آرش منشی زادگان

The present study aims to examine the position of the Supreme Leader in the structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of a nodal point. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is based on the hypothesis that leadership, as the main factor preserving the identity and unity of the nation, plays the role of the nodal point in the existing political structure. Ayatollah Khamenei, as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has a significant role in guiding the nation, regulating the relationships among the branches of government, and managing crises. In his capacity as a leader, with legal and supra-institutional authority, he has performed vital functions during the Islamic system's passage through crises over the past three decades. Considering the importance of the nodal point in creating a sense of integration that is identity-forming and identity-preserving, it appears that the leadership acts as a kind of junction, organizing a vast number of floating signifiers, that is, a multitude of ideological elements within a unified domain. Additionally, the Supreme Leader, in fulfilling the role of the nodal point and executing specific functions, has played a unique role in the political system of the Islamic Republic, creating synergy and unity of action among the branches of government and officials, and thereby contributing to stability, security, and progress.

One of the approaches that political science thinkers can use to examine the structure and performance of governments, political culture, and the collective unconscious of nations, especially in developing countries, is the analytical-political analytical approach. Analyzing the theory of political psychoanalysis, reducing it to basic concepts, and how to use it in scientific research is one of the main goals of this research. The main question of this research is how to use and apply the political psychoanalytical approach in the field of political science? The claim and assumption of this research are that it is possible to use the knowledge of political psychoanalysis in different fields of political science, and by removing incompatible aspects, this method can be used to analyze political research. This article is organized with a descriptive-analytical method and claims that the application of the political psychoanalytical approach in the field of politics opens new horizons for researchers and brings important theoretical results. In this article, we discuss the application of the fundamental concepts and some epistemological achievements of the political psychoanalysis approach. We also conclude some unknown dimensions of societies and political actions by relying on political psychoanalysis and decentralization of the subject and parties. It achieves a deeper understanding of political phenomena in the symbolic order, language, and a set of signs. Approach.

Iran's entry into the new era began with a movement called Constitutionalism. This revolution is considered the highlight of Iran's entry into the modern world and the serious and formal conflict between tradition and modernity. A movement that was formed based on public dissatisfaction, economic disturbances, and political inefficiency, and it started with great expectations. Still, it drowned in the deep sea of despair and led to a period of conflict and chaos, which brought the country to the brink of collapse. The present article seeks to examine the question of what is the relationship between the occurrence of constitutionalism and western modernity? This article is based on the assumption that the constitutional revolution is of a fantasy type and is caused by the encounter of Iranians with the shock of western modernity. Phantasies, which are, from the point of view, the product of a traumatic encounter with reality, are like a stiff veil, making the possibility of appearing and showing efficiency impossible and marginalizing the idea of solving the crisis. In this imaginary scene, we are the protagonists, and our dreams are being realized, and our desires are being formed. Our social reality is the product of this fantasy and an inappropriate and sarcastic response to the incurability of reality. This imaginary integration of political reality does not leave a way out for the society except to remain captive in the cycle of successive fantasies.

Iran''s encounter with Western civilization is the most important cultural phenomenon in Iran''s history after Iran''s encounter with Islam. On the one hand, it was the West that was attacking and on the other hand, an old Illyrian empire with kings who believed it was good to maintain the old balance, and for this reason, there is a need to analyze the face of Iranians in the Qajar era with modernity and Its complications should be paid. This research has been organized using the library and documentary tools and phenomenological method, and it seeks to investigate the question of what effect has the gradual invasion of modernity had on Iranians'' perception of facing this new phenomenon? And it is based on the assumption that the complications of the entry of modernity have led to the functional-identity refusal of Iranians and the symbolic sterility of Iranians in adopting a suitable reaction. According to the findings of the research, the Iranian subject, affected by the entry of the western "other" and modernity, suffered infertility and started non-symbolic identification with it.

In the poststructuralist view, social and political identities are assumed to be the product of discourses. In this context, relying on the non-constructive concept, we consider forming an identity to require the act of differentiation, which often leads to confrontation. The present article seeks to examine the question of what is the place of anti-arrogance in the thought of the revolution leader from the perspective of post-structuralism? And it is based on the assumption that the anti-arrogance discourse considered by Ayatollah Khamenei is articulated around the four signs of identity, inclusiveness, continuity, and independence, which are based on the opposition of "other" to identity and formulation. It shapes the nation. This research is based on Laclau and Mouffe's discourse method and relies on data and themes of the poststructuralist approach. According to the research findings, the United States, in the form of the Great Satan, is the target point of anti-arrogance in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, which plays a role as the external constructor of the identity of Iranian political Islam. From the perspective of the Supreme Leader, this continuous demarcation with religious roots leads to the strengthening of the revolutionary and religious identity of the Islamic system.