جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « iranian cities » در نشریات گروه « جغرافیا »

The need to investigate urban issues in a systematic way, connected to socio-economic fields, is one of the main tasks of urban planning. One of the fields that needs this type of analysis is the field of inefficiency and urban decay, which has been studied and investigated mainly in the form of inefficient and isolated urban textures. In this regard, the lack of recognition of the process of urban decay has made urban plans ineffective in many cases. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to identify the factors and results of urban decay in Iran, and to identify the trends of urban decay.

A quantitative method has been used for this research. The statistical sample equals 10 experts in the field of urban studies. Two models MicMac and ScenarioWizard have been used. The first model is used to identify the influential factors and the second model is used to predict the future trends of the explanatory indicators of urban decay in Iran.

45 indicators related to urban decay were compared. The causal cases were identified. Finally, it was found that widespread financial corruption, distribution of rents from oil (subsidized) revenues, non-integrated urban management, distribution of rents for jobs and government positions, influence of state-government institutions in the creation and joining of new areas to cities are the most causal factors of urban decay. Based on future trend analysis 8 scenarios imply on urban decay with higher rate and 14 scenarios urban decay will continue with current rate.

Paying attention to the results obtained in this research will be efficient for decision makers of macro planning and urban planning at the national and regional levels.

The aim of this study was to systematically review the Persian papers published in the Persian ‎scientific-research journals on the topic of Crime Prevention through Environmental Design ‎‎(CPTED). In this cross-sectional and documentary study, articles published over the last 20 ‎years (1999-2020) have been screened using the standard checklist of The Joanna Briggs ‎Institute (JBI). Finally, using 8 JBI criteria, 38 articles were selected and included in the final ‎analysis. The findings show that more than %80 of CPTED articles have been published since ‎‎2011. Islamic Azad University units with the publication of 8 articles (%21.05) and Urban ‎Management and Law Enforcement Affairs Journals with the publication of 3 articles (%7.87) ‎had the highest share in the article’s publication on "CPTED". Of the all published articles, ‎‎45/73 were prepared by documentary method. In %44.73 of the articles, the city was selected as ‎the study area. Geography and urban planning had the highest share in article production with ‎‎13 articles (%34.21), architecture with 11 articles (%28.95) and urban planning with 7 articles ‎‎(%18.42). The findings indicate that the first set of (documentary) studies have introduced and ‎described "CPTED". Second-hand articles (surveys) have attempted to use "CPTED" to measure ‎the security of urban spaces, and a third has attempted to prescribe it as a standard urban ‎planning guide. The results of this study show that most articles have repeatedly introduced ‎CPTED, its principles and theories surrounding it, and indigenous and independent theorizing ‎has not been conducted. Future studies can focus on expanding indigenous theories of urban ‎planning to apply this theme in the field of urban planning in Iran. ‎‏ ‏

INTRODUCTIONGlobalization as a meta-process or a set of processes is largely accepted as free movement of capitals, goods, people, technologies, ideas, etc., all over the world. This “time-space compression” and formation of “space of flow” is changing our understanding of contemporary world, or in a better word, it compels us to think seriously about new ontology of space. At the same time, it is a fact that we are living in an urban era. Nowadays we can speak about “planetary urbanization”, and we can ask if there is any space which is not urban. No matter what we name them; concept, phenomenon, historical event or [meta]process, cities become the place of globaliztion. This leads to creat a body of studies in the urban domain. It is proclaimed that Iran, as a so-called developing oil-exporting country, with adherence to ideological government, is not part of this global space of flows or “Actually Existing Neoliberalism”. But it is possible to say that a process which compels us with a new ontology to space does not affect Iranian cities. We say NO. Hence, in this paper, the relationship between the globalization and Iranian cities raises a question. Then, the main question of this paper is as follows: Q: How does globalization affect Iranian cities?
METHODOLOGYThis paper is a theoretical one. We used discourse analysis in order to answer the research question. On the other hand, we used the spatial distribution of urban mega-project in Mashhad as the second most populated city of Iran to show the theoretical framework in an actual existing policy in an Iranian city. For the spatial analysis, we used Spatial Autocorrelation in software such as ArcGIS and GeoDa.
RESULTS & DISCUSSIONIt’s a belief that Iran is not part of the global space of flows. The minimum share of global capital circulation (Foreign Direct Investment is only 2 percent of Gross Fixed Capital formation in Iran) and the fact that Iran was ranked among the lowest countries in globalization indexes indicates its present position. Hence, Iranian cities are not considered as an actor in the global scale; none of the Iranian cities are in the world city network. Rennie Short named Tehran as a ‘Black Hole’; it is among eleven cities which met three criteria: they had a population of over 3 million, were not identified by GAWC as a world city and did not share their national territory with a world city.
There is a body of studies related to the globalization and cities in Iran. Most of them are dedicated to the dominant literature. They study the position of the Iranian cities in different rankings. They, generally, persist in the necessity of improving the position of Iranian cities in the global ladder of global cities. As a result, we can see ‘urban reconstruction for globalization’ as the key agenda for urban planners and city authorities in Iran. Some others conclude the fact that Iranian cities are not part of space of flows is rooted in the Constitution, because it represents specific geo-political code which limits the capacity of cities to play an active role in space of flow and it is why Short put Tehran amongst “Resisting Cities”.
This conception of globalization, which itself is discursive, based on some statements. It is necessary to reconstruct the city for globalization and it is one of the most important statements in today’s urban planning in Iran. We can claim that this statement is the “planning habitus” amongst Iranian planners and city authorities in Iran.
CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONSThe dominant discourse of globalization, which is called as globalization of neoliberalism discourse, presents a linear-scalar interpretation. This discourse of globalization is shaping planning habitus amongst Iranian city authorities and planners. Iranian cities reconstructing based on globalization flow is a key statement for this discourse. Based on this common sense or habitus, cities compete to attract different form of capitals. On the mentioned statement, it is reasonable to accept that building “high-tech global trade zones” and “investing urban mega-projects” could help the process. This process will result in raising the position of Iranian cities among global cities. In this atmosphere, Islamic ideology and oil revenue are important issues in urban network of Iranian cities, for instance latter one play a major role in financing urban mega-projects.
All we have discussed here was about globalization and global scale. But local scale is also important. It is clearl that local communities continue to obtain political potential in the age of globalized power. Hence, the distinction between the “local” and the “global” as separate scalar fields remains problematic, as matters of the shifting boundary between a territorial inside and a territorial outside or as “in here” and “out there”.
Globalization and new communicational networks offer the potential of “action at a distance” and therefore we can suggest new type of community titled “distanciated community” in the “open source neighborhoods”. We could, thus, see localities as the sites of intersection and juxtaposition of new spatio-temporalities with older ones. Then we can speak about globalization in Iran Cities in different way (beyond studying Iranian cities in hierarchy of globalized city or studying APS spatial distribution).

During the past 50 years (1956-2006), our urban population has increased from 6 million to over 48 million and the number of cities has soared from 200 to over 1000
Urbanization is perhaps one of the most important human activities, creating enormous impacts on the environment at the local, regional and global scales. Although urbanization in the form of land-cover (either built-up or impervious surfaces) occupies less than 2% of the Earths land surface, there is plentiful evidence that human disturbance due to urbanization has significantly altered the natural landscape.
Urbanization is one of the most important human activities that has negatively impacted natural environment at local, regional and global scales. Cities are currently home to nearly half of the world’s population and over the next 30 years most of the two-billion-plus person increase in global population is expected to occur in urban areas in the developing world Urban sprawl is the common characteristics of many fast growing cities across the globe that consumes agricultural lands around the cities and puts pressure on natural environment. In the first half of 20th century, the majority of people were living in rural areas and cities had a slow growth, however, after mid 1950s due to the improvement in medical conditions as well as rural urban migration, it faced with rapid population growth in urban areas. Improvement in the socio-economic conditions especially increasing the private car ownership in the following decades, led to the low density physical expansion of many cities in the country. This paper aims to examine the status of Iranian cities based on two main patterns of continuous and discontinuous physical development and seek for the association of major social and environmental factors related to growth patterns of urban areas in the country.
A descriptive analytical method has been employed in this research. The main source of data for the study has been driven from Google Earth images and Google Maps as well as the results of General Census of Iran from 1956 to 2006. In this research, the growth pattern for all cities of over 5000 population in Iran has been studied and attempts has been made to associated these patterns with main social and natural variables such as population size, annual population growth rate, density, area, city plan, elevation and regional climate pattern. A Chi Square analysis has been used to find the association between city growth models and selected social and natural variables.
Findings: Research findings indicate that form 689 cities over 5000 population, 413 cities (59.9%) had continuous physical growth and 276 cities (40.1%) discontinuous growth. To describe the physical growth pattern, we did a Chi square analysis and tried to find their possible association with the existing physical patterns with a number of social and environmental variables. The following Table summarizes the outcome of Chi square analysis with selected variables Our analysis revealed that there is an association between the population size of the cities and their physical growth patterns in a way that most large cities (over 500 thousands) have discontinuous physical growth pattern while most small and medium size cities have continuous physical expansion. The ratio of discontinuous physical growth pattern for cities between 5 to 24 thousands is 40%, cities between 25 to 49 thousands 45%, cities between 50 to 100 thousands 31% and cities between 100 and 500 thousands 34%.
Our study also depicts that there is a significant relationship between physical pattern and the area size for cities. While small and medium sized cities have more continuous physical growth, most cities with large area size (over 5000 hectares) have discontinuous growth pattern. Such a relationship also exits between urban density and physical growth pattern. Our data indicates that over 45% percent of the discontinuously growing cities have less than 50 person per hectares, while over 80% of the cities with more than 100 persons per hectare has continuous growth pattern.
To find any relationship with urban physical pattern, we calculated urban population growth for the three time period of 10, 20 and 50 years. In contract with the discussed variables, none of the population growth rate for the three periods revealed any significant association with physical growth pattern in Iranian cities.
Among the environmental variables, two variables including elevation and climate were examined with respect to the physical patterns of cities. Data findings indicates a correlation between elevation and city growth pattern in a way that cities located at very low elevation (around Caspian see shores) tended to have more discontinuous growth pattern than those located in other areas. In contrast, cities located at higher elevation especially above 1000 meters sea level tended to have more continuous growth pattern. Also an association exists between climate type and growth pattern. Our data also showed that cities located in Moderate Khazari climate (Caspian Sea Climate), have more discontinuous physical while cities located in other climates especially semiarid and mountainous climate mostly have continuous physical growth.
This study examined the status of Iranian cities in terms of their physical growth patterns and their associations with main social and environmental variables. In this research all cities over 5000 inhabitants were examined based on two major physical patterns of continuous and discontinuous growth. Then their relationship was tested with the selected variables using a Chi square analysis. Main result indicated that about 60% of Iranian cities has continued growth pattern and 40% has discontinuous pattern. Our findings showed that four main social variables of population size, urban density, and area size and two main environmental variables of elevation and regional climate showed a degree of association with physical growth patterns. However, there is a need for more detailed data and variables for explanation of the physical patterns of Iranian.