior to those rules and enforceable.

The human perspective has a direct impact on the environment. In the modern era, man has considered himself in the place of God and has dominated the nature that has resulted in encroachment upon its privacy and disruption of its cycle. During antiquity, man always defined himself within the universe and had firm belief that the cycle of nature could not and should not be disrupted. The manner of man’s interactions with nature and the environment has been varied and sometimes contradictory in different periods. The existence of a bio-centric view and the acceptance of the principle that man is part of nature and his life depends on the surroundings, has led to behavioral occurrence based on the respect for nature and the environment. Ancient Iranians, too, as one of the world’s first civilizations, have always been at the forefront of human and environmental issues. The laws governing the ancient world were based on belief patterns, and the governing policies of that time were based on the notion of the protection of the environmental elements of soil, water, plants and animals. In this article, apart from examining the bio-centric perspective on the remaining myths from ancient Iran, as well as exploring the sources of Zoroastrianism and the Avesta, the relationship between the policies of kings and rulers and environmental ideas is discussed. This article shows that ancient Iranians with a bio-centric attitude and using religious propositions tried to satisfy the four elements of nature and emphasized its preservation.

Researchers consider political thought as a reflection of political phenomena, which, of course, has come into being in a civilized and political society with a government structure. Each political society, based on the distinct structure that exists in the understanding and culture of its inhabitants, is distinct from other societies and has a particular attitude and mindset. Therefore, understanding the nature of the historical society and people’s behaviors and practices, as well as the causes of certain events, is possible only by studying the thought and political culture of those societies. Thus, the research can clarify the dark angles of a historical period and contribute to the richness of the audience's historical understanding. Also, the impartial and scientific critique of these works contributes to the scientific and educational richness and adds to their efficiency, usefulness, and privileges. Accordingly, in this article, one of the newly published works on “Political Thought in Ancient Iran” was covered to study the importance and credibility and, of course, some of its shortcomings and defects in the form and content. There is a hope of better presentation in the subsequent printing.

The main subject of this paper is Robert Filmer’s Patriarcha which is the essential text in the history of political thought and in a sense it is one of the most important sources of the controversial debates on politics in early modern England. We think that Patriarcha was one of the last systematic and coherent attempts to defend the "natural character of politics" and "divine right of kings to rule given by God alone. We try to show that Filmer’s point of view, in spite of its affinities with ancient political philosophers, it was essentially different because it is totally based on the revelation. Generally, we will attempt to understand Filmer’s text in the light of the rhetorical war between the defenders of the pre-modern political conception (emphasizing the naturalness of politics and denying the equity in political rights)  and the proponents of the new politics (emphasizing the artificial character of politics and the idea of ‘the individual possessed unconditional right by nature”.) Also, we cast light on the Persian translation of the Patriarcha and argue that the non-literalness of this rendering has led to some misunderstandings and erroneous equivalents.

Quentin Skinner accompanied by a group of writers and professors of so called Cambridge School have had an undeniable role in critical rereading of history of European thought and reprinting some of the classical texts of modern political thought. Skinner in his enormous hermeneutical researches, linking the contextualist approach to the intentionalist view, shows that the established values of today life style and our thinking about that values reflecting a set of selections that we have made through the different historical times and possibilities. The contentious history of modern concept of liberty is such a case. Skinner puts the theory of civic liberty against the liberalism believing that the ideological triumph of liberalism in nineteen degraded the republican cause of liberty. The republican tradition is one of the Skinner`s fields of archeological rediscovery, and surveying the trajectory of Roman political thought and analyzing historical roots of neo-Roman theory of Liberty is a part of the project of rediscovering the English republican tradition. Then in a reductionary historicism, Skinner`s archeological hermeneutic is an English one, and his research program focused on the modern British history of liberty. His conservative archeology couldn’t go beyond a mere historiography of thought and it`s difficult to find in his project a critical position and also a philosophical examination in the field of politics. Skinner is a conservative Foucauldian.

This study is intended to have a critical view on “the History of Political Thought in Islam”. This book is a reference for the students and researchers of history and political sciences. The writher has explained formal, theoretical, and scientific content of the book. Then, he has tried to evaluate its features to assess its specific appropriateness to be studied and taught as a textbook for Islamic political thought. The results indicated that the book contains several advantageous properties; however, there are some formal, theoretical, and scientific shortcomings, which must be covered in next editions in order to change it into an appropriate and adequate source for students and researchers.

Xwēdōdah had been one of the cultural issues in ancient Iran based on political thought. Xwēdōdah was especially common among royal families. Xwēdōdah tradition has been carried out for a very long period of time; the same factor explains the importance of this tradition. The emergence of this tradition based on archaeological evidence dates back to the Elamite era which continued in Achaemenid era with some changes. In the ancient Iran, religion and politics were heavily influenced by “life-worlds” having harmonic horizons. In this paper, Xwēdōdah is viewed as a ritual demand of political thought in line with the reign immortality which existed in two Elamite and Achaemenid eras and also continued into Sassanid era in another form. This research, using a phenomenological approach, studies the essence and reason of continuation of this ritual along with an objective interpretation of such evidence as water, woman, snake and abstract concepts like "Snake Goddess". Finally, it is concluded that belief in totems and their holiness originate from the demands of political thought on the basis of religion, by the institution of politics and power in both Elamite and Achaemenid eras.

Gholāmhasan Moqīmi examined Imam Khomeini›s ijtihadi method in terms of the production of political jurisprudential thought in his book the Effectiveness of Imam Khomeini›s Ijtihadi Method in the Production of Political Jurisprudential Thought. This book which is in three sections and has 372 pages was published by the Institute of Islamic Science and Culture in the winter of 1395. The author of the following article is going to talk about the content of the book and mentions some points and criticisms about it.

Re-reading original texts of Classic Thinkers is one of the necessities of transforming Iranian discourses of humanities. There are controversies in the approach over what distinguishes a `great book` from `lesser works` of a thinker. In a Straussian perspective, Great Books are held to be written by authors/philosophers of such sovereign critical self-knowledge and intellectual power that they can in no way be reduced to the general thought of their time. Academic as well as ex-academic circles of thought ought to go far beyond the commentaries and commentators to reach more contemplative confrontation with critical theory heritage achieving a critical reading of the very classic texts. Having this insights in mind, here the author tries to re-read Gramsci`s political realism based on Quaderni del Carcere, specially The Modern Prince. The relation between Gramsci`s The Modern Prince with two conflicting heritages of radical modernity has been reviewed: Machiavelli as Republican one, and Marx as Revolutionary one. Sorel and power of the myth and the violence as respected by Gramsci is other side of this seemingly contradictory radical heritage, as here called as Revolutionary Political Realism.

The conditions of success and reasons for failure of development strategies and plans, are among the most important “development studies” issues. This has been explained in different ways: for example, there is a strong relationship between the efficiency of development strategies and plans and development theories. Based on paradigmatic-implicative theory, which explains the relationship between development theories and political thought and considers the development theory as one of the practical implications of political thought, a condition for the success of development strategies and development plans can be found to be rooted in the political thought foundation. Therefore, in the present article we explore the political thought supporting Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth theory, as one of the oldest and most important development theories which in the 1960s resulted in understanding development as “growth”. We use qualitative content analysis method to show that the political foundation of Rostow’s Stages of Economic Growth theory is based on the principle of “the most utility for the most people” in accordance with Bentham’s utilitarian political thought.

This paper intends to identify Seyyed Hassan Taqizadeh''s thought and its social and mental bases، and analyze his political action as an Intellectual and political actor in the era of constitutionalism according to the historical sociology approach with regard to the sociology of knowledge. Mannheim''s sociology of knowledge focuses on some traits such as social position، dependence of thought to social background، and historicality of thought، and to some extend pays attention to person subjective. These are competent elements، which were used for recognizing Taqizadeh''s thought and the process of becoming an active political actor. Besides، this paper uses the concept of action in its details to understand the type of Taqizadeh''s action and its relation to his social and intellectual bases. According to these facts، the paper tries to answer how and to some extend why such relation exists between Taqizadeh''s thought and his political action. It concludes that Taqizadeh''s family position، social rank، social environment، and experiential and humanity sciences، especially evolutionism، as well as his former knowledge of Islam are the main bases of his modernity. With regard to these foundations، it should not be wondered that Taqizadeh''s thought and political action are mixture of Islam، liberalism and socialism.

Political thought is the kind of thinking which is formulated in different disciplines; political philosophy، political ideology، political theology، and political literature are some of its important examples. Although in the course of history political science was transformed to the “science of power”، once again it has returned to its origins for articulating ways to achieve “good life” and “political thinking”. Considering this epistemic turn to ethics and the normative turn in the study of development and economics، benefiting from the practical implications of political thought seems to be a historical necessity. In the present article، first we discuss the main analyses and theories concerning the nature of political thought، and then a paradigmatic-implicative narrative is presented as an alternative for the interdisciplinary explanation of political thought.

From the dawn of its history، cinema has been considered as a phenomenon in which different thoughts، among them the political، could be addressed. Indeed، many film-makers have presented various aspects of political norms and the good order of society through movies. However، this combination of the idea and image has been addressed in different ways and among others، as seems، the historical narrative has the potentiality to convey critical and normal political ideas in cinema. Exploring different types of representing the political thought in cinematic historical narratives، the present study attempts to identify cinema’s interdisciplinary potential as a conjuncture for the disciplines of history and political thought.