فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال هفتم شماره 4 (پیاپی 26، زمستان 1397)

Regarding the role of trust as a semantic issue in international compromises and presentations, this article examines the concept of trust and its various dimensions. In this article, we examine different aspects of the concept of trust and consider it as a cycle of creation, continuity, failure and Or reproduce itself, using the statements of constructed schools to address the relationship between the two countries, Iran and the United States, and their position within this cycle. Research shows that countries that enter the trust cycle due to changing conditions and various factors within the cycle, trust between them may be impaired, sometimes improved, reproduced, or if the primary trust fails to reproduce and return to full confidence. Face. The main focus of the discussion, given the 40-year-old unchanged structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, relates to the influence of the agency and the semantic and psychological propositions between them. Given that the historical findings of this article confirm the emergence and subsequent decline of trust between the two countries since the establishment of initial communications to date and the theoretical outlook of this paper's findings on the impact of the two countries' decision-makers throughout their history. They have entered the trust cycle, but in the end, they have become distrustful of their relationship by entering the feedback loop. The research method in this paper is empirical-analytical and the method of data collection is library.

Security is one of the most fundamental concern for human societies throughout history. In the Westphalian era, the government was the most important institutions that considered on security. After World War II, globalization era, and Post Westphalian era, the concept of security is pervasive and widespread. The concept of military security - political and civil rights to human security has evolved. These days, new dimension of security is Discussed not the nation-state level, but also at different levels and dimensions. The Observant of human security and promoting safety of citizens against all types of threats is converted to one of the main tasks of the governments. They must prioritize human security in their policymaking and planning. In the twentieth century, along with government Institution, non-governmental Institutions such as multinational companies, , international organizations  and non-governmental organizations, as new actors in the process of formation of political, economic, security and cultural at the local, national and international activities have expanded. So, the aim of this study is investigated the status and role of non-governmental organizations in the development of human security. To achieve this aim, main question is how non-governmental organizations could play their roles in the development of human security? To answer this question, based on analytical and descriptive methods and by using the institutionalism theory, this hypothesis can be put forward that: “Non-governmental organizations by play role of executive, increase of knowledge, facilitation and the rule of law can play key role in the development of human security.”

Whit a glance at the developments that the international environment has experienced within last a couple of decades, especially after the great depression in 2008-9, it would be cleared the equation of international relations have been changed. The sign of change is a power shift from G 8 to G 20 in international economic-financial bodies and rising new emerging economic powers in the shape of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). This change implies two distinct messages for other actors in international realm, particularly periphery and semi- periphery countries. First, changing in actors’ role within new international environment is not more far away access. Second, changing in actors’ role among other states depends on their enhancing economic situation. Generally, the economic development in a country stems from collective attempts and opportunities that states use within interior and exterior domains; states prosperity, therefore, relies on having a precise and complete strategy. What are the factors that the new emerging’s foreign policy concentrates on them in order to utilize opportunities? The answer will be helpful for other periphery states which intend to enhance their position in international relations. It seems that the possibility of states movement in world ladder seriously depends on knowing new play rules in international milieu and using them. In this work I try to study Brazil foreign policy as a new emerging power by an analytic model that I have extracted from foreign policy of Developmentalist state.

Although soft power has a root in western/liberal thought/practice and traces back to a three-decade background in international literature, it has gained a notable position in Russian foreign policy-making, becoming one of most often-used concepts among the Kremlin officials, Given to this trend, it can be asked which factors have led them to pay  attention to use of soft power in Russian foreign policy more seriously, and which type of evaluation will analyzing them bring about regarding the current situation of Russian soft power on global scene. In answering, the aim is to present a certain of comprehensive analysis, referred to as Three-faceted Contextualisation, on the Position of Soft Power in Russian Foreign policy., In doing so, having presented a brief conceptual framework on soft power, the article argues how historical-emperical, narrative-discursive, and documentary factors have brought Russia’s increasingly serious effort to draw on soft power in promoting foreign policy. Precisely, using a historical process-tracing, it will be illustrated how Soft Power in Russian Foreign policy has evolved since soviet ara; relying on library method, Russian narratives on soft power will be briefly evaluated; utilizing qualitative content analysis, we will analyse the evolution of Russian positions on soft power in the light of some key document on Russian foreign policy issued during two recent decades.  Finally, we conclude that Russian Soft Power has dealt with some limitations, which prevent its goals from achieving in the forseen future. 

International borders demarcation of territory and sovereignty of different political systems are always the most important political phenomena-space. One of the important aspects of the international borders, border disputes, which in many regions of the world in different forms visible and significant impact Brnv and relations between countries, so that the relations between the two countries may over a disputed border small dark and even the bloody wars of the end. The collapse of the Soviet Union that led to the formation of five independent republic in relation to national security issues and challenges facing border communities were independent. The question that arises is that what may have caused some outstanding border disputes than are other differences? The present cross-sectional study was conducted in the Central Asian region. borders performance, security and defense policies of different and sometimes conflicting, age boundaries, evolution .... the border and border disputes affect the region. According to weigh the factors affecting border disputes can be divided into three levels. Accordingly, to enable border disputes and challenges arising from it along the borders of Central Asia between the neighbors as much as possible reduce barriers to achieve national security and national interest, good control and manage the factors affecting border disputes they are graded with fully taken into account.

The traditional principles of international law such as the principles of state sovereignty and the state officials’ immunity, have become considerably weaker norms. The dimension of moral sovereignty of governments, by contrast, has gained much traction. concepts such as responsibility for protection and transitional justice means that internal developments in countries and violations of human rights by governments will lead to domestic and international reactions. These conflicting trajectories have come to a head during and in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab uprisings. The rulers of the North African countries, including Egypt, who committed human rights violations in their various forms during their rule, were prosecuted after being overthrown. However, transitional justice in Egypt was implemented in an incomplete way and without any enforcement of justice. The key question of this article is why the transitional justice in Egypt has not led to the enforcement of justice against former officials? The main hypothesis of this paper is that the exclusion of the political interests of the new rulers of Egypt, including the military council, the brotherhood government and the interim government under the protection of the military, as well as the continuation of the presence of the military in the structure of power, have led to the imperfect implementation of the mechanisms of transitional justice of the authorities of the former regime in Egypt. This article, based on the descriptive-analytical method and using authoritative documentary and archival data, attempts to examine the challenges of transitional justice in post-Bahamian Egypt.

There is different level for explaining the pattern of policy making. The micro levels for decision makers based on elite role and governmental policy. The middle level has been used based on the strategic needs of the countries. The structural level generally to use for understands patterns of foreign policy decision making. After cold war, geopolitical and geo-economical models can be used to understand the roots of foreign policy trends. Donald Trump's regional security policy making is based on the linking of three levels. Any policy making based on geopolitical indications focuses on explaining how states can explain their political and foreign policy on the basis of geographical and spatial components. Trump attempts to regulate his national security policy based on supra geopolitics. Trump’s security policy making is part of unilateralism patterns. The main question is that: “What are the main signs and pattern of Trump's security policy is based on?” The hypothesis is that: “Trump's security policy making is based on supra geopolitical model. Supra geopolitical model is a combination of geopolitical and geo-economical indexes. The approach and theory framework is based on post-colonial geopolitics. Such an approach means that the strategic and diplomatic agenda of Trump’s cabinet based on threat, change in global politics and international insecurity. This process will lead to the transition from structural commitments of the United States.

Barack Obama, believing in Jefferson's tradition in foreign policy, preserved the principles of the American Independence Revolution, felt that US foreign policy was less active so that the freedom and security of American citizens would not endanger the interior. So, criticizing George Bush's intervening policy, he chose a change strategy. During his presidency, Obama faced a number of consolidated problems, including the consequences of the US presence in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars and the 2008 Great Depression as old-fashioned problems, with new ones such as intervention in Libya, Arab revolts, and Iran's growing power in the Middle East. Given the consequences of the Great Depression within the United States and the strengthening of domestic disruptions by the damage caused by the preventive war strategy and the military interventions of the George W. Bush administration, Obama decided to focus on national priorities instead of international priorities, Reducing US foreign commitments to US domestic issues and to revitalize US global power and influence. In this regard, the main question of the present study is how did Obama act as a strategy for change? In response to the above question, it is hypothesized that long-distance balancing tactics, the emphasis on economic Asia, multilateralism, engagement, and deep strategic participation, and the use of the logic of "first diplomacy" were the modes of operating the strategy of Obama's change. The articulation of the two theories of liberal internationalism and institutionalism can be a good supporter of this research and explain Obama's foreign policy.

The development and consolidation of energy diplomacy as an essential part of foreign policy is a necessity for a country like Iran, which has vast reserves of energy and the ability to produce a variety of strategic energies. The need to focus on Iran's strategic conduct of international relations can and should focus on increasing Iran's share of the global economy and provide a basis for developing the domestic economy and facilitating regional and international cooperation. Any diplomatic capacity building to expand trade and enhance Iran's economic capabilities will not only increase national income and accelerate the process of national economic development, but also pave the way for regional and trans-regional threats and to meet geopolitical constraints. In order to identify the position of energy diplomacy in the strategic documents of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the 1380- 1390, and using the theoretical approach of complex interdependence, there is an analytical overview of at least three upstream energy related issues in order to identify the concept of the decade And the position of energy diplomacy and its components has not been at the heart of foreign policy and foreign policy management and economic management, and has neglected its hidden and hidden capacities, survival from the path to development and economic and political power.