In 2024, Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson were awarded the Nobel Prize in economics for their research on the role of institutions in economic development. Their studies highlight that inclusive institutions, which promote broad participation in both the economy and politics, are essential foundations for development. In contrast, extractive institutions that serve the interests of specific groups hinder economic and social progress. Iran’s current state, characterized by inefficient, extractive institutions that protect minority interests, disrupts the country's development process. Drawing from the Nobel laureates' findings, it is clear that institutional reforms to enhance transparency, eliminate rent-seeking, and increase public participation are essential for setting the country on a path to development. In Iran, key obstacles to development include policies that favor specific groups over the general population, limited political participation, and the lack of an accountable party system. These economists stress the importance of reforming political and economic institutions to enable inclusive, participatory governance that can foster economic growth.

Economic development in today's world is a concern of many states. The important issue is that, first, how states can be on the path to development, and, second, what procedure can take place in order for them not to fall out of orbit. The results of development in Iran in the 1960s and the growth and reconstruction taken place at this period reveal that development may be a temporary achievement, a process after which the crisis and acute financial and economic conditions were experienced. Now, the question we seek to answer is: Why did the economic development program in Iran in the Pahlavi era fail despite the initial positive efforts put forth in the 1970s? This paper tries to answer this question by using inclusive institutions and exploitative institutions concepts of Oglu and Robinson and applying them in Iran of the 1960s and 1970s, and to show that the upper hand of politics can cut the roots of economic development programs and abort a development process and path and cause deviation. This study is conducted using a descriptive-analytical method. The required data are gathered using library study.

The issue of youth has been one of the most important issues in the country for the past three decades, and many measures have been taken to address their issues, including at the institutional level. Despite this, the measures taken and the institutions created have not achieved much success in alleviating the problems of the youth. Based on this, in this article, we have tried to study the process by using Constructionism analysis of documents method. In order to achieve this goal, first, the history and position of inclusive youth institutions in Iran and the world have been compared. Based on this, the formation of the comprehensive organization of youth in Iran has an inverse relationship with the aforementioned organization in industrialized countries. In the next step, the history of the comprehensive organization of youth after the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran has been studied. Therefore, in the following, we will give a brief description of the Supreme Youth Council, the National Youth Center, the National Youth Organization and finally the Ministry of Sports and Youth. Finally, the inclusive youth institution has been investigated from three aspects: 1- goals and tasks, 2- content of programs and actions, 3- efficiency of the relevant institution. This is while checking its efficiency entails paying attention to the needs assessment done in previous studies. According to the findings of this section, firstly, the two ideas of "cultural invasion" and "generation gap" have played a central role in the understanding of the statesmen about the category of youth and its challenges. Secondly, the critical approach has gradually overcome the programs and actions of the mentioned institution. Thirdly, the failure of the said institution in the "problemology of youth" has played a key role in its inefficiency.

The longing for development in Turkey has started since the formation of the Republic and today this process is on the agenda of the government. But the dynamics of development in Turkey only had a successful trend from 2015 until 2015. This article is written to show how the process and the path of economic and political development in Turkey. The present study, by adopting the theoretical framework of Ajmaoglu-Robinson institutionalist political economy, pursues the question of how Turkish political and economic institutions have influenced the development process of this country? The data required for this article are collected by documentary method and the article analysis method is process tracking. The research findings indicate that the movement of Turkish political-economic institutions towards more inclusiveness has strengthened the development process in Turkey; With the establishment of ownership, increasing the role of the private sector, independence of the judiciary, reducing military power, greater political openness and the expansion of civil society, Turkey has moved towards institutional inclusion, which results in expanding the incentives for economic activity and participation of citizens and economic prosperity. Is more

In the 1920s and 1930s, Iran witnessed the formation of stages in the development and growth of its processes. The occupation of Iran in August 1941 and the fall of Reza Shah's government and then his exile led to emphasis of the foreign factor as the main obstacle to successful development programs. Thus was neglected the internal factors that were at the heart of the prevailing policies and methods. The purpose of this article is to clarify the internal reasons and factors for the cessation and failure of the development process by using the two concepts of extractive institutions and the Vicious Cycle in the Reza Shah Developing Government. The main question is: Under what conditions did the development process in Iran during the Reza Shah period begin and what have been the defect of this process? Success, promoting efficiency and sustaining the development process requires the growth of inclusive institutions and the existence of a cycle of virtue and the failure of development resulting from the extractive institutions and the Vicious Cycle. first Pahlavi, steps were taken to establish institutions and exploit them on the path to development. However, this process was disrupted due to the formation of extractive institutions and the Vicious Cycle and led to public dissatisfaction. This dissatisfaction was revealed by the lack of support for the social forces of the government during the occupation of Iran during the Second World War. This study is designed as historical-explanatory and its data gathering method is library-documentary studies.

One of the prevalent theoretical models for understanding the historical roots of the underdevelopment of various societies is the new institutionalist theory of institutional quality improvement which emphasizes the fundamental origins of economic growth. According to this theory, societies with inclusive institutions will experience a sustainable economic growth and development by creating a creative destruction process and a generative rent distribution while moving toward evolutionary cycles. Societies with extractive institutions, however, will lag behind and decline in the long run due to the dominance of rent relations and the non-generative rent distribution while moving toward vicious cycles. During the second Pahlavi period, despite its short-term experience of economic growth, Iran moved to vicious cycles instead of evolutionary ones; therefore, in order to investigate this issue, the reasons for the lack of sustainable   economic growth during this period will be addressed using the theory of institutional quality improvement. To this end, one of the most important institutional barriers to economic growth in this period will be addressed through examining the process of creative destruction on the political and economic market. The results of this study indicate that despite experiencing the short-term economic growth achieved under the shadow of extractive institutions during this period due to factors such as power struggles, dominance of personal relations over affairs, the non-generative rent distribution etc., the process of creative destruction did not take shape on the political and economic market, so that despite the abundance of sources of income and foreign aid, Iran could not maintain its economic growth and development.

Development in the Islamic Republic of Iran has been studied within the framework of various theories. One of the approaches in this regard is the relationship between the development process and the institutional approach in Iran. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of the ruling elite in the process of development in the Islamic Republic from a different point of view. The reason for this difference is to use the institutionalism approach. So the fundamental question of this study is that the lack of comprehensive development in the Islamic Republic of Iran can be explained in terms of institutionalism? In response to this question, the hypothesis is posed that the struggle of political elites and the existence of a limited and rigid competition system and the absence of inclusive political institutions have led to the lack of a comprehensive development in the Islamic Republic. The hypothesis is discussed in four periods of political elites' performance in shaping the development trend after the victory of the Islamic Revolution and Iran did not receive an acceptable score in terms of institutional efficiency indicators, government quality and political elites, rule of law and corruption control. This paper, Using a Designing Qualitative Research and Through Library Studies, Attempts to Identify the Problems of Development Formation in Iran.

As pervasive institutions, legislatures have various types of functions. One of the most important functions of the legislatures is policy making power. Policy making power of the legislatures can be evaluated through combination of normative and descriptive- analytic methods and by analyzing the external variables (constitution, political parties and interest groups) and internal factors (parliamentary committees, parliamentary parties and financial resources and staff). In this paper main typologies of the policy making power of the legislatures, provided by Polsby, Blondel and Mezey are discussed. Polsby categorizes legislatures into parliament with power to transform bills from whatever resources into law and those with capacity to influence the bills partly. In his typology of legislatures, power of the policy making capacity of the parliament mostly depend on the external variables. Blondel proposes a spectrum of legislature's impact, ranging from complaint parliaments in one hand and free legislatures on the other, according to the viscosity level of the policy making process. Final typology which reviewed in this paper is introduced by Mezey through analyzing the policy making power of the legislatures and the level of the public and elite's support. Therefore, he classified legislatures into five types: 1. active, 2. reactive, 3. vulnerable, 4. marginal and 5. minimal legislatures.

The recession and socio-economic problems of the marginalized communities, has become a major challenge for urban managers. One of the reasons for the lack of implementation plans in these areas, has been announced the lack of real participation and public presence in such projects. This is while changing the approaches taken into consideration in these projects can be grounded the real and widespread presence of people in the process of empowering these neighborhoods. The dominant view so far in studies of social interventions has been based on Putnam theory, which linked the production of social capital to a strong civil society. While Rothstein's theory views social capital production through the efficiency and impartiality of public and public institutions. In fact, the municipality can help the process of empowering the poor when it is done by the people. For this purpose, this descriptive and analytical study done. in Mashhad city and Five Municipality of this metropolitan. The method used was mainly qualitative and participatory planning and to confirm the assumptions, quantitative and field methods were also considered. Questionnaires and in-depth interviews were used as data collection tools. The data were analyzed using content analysis and SPSS software, using independent t-test. The results showed that people who participated in local community mobilization programs reported higher satisfaction and willingness to participate. There was also a relationship between the tendency to utilize micro funds in local development and familiarity with the process of participatory planning. In addition, the implementation of participatory planning has reduced the distrust of participants significantly, and the desire to live in the neighborhood has increased. On this basis we can say that social capital is the product of real participation, and it will be possible following comprehensive institutional development.