ابوالفضل شکوری

Is it possible to discuss ancient Indian political thought based on its mythological and epic literature? This is the question addressed in the present article. To answer this question, an initial discussion is presented on the nature of political thought and how it can be understood. In this definition, political thought is considered a type of intellectual activity directed towards political action, emerging from a concern for humanizing politics by spiritualizing and democratizing this realm. This intellectual process progresses through five stages: crisis analysis, causation, utopian implication, normative implication, and critical implication. Revisiting the mythological and epic literature of ancient India from this perspective reveals that political action in ancient India, after becoming extreme and excessive, led to the formation of political thought. This political thought, after moving beyond the theory of the sage-ruler extreme, reached equilibrium and exhibited its most complete form in the final sections of ancient Indian epic literature. Understanding and internalizing this political theory can assist modern individuals in transcending any kind of fundamentalism or anti-fundamentalism in both knowledge and politics. The research method of this article involves the analysis and description of three works—Mahabharata, Bhagavad Gita, and Ramayana—using library resources.

Mystics employ a specific type of language, commonly referred to as mystical language, to express mystical discussions, educate their audience, and describe their own states and experiences. Consequently, understanding mystical concepts and related discussions requires familiarity with the various dimensions of mystical expression. There are remarkable similarities between this style of mystical expression, extensively used by Najm al-Din Razi in Mirsad al-Ibad, and what Strauss refers to as the art of writing in his book Persecution and the Art of Writing. These similarities are so significant that one could speak of the expression and art of writing among mystics in a manner akin to Strauss's discourse on philosophers. In this study, using a comparative method, Strauss's referenced art of writing regarding philosophers and the art of writing and expression employed by Najm al-Din Razi in Mirsad al-Ibad are examined to demonstrate the use of the art of writing and expression to safeguard against persecution among mystics.

Since the beginning of the decadence of the Ottoman Empire, Iraqi society faced a major problem: the development of "national identity and the nation-state." The strategies of various Iraqi-political forces, from romantic nationalists to Baathist nationalists and political Islamists, despite many differences, were formulated on the centrality of preserving the nation- state of this country against other Western and Iranian ones, but the way this nation-state building was the subject of many disputes. This research analyzes Ayatollah Sistani's strategies in facing the problem of the nation - state building of the new Iraq, using the hermeneutic method of the Skinner. Therefore, the central question is, what are Ayatollah Sistani's strategies for the development of national identity and nation- state in Iraq? The findings of the research show that Ayatollah Sistani, while explaining the problem of the destruction of religious and national culture in Iraq, declares that the creation of national identity and nation - state in this country, through the three components of "the emergence of a righteous citizen" in order to cure the suffering of ethnic sectarianism, "the establishment of peaceful coexistence "It can be done to heal the pain of political sectarianism and to "establish new political institutions" to cure the pain of tyranny.

Social life in Arab societies from pre-Islamic periods relied on a tribal system, and internal relationships among its members were based on kinship and relative relationships. In this system, a specific division of social units is observed, both within tribes and in higher-level units such as "sha'ab" (branches), and it has often been assumed that these designations are primarily indicative of kinship. The Quran employs terms like "sha'ub," "qabila," "faseela," "raht," and "ashira" to describe these social structures, and this study aims to explore the relationship between these tribal divisions and how the multiplicity of words of the tribal system can be understood through etymological analysis. The focus of this study is on the etymological analysis of the words of the tribal system using a descriptive-analytical approach with the aim of defining common meanings and semantic differences in tribal divisions to show the diversity and lexical importance of these infrastructural principles. This investigation can contribute to a better understanding of the fundamental concepts and foundations of these structures in Arab societies and provide insights into the relationship between these divisions and the associated lexical differences. The primary hypothesis of this study is that the core meaning of these words within these structures refers to groups and communities, and the existence of various branches and subcategories within the tribe serves particular group-related functions, depicting activities and objectives of kinship groups, from small to large, in Arab culture.

In the conceptual system of the Holy Quran, the only strategy of the believers in the face of enemies is "resistance" which has different dimensions. The views of lexicographers, commentators, as well as how translators translate some of these words (Specifically "Là tarkanou elà" In verse 113 of Surah Hood, "Anbaza elà" in verse 58 of Surah Anfal "Asheda" In verse 29 of Surah Fath and "Qhelzah" in verse 123 of Surah Tubah/Baraàt) are Different and numerous. The present article aims to use descriptive-analytical method and data evaluation to enumerate the meaning of these words based on the opinions of lexicographers and commentators and after analysis and critique, to provide a comprehensive and accurate meaning of them. Finally, based on the results, contemporary Persian translations (specifically Ansarian, Fooladvand, Makarem, Meshkini, Safavid, Rezaei, Moezi, Mesbahzadeh, Khorramshahi, Haddad Adel and Yazdi) are evaluated. The results of the present study indicate that in order to understand the exact meaning of these strategic words, paying attention to the context and their association with other words plays the most important role; which some lexicographers, commentators and translators have paid less attention. However, Meshkini and Safavi have been more successful in transmitting the correct meanings of these words than other translators.

The discussion of Muhkam and Mutashabeh verses is one of the most fundamental and challenging issues in the field of interpretation of the Qur'an and Quranic sciences, which has long been considered by scholars of various Islamic sciences among different religions and sects. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this paper has designed and explained the new theory of Mohammad Abed Al-Jaberi on this subject based on verse 7 of Surah Al-Imran and has criticized it. The achievement of the present study is that he did not consider " Muhkam verses" and " Mutashabeh verses" in the mentioned verse to mean words and meanings, but considered them as a formative and external phenomenon. Documentary, textual and semantic objections to the narration which Jaberi has taken as the reason for the revelation of the verse in question, the non-fulfillment of the context conditions for verse 7 of Al-Imran and also the incompatibility of Jaberi's proposed meaning for the word "verse" with the general structure of the verse are among the most important criticisms of his theory.

divine philosophers and thinkers believe that the Hebrew tradition and the rational system of ancient Greece had an ontological influence on Christian theology and its sacred text. . Given this as a fact, this paper aims to answer the question “how Christian theology led to the creation of humanism, especially in the modern political theories?” During the research, we realized that the dialectical transition of the West from medieval church dominance to the subjectivity of man cannot be considered a paradigmatic shift. Rather, the Christian doctrine of Trinity extends the embodiment of the “Spirit of God” in the “Son of God” to the pragmatism in the Son of Man (Jesus Christ), and justifies it through the Hebrew tradition and the ancient Greek philosophy. Using comparative-interpretive method, this research tries to find the reasons why Christian political theology shifted from “asceticism” in early Christianity to the subjugation of man by the church, and later on, what happened in dark medieval times is discussed and that how Christian political theology had to accepted “humanism” and “rationality” inevitably to cope with the modern times.

According to the verses of the Holy Quran, the oppressed, as a part of the tyrannical society, have always been oppressed or considered weak by the arrogant and the system of domination and have been kept powerless. Considering that God Almighty has asked the believers in several verses to constantly strive to get out of problems, this question arises: What strategies has the Holy Qur'an outlined for overcoming the oppressed? The possible answer is that God has provided a combination of material and spiritual strategies, given the differences in progressive criteria in religious and non-religious systems. Certainly, a methodical understanding and analysis of these strategies can lead us to a new level of asymmetric struggle. The present article, with an analytical-descriptive method under a "discourse-oriented" view, seeks to enumerate and analyze the struggle strategies of the oppressed in the face of the arrogant. The result of this effort shows that the Holy Qur'an asks the oppressed, as potential heirs of the world, to transform the Taghut society into a monotheistic and guardian society by "all-around resistance" with the help of God Almighty, and to establish their caliph on earth as human beings.

Renaissance thinkers have pristine ideas since they were the manifestation of a new era. Mirandola (1463-1494) despite being obscure in the history of philosophy, played a role in Western thinking. His view of the issue of human dignity and its place on this fundamental issue in the history of Western intellectual makes study his thinking so meaningful. So, he can be considered one of the most influential thinkers on the issue of human rights in the present era. With the help of the narrative of Miranda's thoughts, we will explain Western thought on human dignity and human rights. Accordingly, our central question in this study is: "What is the basis of human dignity in the thought of Miranda, and what does the relationship of this basis with the human right?" To find out the answer to our question, we focus on Gadamer's Philosophical Hermeneutic approach to discussing the texts of Mirandola. Mirandola speaks on a chameleon man who has the right to legislate and determine his own destiny. This perspective has direct implications on human rights and is a chain that connects contemporary human rights thought with the thought of Mirandola.

The emergence of Iran's regional power dates back to the Pahlavi era, when the Shah sought the doctrine of Nixon as a regional gendarme in the Persian Gulf. In the international context, such as the deconstruction of the superpowers in the era of the Cold War, the announcement of the Nixon doctrine to transfer the security of the regions to the states in line with it and the vacuum resulting from the departure of Britain from the Persian Gulf, along with regional factors such as the fear of the Shah's influence on the Soviet influence and the expansion of governments Arab radicals played an important role in enhancing the regional status of Iran (Mousavinia, 2013; 130-118). The main objective of Iran was to maintain Persian Gulf security and to deal with regional threats. The reflection of Iran's rising power and regional influence can be seen in the direct presence of Iran in Dhofar in the 1970s, support for Yemeni monarchists in their civil war against Leftist Republicans, support for King Malek Hassan II of Morocco in the battle with police guards and increased military aid to Pakistan saw their tensions with India (Chamankar, 2010; 70-61). The adoption of the policy of "no east, no west" in Iranian foreign policy after the Islamic revolution brought about dramatic changes in regional balance and stability, which resulted in the disappearance of the policy of the two American pillars in the Persian Gulf and the change of regional alliances of Iran.(Axworthy, 2013: 24). Reducing US hegemony in the 21st century, and increasing the role of actors such as China and Russia in the global arena along with regional developments such as the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the Arab revolutions in 2011, have strengthened the role of Shiite groups and created a regional coalition of resistance to Iran's leadership, which ultimately led to an increase in the regional influence of Iran (Barzegar, 2015; 35-34). In this period, the most significant reflection of Iran's regional expansion could be seen in the direct presence of Iran's military forces in Iraq and Syria, material assistance to Lebanon's Hezbollah, and counter new security threats such as the emergence of ISIS in the region. The remarkable point in the emergence and retrieval of Iran's regional power is that, firstly, under the influence of the vacuum of power in the region, the influence of Iran has gained an upward trend. This issue occurred during the Pahlavi period following the departure of Britain from the Persian Gulf in 1968 and in the Islamic Republic after the fall of Saddam Hussein by the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the Arab revolutions of 2011. Secondly, in both of these two periods, Iran was turning to an offshore military operation to combat radicalism in the region. Iran's military operations in Dhofar have been through opposition to communist radicalism and in Iraq and Syria through the struggle against Islamic radicalism (al-Qaeda and ISIS). Although international and regional developments have played a significant role in increasing Iran's influence in both periods, it seems that whenever national power increases, its external reflection is to increase regional influence. Accordingly, this paper seeks to answer the question of how the role of the national power component in increasing the regional power and influence of Iran in the last half century? For this purpose, first, in the theoretical framework, we will analyze the features of regional power and national power, and then we will examine the role of the components of national power through the review of the regional policy of Iran in the two Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods.

This paper uses a comparative approach and analytical-descriptive research method to explain its desired subject and the method of data collection is based on library resources.

The theoretical framework of this paper consists of two concepts of regional power and national power. Regional power is a particular type of division of government in which national power is considered as the main criterion. The nature of regional powers is determined by the position of countries in the international system, which is itself influenced by the concept of polarity and the distribution of power in the international system (Griffiths, 2009:746). Saul Bernard Cohen places regional power in the second category of the hierarchy of power in the international system, and believes that regional powers firstly try to raise themselves up as the nucleus and center of the region. Second, follow the military penetration in the region. And thirdly, there are supremacist demands throughout the region (Cohen, 2008:103-107). The point that is important in identifying regional powers is to have relative capabilities, the tendency to display, apply it at the regional level, and influence and influence the process of regional developments. In other words, acting as a regional power, which first has regional function, and secondly, the sources of power as the essential condition for achieving regional power (Salimi, dehghani Firouzabadi and PourEsmaeili,2017 6). Since one of the most important features of regional powers with relative capabilities is the recognition of national power as a geopolitical concept. The function of the national power is that the more a country has a higher national power, there are fewer obstacles to realizing its own national interests and, secondly, the expansion, expansion, and extension of national interests (Hafeznia,2005:252). Various models have been presented to measure national power. The extension of the components of national power has led the paper to focus on four major components. In the geographic ingredient, geographical location of the country, population and strategic position of Iran will be addressed in the region. Economic component for measuring the economic situation of the country on seven factors of economic growth rate, inflation rate, oil revenues, GDP (GDP, GDP per capita, export volume and its share of gross domestic product, import volume and its share of gross production Internal emphasizes. In addition to strategy, to assess military strength, the number of personnel, costs, and military equipment have been looked at as fundamental variables. Finally, in the identity component, the main emphasis of this paper was on identity changes and its impact on Iran's foreign policy orientation.

The country's territorial status is climate-friendly, access to the sea and rivers, communication routes, natural resources and energy reserves is of great importance. Iran is a land which, given geographical location, natural conditions and cultural values, has been the cradle of Asia and the world of civilization, and its domestic political and foreign policy actions have been largely dependent on its geographical location (Hafeznia, 276:1384). In addition, Iran's transit status has been given to Iran by other countries in the Persian Gulf and in the Strait of Hormuz in southern Iran, where more than 17 million barrels of oil are transported to the West. At the same time as the geographic location of Iran, its location near the Gulf and Oman Sea coast, its proximity to the Soviet Union and the rich oil resources, has led Iran to be considered as one of the barriers to the influence of American strategy and to As the connecting ring of the two NATO alliances and the Sento (etaat, 2006:188). After the end of the Cold War and the independence of the Soviet republics of Iran, it became more important than the Cold War for its unique position and its location in the midst of two world-class hydrocarbon warehouses - Central Asia and the Persian Gulf. The connection of the Iranian railway network to Central Asia and the expansion of ground communications as well as the connection of the Central Asian oil and gas transmission network to the oil and gas pipelines of Iran has transformed the country into the crossroads and transit center for commercial goods and communications between East and West Asia. (Mojtahad-zadeh,51:1379). Iran, which was important from a strategic perspective during the Cold War, followed the Cold War with a geo-economic factor and found a privileged regional location. Economically, oil revenues have played a significant role in the Iranian economy in two periods. The total oil revenues of Iran in 1973-1979 amounted to about $ 112 billion, and in the years 2017-2002 it is estimated at $ 992 billion. The average growth rate in the Pahlavi era was 10% and the average inflation rate was 8%. While in the Islamic Republic these figures were 3 and 8 percent, respectively. In addition, Growth was 5.6 times the GDP and 2.2 times exports in the Pahlavi era versus a 3-fold increase in GDP and 7.2 exports equaled other distinct economic components in these two periods (The World Bank, IMF). From the military perspective, the 32% defense spending from the 1970-1979 budget against the 16% share of Iran after September 11, 2001 reflected the Pahlavi government's militaristic morale. From the aspect of identity, Pahlavi emphasized on ancient nationalism and the Islamic Republic on Shiite Islam, which has had important implications for regional security.

The components of national power have played a significant role in the regional power of Iran over the past half century. The strategic geographic location and the presence of Iran in the Persian Gulf had two major roles due to the importance of huge oil resources in each period. During the second Pahlavi, Iran played the role of a regional power because of the presence in the West Belt of Security through the geostrategic-geopolitical advantage. Following the departure of this position due to the outbreak of the Islamic Revolution and the end of the Cold War, Iran, along with retaining the geopolitical advantage, also gained an economic advantage. Economic indicators are also significant in these two periods. In both periods, the unprecedented increase in oil prices and, as a result of rising domestic incomes, created a great opportunity to play an active regional role. Although some of the economic indicators of the Pahlavi era have a favorable situation, it is necessary to note that, firstly, in terms of economic indicators, both oil price increases in both periods have led to widespread imports, for example, in 1978, the volume of imports from exports grew further. However, from this perspective, in the period 2016-2002, the volume of imports has never exceeded exports. Secondly, although oil revenues have played a large role in the economy during each period, the dependence of the Pahlavi economy on oil revenues has been greater than the Islamic Republic. From a military point of view, the average military spending during the Pahlavi period was about 32%, while during the Islamic Republic it was about 16% of the total government budget, indicating that it was militaristic in the Pahlavi state. The Pahlavi government has also used nationalism as an identity to display its distinction, which was due both to domestic needs (the crisis of legitimacy) and to the developments of the region (the emergence of Arab nationalism). In contrast to the Islamic Republic's emphasis on Shiite identity. On the whole, it can be said that although in both periods Iran has been considered as a regional power in the Middle East, the regional influence of Iran during the Islamic Republic is due to factors such as geopolitical-geo-economic advantages, significant oil revenues, military capabilities, the adoption of identity Universality and broader spheres of influence than Pahlavi era have increased.

Human dignity in the thought of an Islamic humanist philosopher, to determine the criterion of human dignity and to its follower, the determination of human right, is a problem that, by analyzing it, can give a different look at human rights in the present age. Human rights in modern period are issues that have led the debate over the discourse beyond the realm of action. Human dignity is a special feature of which human beings are human beings that are different from other beings, deserve the rights and lives of the dignity. In this sense, the concept of "dignity" is directly related to the concept of "right". If we take this meaning of dignity and then go back to the history of human thought, we can find reasons for human dignity in the mind of philosopher. The humanist philosopher of the fourth century looks differently to this issue. Therefore, in this research, we approach the texts of Ibn Meskoyi with the help of the text-commentator approach: "What is the criterion of human dignity in the thought of Ibn Meskoyi? What does this criterion relate to human right?" Meskoyi speaks of rational, moral and social human, and thus create the relation between the dignity and the human right.

Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani is a great Muslim mystic of the 8th century AH (14th century AD). He has left several manuscripts focusing on mystical teachings and we can recognize his attitude toward the issue of justice in these works. Therefore, the main question of this article is: what is the relationship between mysticism and justice in the political thought of Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani? Our hypothesis is that, there is a positive longitudinal relationship between mysticism and justice in the thought of Hamadani. According to the foundations of his ontology and anthropology and his definition of mysticism and human’s felicity, the issue of justice itself is one of the pillars of the voyage toward God. The data of this research are gathered by the library method. Also, we have used Abd al-Qahir Jurjani's method The Theory of Order, to obtain an integrated knowledge about various components of Hamadani's thought as well as Franklin Le Van Baumer’s The Climate of Opinion, to deepen the historical aspects of our research. Findings of this research show that by using The Theory of Order, we can clearly see the link between mysticism and justice in Hamadani's thought. Moreover, the study of the intellectual atmosphere of the time shows that majority of Muslim mystics, considered the issue of justice as one of their teachings.

Ontology, epistemology and anthropology are considered as the basis for any theory in the humanities, as there is no theory, explicit or implicit, that is not based on these basic metaphysical principles. Also, the political thought as a normative concept, always arises in relation to the context and the time and its contemporary crisis, reflecting these crises and based on the fundamental philosophical foundations, determine its favorable conditions that derived from normative criteria and articulates, its specific formations from patterns of authority. Comparing ideas in political thought with each other that can be based on their metaphysical principles and norms, is considered to be a category of political thought. According to such a process of political theory, political thought is a paradigmatic narrative. This article seeks to provide a the Paradigmatic Narrative from political thought of Plato, based on the Republic's dialogue. And by demonstrating the metaphysical fundamentals of his contemporary crisis, analysis the positive and negative ratio of plato's utopia with those crisis and fundamentals. The moral crisis and the decline of Athens in the Peloponnesian War and the emergence of sophists, remains the central crisis of Plato. The idea world is located in the center of Plato's epistemology and ontology. The Platonic utopia is based on the philosopher-king rule, that was following the presidential paradigm, only will be understood through Plato’s contemporary crisis and his methaphysical foundations.

Increased activism of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East since 2005, in the form of a coalition called the Axis of Resistance accompanied by the display of power in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen, has raised Iran as a regional power. This show of power is due to the unique position and characteristics of the interior, along with the impact of regional and international events. This paper uses the analytical-descriptive method based on library and internet resources to answer the question of what role the components of national power have been in increasing the regional power of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The findings of this research show that four variables of geographic location (geopolitics-geo-economics), economic components (economic growth rate, oil revenues, GDP, GDP per capita, exports and imports), military power component (strategy, costs, military equipment and role The IRGC in regional politics) and the adoption of Shi'a Islam identity has had an important influence on increasing the regional influence and power of Iran.

One of the schools of thought influenced by Salafism is the Deobandi school of India. Inspired by Shah Waliullah Dehlawi’s thoughts, this jurisprudential school of thought was founded in the 19th century C.E. and by adopting an anti-colonialist policy and relying on "Jihadism" struggled against the British colonialism in India. Following India’s independence from England it began to gradually form an Islamic movement, by spreading its religious and political views through its Darul Ulooms, that played an influential role in the emergence of extremist groups like Taliban. By keeping in view that Deobandi thoughts form one of the most important fundamentalist movements in the Indian Subcontinent and its profound religious and ideological impact on Taliban, the proof of which is that many of Taliban’s top ranking leaders received their religious education from Deoband Darul Uloom, this research paper intends to examines the intellectual and ideological foundations of the Taliban Movement. The hypothesis of the paper is that the Deobandi School is one of the most important Islamic fundamentalist movements in the Indian subcontinent that has had the most religious and ideological impact on Taliban through the religious training of Taliban scholars in Deobandi schools. In order to prove this claim, the researchers have made a review of the intellectual and ideological roots of the Taliban movement by using library-based resources and applying an analytical-descriptive research methodology.

Iranians' intellectual encounter with modernity has wildly fluctuated so far. Iranian thinkers, like Western thinkers, have concentrated their intellectual efforts on providing a solution to the problem of the relationship between subjectivity and generality. The present study investigates Dariush Shayegan's solutions to this issue. To do so, we have first addressed the anthropological species presented and exhibited in his works. The rest of the research reviews Shayegan's works based on the concept of the playful subject and is dedicated to clarifying his solution to the problem of the relationship between subjectivity and generality. The playful subject is a subject that acknowledges its own dichotomy and connects them consciously and playfully. Although Shayegan does not grant full autonomy to subjectivity, and does not dissolve it in generality.

The Human being's political rights are an important part of human rights that is now recognized as a natural, inalienable and inviolable right in declarations and texts related to human rights and in many countries and democracies, it is considered as the basis of the legitimacy of the political system. In Islamic tradition, there are various approaches to this modern category which lie in their own specific epistemic foundations. Facing this phenomenon, some reformist jurists and religious scholars have presented a new formulation of relations between the people and the government and justified the political rights of the human being by using the jurisprudential texts and referring to religious sources. The main question of this paper is "based on which epistemic foundations does the reformist jurisprudence prove the political rights of human being, and what are the rules and principles of the Islamic tradition in its arguments?"The results of the research show that "belief in the divine origin of law," "belief in natural rights," "belief in human dignity," "the authority of religion in political life," and "emphasis on reason and definite rational propositions," are the most important theoretical foundations of political rights in the modern jurisprudential tradition in which the ideas of reformist jurisprudents on human rights lie.

Sovereignty issue has been the topic of long debates where the follow-up of interpretations of this concept in scripture has led to a variety of votes. Thomas Hobbes, the sovereignty theorist, has had a pivotal role in clarifying the relationship between Sovereignty and religion in the early era of modernism by interpreting Scripture based on his scientific method. This article highlights the transformation in the concept of natural rights as a bridge between sovereignty and religion in Hobbes's theory. In addition, this study corresponds to this concept with Hobbes's interpretation of Scripture and, thereby, it is claimed that Hobbes has embedded the main component of his theory, which is social contract, in reading the Scripture. Then, Hobbes interprets it in favor of a powerful ruling authority who is seeking for individual's peace and security and also the maintaining the individual's natural rights at large.

What does Mysticism have to do with politics? Can we talk about mystic politician or political mystic? In this article to answer this question, Mahabharata’s philosophy as an important work in ancient India has been readout. For this purpose, at first, politics and its aspects have been defined and then we have studied Indian mystics view about politics and its aspects. Our study represented that the mystics view in the fields like social life, friendship and enmity, common good and force, as the fundamental data, assumption, aim and political instruments are different from that of politicians. So Mahabharata has opposed with the fusion of mysticism and politics in one person. But there is another process of thought in Mahabharata that is followed by the Indian warriors seeking to spiritualize politics.

The development of the theological realms is a category that has always been interpreted in conjunction with the interconnected components. Anthropological changes, especially in the Christian tradition paradigm, are among the important factors that influence the ontology of modern theology and its relation to the political affair, and explain the final form of contemporary human existence. The main purpose of the present article is to examine the theological developments in the modern era, which, as a theoretical finding, examines the technology of making human beings in the dialectic of religion and politics. In this case, we are confronted with the question of how the ontological and humanistic changes of Christian theology have influenced the development of modern political theology? In response to this question and with the help of a descriptive-analytical method, we have tried to assess the hypothesis that since Christian political theology is coherent on the basis of the conceptual role [of human focus] of man, and it is possible to study the paradigm of it Thus, in light of the developments in Christian theology, it can be seen that the process of the formation of modern political theology is the product of the discontinuity and appendages in the field of philosophy, theology, and politics, which are documented and conceptual systems corresponding to the form Is compiled.

In this article, the authors try to analyze the issue of human dignity in the thoughts of two prominent Islamic and Western thinkers. Such an analysis will be conducted within the framework of three humanist, adjunct and potential humanity theories. The main question we would like to answer is that “what is the criterion of human dignity”? In relation to this main question, we also discuss about some other questions such as “is it possible to deprive the man from dignity and if the answer is yes, with what excuse”? Our main hypothesis is that Kant, with a humanist approach, rules out the possibility of depriving the man from dignity and Allameh Jafari with a religious-oriented approach, consider the man as God’s caliph who has responsibilities towards its status and in case of the violation of those responsibilities, he would be deprived from his dignity by himself. By adopting a descriptive-analytical method, this article first explains the thoughts of these two thinkers and then analyzes them within the intended framework.

Nowadays, the Jewish fundamentalism has appeared in the Zionist regime’s political system in the three following forms: passive fundamentalism, pragmatic fundamentalism and messianic fundamentalism. A remarkable feature, in common, to all of these three forms is that they seek for their roots in the Old Testament and holy sources of the Judaism and they share similar ultimate goals; however, they believe in different tactics and strategy to realize their goals. The main reason of this diversity goes back to interpretation of the religious belief that Judaism is either in Diaspora or Salvation. The new fundamentalists are attempting to utilize political parties and play an active role so to be able to achieve their goals.