فهرست مطالب حسن حضرتی

The main claim of the present essay is that the most important scientific responsibility of historians, whether ancient or modern, is to provide a thick description of important events related to the human past. Some critics of this assertion have criticized it and raised objections to it; For example, the traditional, chronistic and positivist approach is promoted in the study of history. An approach that is no longer acceptable. promoting the double false stereotype of "description or analysis"; denying the use of methods and theories in historical research, promoting a neutral and indifferent approach to the current issues of human societies (theory of history for history) and...In this essay, the author attempts to provide an appropriate response to these criticisms in addition to further explaining his claim, in order to take a step towards greater understanding among historians about the nature and main function of historiography. The author emphasizes that defending the main function of knowledge and the field of history is an attempt to prevent the decline and decay of this academic field within other areas of humanities and social sciences, especially the general sciences of sociology and politics. The way out of this critical situation is therefore to emphasize dense description as the most important disciplinary task of historians.

The purpose of this research is to describe the manner of marriage and its related rules in the steppe societies of Central Asia in the pre-Islamic era. Therefore, after defining the steppe geography of Central Asia, it focused on the communities of this region and determined the main characteristics of the family institution among them. In the next step, marriage, traditions, and related conditions were taken into consideration and in-group, out-group, and political marriages were investigated as the most important types of marriages. Also, two of the most important marriage traditions of the steppe societies of Central Asia were investigated by focusing on the Leviratus tradition and the Qalin tradition, and it was found that the way of life of the people of those areas played an important role in the advent of such traditions. The final stage of this article was dedicated to examining the issue of polygamy and divorce. According to this research, polygamy was not common in all of the target communities, and it mainly depended on the man's economic status. Although divorce was not very common, it had different qualities depending on the type of issues between men and women; However, the norms of the steppe societies had caused the rights of both parties to be respected during divorce.

The main problem of the current research is whether it is possible to present an indigenous periodization of the history of Iran in addition to the European-oriented periodization. In order to answer this question, the author tries to present his proposed model rejecting European-oriented periodization. The methodological approach in this research is "systemic analysis" and the unity of the criterion determined for periodization is "the nature of the political system". With these considerations, the author divides the history of Iran into five different periods:King of Kings period (from the rise of the Median dynasty to the decline of the Sassanid)Caliphate-Royal period (from The arrival of Islam in Iran until the fall of the Abbasid caliphate)Khanid period (from the Mongol invasion of Iran to the establishment of the Safavid state)The absolute monarchy period (from the rise of the Safavid dynasty to the establishment of the constitutional system) andThe period of constitutional monarchy (from the establishment of the constitutional system to the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty).

Interference of religious reports of events during the Prophet time in Muslim historiography leads to an overlap between theology and history. In examining the relationship between these two approaches, the strong presence of Ibn ʿAbbās and his students as the interpretative circle of Mecca raises a question: what is the relationship between the understanding of interpretation, as a layer of divine understanding, and the trans-historical narrative of the Prophet’s life? This essay claims that the interpretative approach is the origin of the holy narratives in Muslim historiography. It extracts the theological narratives of the Prophet’s life from three sources: the Al-Sīrah al-Nabawiyyah by Ibn Hisham, the The Kitāb al-Ṭabaqāt al-Kabīr by Ibn Sa'd and the Tārīkh al-Rusul wa al-Mulūk by al-Ṭabarī, tracing this circle relating to the aforementioned claim. The result shows that the tendency of the circle of Ibn ʿAbbās towards the Occasions or circumstances of revelation and the tendency of historians to interpret them figuratively led to the interaction of interpretive and historical approach, portraying Prophet’s life in Mecca as sacred and trans-historical.

After four decades have passed since the Islamic Revolution, a collection of various works about the history of this great event has been published. These works are the result of the efforts of researchers and historians and official and unofficial scientific and academic institutions and centers inside and outside the country, which ultimately led to the formation of the historiography of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Historians narrate the history of the revolution according to their knowledge. Therefore, they have different perceptions of the revolution and its ideals. This has led to the creation of various works in this field and has ultimately contributed to the quantitative and qualitative growth of the historiography of the revolution. It is clear that the historiography of the Islamic Revolution cannot be evaluated in the continuation of the official historiography approach of the Pahlavi period due to its special features and components. On the other hand, the historiography of the Islamic Revolution is related to its historical tradition and is not created in a vacuum and all at once. For a correct understanding of the historiographical themes of the Islamic Revolution, it is first necessary to have a clear understanding of its intellectual foundations and sources. Western schools of thought, Iranian and Islamic traditions, and the world of historians, each of them somehow influenced the emergence and continuation of what we know as the historiography of the Islamic Revolution. It is not possible to examine this issue from all aspects in the form of an article. Therefore, the author has tried to focus on a very effective component in this field, and that is the relationship between the historiography of the Islamic Revolution and theological beliefs. For this purpose, some examples of the historiographical works about the Islamic Revolution in the period from 1340 to the present day have been examined. By critically examining these works, it can be seen that the historiography of the revolution, especially the historiography of the religious spectrums which later became the official historiography of the Islamic Revolution, is more than any other factor closely related to the theological thoughts of Islam and It has been formed especially for the teachings of the Shi'a. Therefore, the approach of many official historians of the revolution and the reading they present of the history of the revolution and its developments have a theological basis. The link between theology and history forms the main structure of the official historiography of the revolution.

This study is an attempt to reflect on and analyze the cow feast (İnek Bayramı) in Mulkiye taking approaches in anthropology of science and under the concept of authoritarian modernization in the context of Turkey. The cow feast is an academic ritual that was held annually in May at the Faculty of Political Science (Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi) of Ankara University in Turkey before the Covid-19 epidemic and the emergence of some security, political and health issues and considerations. In this article, we seek to theoretically formulate the role and function of such a ceremony in the establishment and stability of a new epistemological system based on the collected data about this feast, and interviews with key informants, and of course referring to historical and contextual sources. Our reflection reveals that the cow feast is a compensatory ritual in the face of the epistemological crisis of the late Ottoman and early Turkish Republics, and can be understood and analysed with integration of components of Sharon Traweek, Emily Martin, Tony Bechter, Peter Trowler, Bruno Latour and Victor Turner’s ideas largely from anthropology of science.

The knowledge of history, based on its empiricist tradition in recent centuries, is unable to represent the supernatural dimensions of Shiite imams. Considering the unavailability of a major part of historical sources in the time range of the second to fifth centuries of Hijri, and the importance of the works of Shia muhaddiths, especially Qomi in representing the history of Imams in narrative sources, the question arises as to what path the Qomi muhaddiths should take to represent different dimensions of the character of the Shiite imam. The present research, looking at the method of discourse analysis and drawing historical and theological discourses and explaining their elements in the traditions of Imamology of Qomi muhaddiths in the first centuries of Islam, has explained the increasing trend of using theological data in the form of historical propositions to identify imams and the factors of its expansion. The findings of the research show that social, political and economic factors and reasons such as the mental preparation of the audience have influenced the predominance of verbal discourse in the historiography of Qomi scholars.

The university system is one of the subsystems and component of the higher education system and the social system; hence, it is influenced by other higher education institutions, the educational system of the country and peripheral devices such as political, economic, social and cultural systems. Many thinkers and educators, who advocate new perspectives on educational reform, believe that policy making and planning in order to redefine the past and present performance of educational systems in each country should be done in the light of the historical background of educational developments and the analysis of the current state of the educational system, because in this case, it is possible to discover the factors that led to the decline of cultural and scientific activities and the formation of the current educational methods with an open and comprehensive view. This research aims to study "the factors affecting the formation and transformation of the university in Iran since the establishment of the University of Tehran as the first Iranian official to date".

This research was done by using thematic analysis method consisting of three stages of descriptive coding, interpretive coding and content development. In order to achieve the purpose of the research, semi-structured interviews were conducted with experts and those who had experience in higher education.

The findings of the analysis of the content indicate that several factors have contributed to the formation of the university in Iran. History of the University in Iran from interviewee's views, six distinct courses can be divided into different policies and approaches to higher education.

In all these periods, many political, economic, social, cultural, ideological and scientific factors have affected the changes and changes in the university. Findings show that there are no significant differences between Iranian universities. The reason for this is the lack of creativity in the management of higher education system on the one hand and centralization on the other. Making any structural, quantitative and qualitative changes in the higher education system of the country should be based on deep sociological, economic, political and cultural studies and its growth and expansion in line with the needs and developments created in these areas. By adopting legal mechanisms and proper culture, the effects of severe political and economic factors and its destructive effects on the higher education system were prevented. The question is, "

No methodological polemic has taken shape among the advocates of history in Iran until now, for they have not had enough command of different methods, paradigms, and theories. After having command of different methods, it is necessary to engage gradually in methodological dialogues so that we will be able to move forward to test them in case studies to ascertain the weak and strong points of each methodological paradigm through the criteria of experience. Hence, this paper is an attempt to deal with the following methodological problem: What is the most crucial disciplinary task of the historians? The hypothesis of this research is as follows: The most crucial disciplinary task of historians is to provide a proper description of the past human events, for history’s power of knowledge lies in this very issue. Moreover, proper description follows answers to the questions on whatness (quiddity) and howness; questions in which the historians are keenly interested.

The increasing trend of the annihilation of environment led to its investigation in the researches as well as the theoretical and field studies by the human communities particularly the governments and the increase of studies on the preservation of environment consequently. Considering the primary environmental policy making of the Islamic governments, the present article is to answer the question related to the kinds of regulations developed in regard with the environment. Taking advantage of the descriptive approach and the primary historical sources, this research is to historically investigate the data in order to present new analyses in this regard. According to the articles, the governments of early Islam from the Prophetic government up to the end of Ottoman caliphate took step towards preserving the environment focusing on Hema law while it was not of constantly applied in the discourse of preserving and supporting the nature. Hence, Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) developed a law applicable in favor of the preservation of environment by changing the definition of Hema which was the preferred by sheikhs of tribes in the age of ignorance. The administration of this law was pursued by the late governments but the difference in the view of Prophet and caliphs towards various phenomena particularly the environment and its related issues led to the adjustment of Hema which was not in line with the preservation of environment.

Tensions between Iran and Iraq over the western borders, as well as the victory of the Islamic Revolution, resulted in the outbreak of a new situation in the region, which eventually led to imposed war of iraqi Ba’athist regime against iran. Although the war could have caused the secession of some regions of Iranian territory, resistance by Iranian people and military against the invaders pushed them back and most of the occupied territories, such as Khorramshahr, were liberated in June 1982. After the liberation of Khorramshahr, different approaches formed relating whether to continue the war or not, and the doubt arose as to why the war should not end despite mediation efforts for peace. This research is aimed at investigating why the imposed war continued. The results of this investigation can play a significant role in clarifying the ambiguities in the historiography of the war. Theoretical basis of this research is on the theory of "win-lose" games of H. F. Kalahan. The findings show that the reasons for the continuation of the war rooted in various political, economic, military and geopolitical dimensions. The failure of peace efforts was due to non-actualization of the demands of the two countries, especially of Iran. Data collection is based on unpublished documents and interviews are referred for data collection.

The present article seeks to describe the political life of Mirza Reza Arfa al-Dawla with emphasis on the record of his performance as a diplomat in the Ottoman Empire. In this paper, drawing on diverse sources such as memoirs, newspapers, archival documents and other studies, the diplomatic records of Arfa in Istanbul are evaluated. The research posits that Mirza Reza Arfa al-Dawla, as Iran's ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, took advantage of his diplomatic skills and good relationships with the Ottoman sultan to pave the way for the peaceful resolution of issues between the two countries. The findings suggest that addressing the border problems triggered by the displacement of tribes and the Ottoman government's military invasion to Iran, striving to settle the problem of military service of Iranian citizens born to an Ottoman mother, raising Iran's customs tariff, contributing to the exemption of Iranians living in Istanbul from paying deferred tax on Iranian schools, hospitals and cemeteries, obtaining the permission to perform Iranian and Shiite religious rites freely in Mecca and Medina, and cooperating with the Saadat Association to resolve the case regarding the report of Wahhabeing, the Ottoman ambassador to Iran, on Iranians' disrespect to Sunni sacred rituals, which provoked the wrath of Tawfiq Pasha, Ottoman Foreign Minister Ottoman Empire, are among the challenges facing and measures taken by Mirza Reza Arfa al-Dawlah in the Ottoman Empire

In the present study, been tried, using the technique or pattern "tracking process" and the method of historical study, the Ayatollah Khomeini against the Pahlavi regime, in the framework of the Constitution and its amendments, during decade 1340 and then, be analyzed. Question of the study, racing the process that fundamental developments in the Ayatollah Khomeini's attitude towards the Constitution and delegitimization of the Pahlavi regime led definitive. In the context of major and minor questions, thesis study, status of constitution and its amendments, in different periods, according to Ayatollah Khomeini explained and to examine the reasons for that, a radical change in their attitude about the Constitution and the need to eliminate the Pahlavi regime, Created. In the present study, been tried, using the technique or pattern "tracking process" and the method of historical study, the Ayatollah Khomeini against the Pahlavi regime, in the framework of the Constitution and its amendments, during decade 1340 and then, be analyzed. In addition, the amount of credit of theory of rational-legal authority Max Weber to explain the subject, in contrast method, will be evaluated and tested. Question of the study, racing the process that fundamental developments in the Ayatollah Khomeini's attitude towards the Constitution and delegitimization of the Pahlavi regime led definitive. In the context of major and minor questions, thesis study, status of constitution and its amendments, in different periods, according to Ayatollah Khomeini explained and to examine the reasons for that, a radical change in their attitude about the Constitution and the need to eliminate the Pahlavi regime, Created. In the context of major and minor questions, thesis study, status of constitution and its amendments, in different periods, according to Ayatollah Khomeini explained and to examine the reasons for that, a radical change in their attitude about the Constitution and the need to eliminate the Pahlavi regime, Created.

The emergence of modernity in the Islamic world has followed by many challenges. The Muslim traditionalists, resisted hard against it, so this controversy has been continuous, hard and endless up to these days. The continuity of tradition beside the modernity resulted in a dichotomy. Mustafa Sabri Tukati is one of the latest and most effective Sheikh Ul-Islam during the last days of Ottoman Empire and as a traditional thinker, tried to highlight the cultural aspects of Islam versus Western culture, and the laws derived from the Sharia in society. Consequently is after strengthening the active participation of religious scholars to offer a pattern for dealing with modernity and its results. The result of the efforts of Mustafa Sabri and his colleagues were emphasizing the political role of Islam in the second half of the twenty century. This study, through analyzing his most important works, intends to analyze the reform project of Mustafa Sabri relying on his political life, epistemic foundations and thought.

In the weakness period after Ankara War (1402/804), the political-religious movement dependent on the Madrasas, like as Ottoman state, became anxiety and disturbance. Given the fact that, virtually there was not a consolidated and powerful sovereignty to support from them in the Ottoman society, their influential presence in the society was heavily weakened compared with earlier times. This fact caused the Madrasa Educators and the Madrasa movement concluded that in order to advance their religious and ideological goals in society, they had to support the revival of the unity of the Ottoman monarchy. It was important for the Madrasa educators and 'Ilmiyye circle that the application of the jurisprudential principles and religious norms in the Ottoman society, which due to its mostly primitive texture, often tended to non-jurisprudential circles, required political consistency. Therefore, following the revival of the Ottoman political and territorial unity by Muhammad I (816/1413), a significant range of scholars used their efforts to renew their political influence in the rule of Āl-i 'Uthmān. Along trying to stabilize Mohamed I sultanate, they provided the conditions for a military encounter between the Ottoman state and the popular mystical movement, which did not have the slightest desire for the political and territorial unity of Āl-i 'Uthmān. The issuance of the fatwa of the murder of Shaykh Badr al-Dīn Samāwī by the Muftis and its execution by the Ottoman Sultan, as well as the massacre of the followers of this Shaykh in Anatolia, which were gathered around Tūrlāķ Kamāl, the disciple of Shaykh-i Sam§wn§, including the outstanding powerful presence of the Madrasa educators during the revival of the unity of the rule of Āl-i #Uthmān and reign of Muhammad I.

During the 10th century AH, the Ottoman reign, which reached its apex in the ages of Selīm I and Süleymān the Magnificent, was flourished and developed in many aspects of court, administrative, military, economy and art because of numerous factors. In this research, the role of Iranians in the artistic and bureaucratic writings of the Ottoman Empire has been considered as one of the important factors in development and progress of the Ottomans’ during the century. The historical documents, sources, and related studies indicate that the Iranian scribes played a significant role in two aspects of writing: book design and administrative writings. An increase in the number of books by transcription of religious, literary, historical and scientific works, artistic inventions, the transfer of Iranian artistic heritage into the Ottoman Empire, strengthening of court writing, and providing a skillful personnel were some of those activities that led to the reinforcement, development and expansion of court writings. These efforts along with other policies in the different sectors of government brought about the Ottomans’ glory in the 10th century AH.

In the last two decades of the Pahlavi regime, Iran witnessed a struggle between two discourses of Pahlavism and revolutionary Islam. The opposition between these two discourses had some roots. One of the factors contributing to the controversy over the discourses was the press, in particular the two institutes of Ettelaat and Keyhan. The two institutes formed the largest media network in Iran and covered a large audience. The main question of the research is, why with regard to propaganda of the ideas of the ruling discourse by the two institutes, did political Islam discourse become the dominant discourse of society? In other words, how did the press of the period as a part of the modernist discourse of the state lead to the emergence, growth and expansion of the revolutionary Shiite ideology? According to the results of the study, the massive propaganda of the White Revolution and the suppression of the opposition's criticisms in this regard, and even their insult and destruction, led to the spread of anti-royal ideas in the political discourse of Islam; the prevalence of Westernization led to the advent of anti-imperialist policies through rival discourse, and Islam was introduced as an antiimperialist ideology; the adoption and propaganda of conventionalism, mainly associated with the malediction of the sacred believes of society, prompted the dissemination of this idea by the beholders of Islamic discourse that politics and religion are both indivisible and indivisible; the efforts of the press to misuse of the religion by highlighting its intercessionism, lamenting, and catastrophic aspects strengthened martyrity and anti-oppressive readings of religion and religious patterns in the political discourse of Islam, as Imam Hussein's insurrection was interpreted to gain power and change the government.

The Freedom Movement of Iran is among political groups that were active before and after the victory of Islamic Revolution and joined and supported Imam Khomeini during his stay in Paris. Knowledge and experience of organizational work helped the movement to form the first cabinet after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. During the Iran-Iraq war, especially after the liberation of Khorramshahr, based on some basic religious principles of Islam, the movement adopted different positions and practices, compared to the revolutionary forces. Regarding the continuation of war or terminating it, the stance of the movement was different from revolutionary forces. Freedom Movement's stances on war fluctuated from full support to harsh criticism of the authorities of the Islamic Republic. They followed a foreign policy based on good neighborliness and détente through diplomatic channels. Finally, a fundamental shift in their stance and political discourse after the liberation of Khorramshahr, side by side with their isolation from political scene, turned them into a dissident minority within the system. This article is an attempt to study the attitude of the Freedom Movement of Iran towards the Islamic Revolution and the status of Iran-Iraq war in their political discourse. Positions and performances of the Freedom Movement in various stages of the war has been studied within the framework of discourse analysis authored by Laclau and Mouffe as well as Martin White's theory of continuity of the Revolution and the War

Ibn Khaldun is the first person who discussed civilization in his book, “Introduction” (The Muqaddimah), but he did not talk about Islamic civilization. It seems that the European intellectuals in the contemporary era, after perceiving the concept of civilization and speaking about the European civilization, discussed the Islamic civilization for the first time. Here comes a question: when did the Muslim scholars start paying attention to and identifying the Islamic civilization? Investigating the works written by the Muslim scholars on civilization and Islamic civilization reveals that Muslim scholars - along with discussing some issues regarding culture and the initiation of the civilization historiography in the West- from the fourth to the seventh decades of the nineteenth century, have paid attention to the ancient Islamic civilization and gained an abstract understanding about it. Starting from the eighth decade of this century, with writing serious works about Islamic civilization, they tried to well identify it.

The historiography of Hosham e- Kalbi - 402 After Hijrah- particularly in Al- Asnam book is considered as a way of appreciating the Islamic historiography in the first Islamic centuries; it is also deserved to be reviewed.
Through surveying the meaning of Al- Asnam book- the analysis of text as well as the cultural, intellectual context- this writing is to answer the question regarding the motivation of Hosham e- Kalbi towards the creation of such a text related to idols of ignorant Arabs at the beginning of the third century.
The findings of this research reveals that Ibn e- Kalbi wrote this book due to Arabs’ need for developing individuality and challenging the principles of Islamic beliefs by the other religions particularly Christians in the first years of the third century After Hijrah . He has re-manifested the history of Arabs’ idols and their idol worshiping , stabilized the rightfulness of Islamic concepts and defended prophecy, crystallized the great historical role of prophet Mohammad PBUH on the elimination of idol worshiping, compared with the other prophets and on the basis of this, he created an honorable Arabic-Islamic individuality for Arabs.

Baluch people were displeased Sunni people who were living at the eastern borders of Safavid. Supported by Ghalzaee Afghans, they paved the way for collapse of Isfahan in 1135 AH. The collapse of Afghans with the name of Afghans took place by warlike power of Baluch people. The reason that encouraged Baluch people to join Afghans to attack Isfahan, in addition to their common religion, was the oppression of Shia government of Safavid on these disgraced people. Therefore, Baluch people decided to attack Isfahan to take revenge of several years rancor, and they gave positive response to request of Afghans and they caused the collapse of Isfahan. The present study aims to investigate the factors led to Baluch people move toward Isfahan and cause the collapse of Isfahan. It also aims to respond the question that which factors and incentives caused that Afghans and Baluch people cooperate and why this cooperation and alliance collapsed. This study aims to solve the complexities and provide right and appropriate response to these questions relying on resources and studies, and studying factors caused attack of Baluch people to Isfahan and its impact on collapse of this city.

In the early 10th/16th century, with the formation of the Shiite-Safavid government, political equations in Western Asia collapsed. The religious difference between the Safavids and the Ottomans, dissatisfaction of the Ottoman government's with the formation of a strong government in the east of its territory, the religious propaganda of the Safavids in the Ottoman territory, the Ottoman claims to the dominance of the Islamic world, and the political disagreements between the two states, inevitably led to a confrontation between the Ottomans and the Safavids. During the years 907-1003 AH / 1501-1594, the policy of the Ottoman government against the Safavids was supporting of the Sufi orders who were in line with the Ottomans and a direct military confrontation with the Safavids. The Ottoman Sultans and the Ulamas noticed the danger that threatened their place by safavids and confronted this threat. The Ottoman state during the reign of Sultan Bayezid II, wrote several letters to the Shah Ismail, requesting the suspension of religious propaganda in the Ottoman territory, and then supporting the Sufi orders who were not in line with the Safavids. At the time of Sultan Salim I, along with the support of the Sufi orders who were in line with the Ottomans, and using the Ottoman Ulamas’ Fatwas, direct military confrontation with the Safavids was also on the agenda. Thus, Sultan Selim managed to eliminate the crisis that threatened his kingdom. Sultan Salim's policy against the Safavids continued during his successors.