The present article reviews and criticizes the book “al-'Adb al-Mesri Fi zill al-hokm al-ottoman” written by Mohammad Seyyed Kiliani, a contemporary Egyptian writer (1998-1912). The method of work has been form and content critiques to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the book. According to the results of this research, the present book unfortunately, both in appearance and in content, suffers from major weaknesses some of which are lack of attention to the rules of writing Arabic language, the inability to use proper signs of paging, failure to comply with book chapter pages, overlap of some chapters of the book, providing unilateral and directional judgments away from the spirit of scientific discussion, lack of referencing and observance of scholarship, the existence of explanations and the presentation of non-related materials to the title of the book, inadequate explanation of some parts of the book, especially in chapters five and six, lack of a list of references, weaknesses in analysis and concealment of the scientific character of the writer. According to the abovementioned critiques, the book does not deserve to be used as a source of study in the history of Ottoman literature, but it can be suggested as a source for studying and critique for graduate students.

Today, robbery, as one of the most widespread and abusive kinds of crime in most of the countries including Iran, has become a widespread and serious problem that has various social, economic and security dimensions. Over the past few decades, with the advent of advanced tools, crime mapping has become a major issue for scholars and thinkers in analyzing and distributing geographic spatial distribution of crime, in order to examine the spatial perception of criminals with greater spatial accuracy. Crime analysis, and in general, geographic crime studies look for spatial representation of criminal acts to know how to disperse crime, and identify mass crime cores. The main purpose of this kind of attitude and analysis of crime is to provide patterns to reduce the incidence of crime in the urban space. Studies show that some urban spaces have higher rates of crime due to their physical, social and economic characteristics, and vice versa, some spaces prevent and deter crime within themselves. On the other hand, it has been proven that criminal offenders often make logical choices and seek the simplest, least risky and most suitable opportunities and conditions for the time and place for committing crime. Accordingly, the study intends to identify and analyze the spatial masses of burglaries in the Mashhad metropolis. Theft is to steal something secretly. The crime center is the area where the average crime rate is more than the periphery. This place can be a house, a street corner, a shop or any other place.
Unprotected urban spaces are areas of cities that are more suitable for crime than other physical urban areas. The occurrence of crime in one place produces an outline map, in which the spatial distribution of offenses is well represented. It also shows the flow of basic crime patterns in the region. Time-based patterns of crime can be displayed seasonally, monthly, weekly, and day-to-day. The most important spatial patterns of crime are as follows: A) Scattered pattern: In this pattern, crime is spread throughout the study area and is not clustered or concentrated like the status of houses that are located across the scope of the robbery due to the inadequate design features of these locations.   B) Cluster Pattern: These types of criminal events are clustered in one or more special spaces within the scope of the study. For example, sports stadiums can be be the focus of a myriad of offenses related to vehicles.   C) Point pattern: This particular type of crime conforms to a particular criminal location. For example, shopping mall parkings in the center of a busy city can be of such kind where all delinquency events are created in a special place. The method of research in this research is purposeful, applied and descriptive-analytical. ArcGIS and Surfer softwares were used to analyze the data. The statistical population of the study, including theft crimes, occurred in the time period from 2011 to 2016 (9152 cases) in Mashhad, the information was obtained from the awareness police of Khorasan Razavi province. The results of the research show that between 2011 and 2016, the highest rate of theft occurred was in the year 2015 and the lowest rate was in the year 2012. Among the areas of Mashhad, zone 11 of Mashhad with 0.26% in 2015, the lowest level of theft and zone 2 with 17.16% in 2011, has the highest rate of robbery. Also, the highest rate of robbery is in Samen area. The results of the standard deviation test indicate that the depth and direction of development of theft in the city of Mashhad stretch from the northwest towards the southeast. After investigating the spatial distribution of high crime scenes during 2011-2016, Khawja Rabih area was identified as the main center for theft. In the new millennium, due to the expansion of urbanization and the emergence of metropolitan areas, a variety of urban issues including increased crime rates have become particularly evident. Crime is a phenomenon in which human beings with all the facilities and scientific advancements have not been able to control it and increase it.. In fact, delinquency is a very complex social phenomenon that can be seen in different social environments. The source of delinquency must be sought in the social and economic structures and the disadvantages they derive from them. In the case of a spatial and temporal context, the grounds for crime and its repetition are provided, and over time, a geographic environment becomes a mass crime center.The results of the present study show that corrupt crime pillars in Mashhad are often located in defenseless urban spaces such as marginalized areas and worn out texture. Thus, plans must be made to control and reduce crime in these areas.

One of the most important concerns of Rijāl scholars is how to identify common narrators in problematic sanads. Among the most frequent common narrators may be mentioned of “Ahmad bin Muhammad”, the name that is common by three narrators who lived at the age of Imam Jawad (AS) to Imam Hassan Askarī (AS), including Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Khālid Barqī, Ahmad bin Muhammad bin ‘Isā al-Ash'arī Qomī and Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Sayyārī. The first two narrators are the great authentic Shiite narrators, but the last is an exaggerator and heretic narrator. Using the method of historical and Rijāl study on the personality of Sayyārī and comparing his professors and narrators with Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Khālid Barqī’s and Ahmad bin Muhammad bin ‘Isā al-Ash'arī Qomī’s, the possibility of Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Sayyari is studied here through the Rijāl evaluating criteria.

The family of Najaf Ali Isfahani were unique in Safawid and Qajar Periods. No family has played a more prominent role in the painting of court life as more as Najaf Ali’s Family. Najaf Ali in recognition of his work in Lacquer painting was foremost among the lacquer painters. Under Afsharid and Zand periods، lacquer works further developed and Ali Ashraf was one of prominent painters in this manufacture. Muhammad Baqir was one of his pupil in lacquerworks and many of his works known examples of Afsharid and Zand periods. One of Muhammad Baqir’sson was Najaf Ali Isfahani. Najaf Ali was pupil of Muhammad Sadiq، another celebrated lacquerer and friend of Muhammad Baqir. From their works one can ascertain the excellence of the lacquerworks made during this period. In their lacquerworks designs was bold and superabundance of small detail of flowers that characterized lacquerworks of his periods. Under Qajar period، style of Farangisazi (Europeanized style) was accepted by painters and developed in lacquerworks. Many fine pieces of lacquer known from early Qajar era. This pieces was made by court painters as Najaf Ali، which was laureate painter (Naggashbashi) of Qajar court. Marked featured of his works are improved methods of lacquer، especially an attractive from design in which beautifully written poems are interwoven with patterns. In this prespect he was rather like many of Persian lacquerers Qajar court. «YaShah-i Najaf» was signature of Najaf Ali which can mean both Imam Ali، first Imams of Shiite religion، and his name Najaf Ali. All painter of 12th century had multiple signatures depending on their patron، teacher and one of holy Imam name. Three biographical sketches about Najaf Ali came in three records. 1. in Benjamin «Persia and the Persian»; 2. in the letters of Schafier; 3. In the married Qabalah of his daughter، Sabiyah Sultan. Meeting these three records and works of Najaf Ali، I proposed to make to his biography in this paper research. In my opinion، which was arise from married Qabalah record، Najaf Ali was son of Muhammad Baqir (the eminent painter of Zand and Qajar periods) not son of Aqa Baba، the painter، which Robinson and others proposed. Then he was the celebrated laureate painter (Naqqashbashi) of Muhammad Shah Qajar. He had three sons: Kazim، Ja’far and Ahmad which were talented artists in lacquerworks. Najaf Ali was most prolific of Persian painters. Benjamin who was American consul in Persia in the 1880s، formed the impression that he was one of the most noted painters of Qajar era and pupil of Muhammad Sadiq. He announced that Muhammad Taqi، one of the celebrated painter and Muddahib in Bazzar of Tehran his pupil. Works of Najaf Ali included of Qalamdans، Mirror-cases، boxes، covers and so on. These have a highly original design of girls and cupids amongst a mass of vegetation and lovely birds and flowers of excellent quality.

After the establishment of the Ghotb-Shahian government in 918 A.H. by Sultan Gholi Ghotb-Shah, the state experienced several different stages. The golden age of the Ghotb-Shahian government coincided with the reign of Sultan Mohammad Gholi and Sultan Mohammad Ghotb-Shah. In the beginning, Ghotb-Shahian engaged in several wars with their neighboring states including Adel-Shahian. After the end of this war, the aforementioned two sultans seizing the good opportunity provided by the previous rulers of the Ghotb-Shahian dynasty and also seeking help from prominent scholars such as Mohammad Mo’men Astarabadi shaped the golden age of this dynasty’s reign.In this period that relative calm had been established in the domain of the Ghotb-Shahian, they achieved great progress in cultural, religious, and political areas. The founding of the city of Hyderabad, the spread of the Shi‘ah creed, the widespread holding of religious ceremonies, and the creation of numerous books in fields such as literature, history, and religion are among the major achievements of this period.Towards the end of Sultan Mohammad Ghotb-Shah’s reign, the arrival of Mongol forces in Deccan and the death of Mir Mohammad Mo’men Astarabadi caused the golden age of the Ghotb-Shahian government, which was marked by peace and cultural, economic, and social development, to reach its end and bells began to ring for the complete downfall of the dynasty soon after.

The late Kulaynī, in his Al-Kāfī, has profusely related ḥadīth through his master, Muḥammad b. Ismā‘īl b. Shādhān, to the extent that some have counted them to be 831 traditions. Muḥaqqiq Ardabīlī (d. 993/1585) has regarded Muḥammad b. Ismā‘īl b. Bazī‘ as Kulaynī’s master and Fāḍil Ardabīlī (d. 1101/) believes that Kulaynī has narrated ḥadīth from Muḥammad b. Ismā‘īl Barmakī.In this article, both approaches have been refuted with a descriptive-statistical method and proved that Kulaynī has related ḥadīth from Ibn Bazī‘ through three or at least two intermediaries. If it is meant to be the Ibn Bazī‘ who died in the lifetime of Imam al-Jawād (A.S.), then the late Kulaynī must have been contemporary to Imam al-Riḍā (A.S.) up to Imam al-Mahdī (A.S.). With this assumption, he had managed to meet the Imams (A.S.) in person and narrated the traditions directly or at least through one intermediary from them, since the sublimity of sanad and small number of intermediaries are intended-for and desirable. Nevertheless, Kulaynī was from a generation after Barmakī and always related ḥadīth from him through Muḥammad b. Ja‘far Asadī. Delving into various evidences, the present article seeks to confirm the view that the late Kulaynī’s master had been Muḥammad b. Ismā‘īl Bandaqī Nayshābūrī.

Some intellectuals in the Islamic world seek to homogenize the tradition and modernity by purifying the former and providing a governmental model that fits modern life and is based on the tradition. Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and Mohammed Arkoun, two intellectuals of the Islamic world, have conceptualize the issue, respectively, as Arabic reason and Islamic reason. The question is why Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and Mohammed Arkoun have talked about two different notions of reason—Arabic and Islamic—in the face of the rationality constructed from the Islamic tradition, and how such duality would affect the political and its governmental exemplification. The hypothesis of the present research is that Mohammed Abed al-Jabri sees the tradition in the cultural framework and identity elements such as language, social structures, and power relations within the Arabic society, while Arkoun sees it in a civilizational background and efforts made by ethnicities, cultures, and interactions with others, as well as religious authority and its Islamic principles