حسین پوراحمدی میبدی

The presence of the three regional powers of West Asia, Iran, Turkiye, and Israel, in the developments of the South Caucasus (2020-2023), has a direct impact on the interests of all three countries. This suggests the possibility that the results of developments in the South Caucasus will affect the equations of these three countries in West Asia. This is strengthened while the role of the United States of America in West Asia has diminished and has allowed the regional powers of West Asia to compete more for dominance in the region. Therefore, the main research question is how the 2020 and 2023 Karabakh wars in the South Caucasus have affected the equations of West Asia? In response to this hypothesis, it is proposed that the spillover of developments in the South Caucasus has emerged in the form of convergence, creating a balance of threat actors and also intensifying Iran's competition with Turkiye and Israel in Iraq. In this article, the data analysis was descriptive-analytical. The data of this research has been collected using library resources. The findings of the research confirmed the hypothesis that Azerbaijan and the Kurdistan Region have adopted convergence relations and have created a threat balance against the perception of the threat from Iran, in which Turkiye and Israel acted as catalysts. The increase in the threat from Turkiye has brought the PKK and Iraqi popular groups closer to each other and has set a threat balance against the feeling of a common threat from Turkiye

The international system in transition and the uncertainty in it, has caused the dynamism of most regions in the world. The South Caucasus region is not exempt from this situation. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war and its subsequent develpements, especially the 2023 Karabakh war, marked a path of no return for the South Caucasus region, so these developments had a significant impact on the actors of the South Caucasus.

Research question: 

What effect did the second and third Karabakh war in the South Caucasus region between Armenia and Azerbaijan have on the regional interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran?

Research Hypothesis: 

It is hypothesized that Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 and 2023 respectively, has increased the dynamics of competition, threat and escalation of tension against Iran, while there are not many opportunities for it.

In this article, a comparative research approach has been used, which is realistic using a study model and the geopolitical approach in the framework of regional studies. Using geopolitical components such as politics, power, geography, economy (geoeconomics), culture (geoculture), geopolitical relations and balance of power. Data analysis is done in a descriptive-analytical way. The method of collecting information in this research is done by the library method.

Since the early 2000s, Russia’s policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis has changed. Therefore, Russia's attitude toward the South Caucasus has changed from a sphere of exclusive Russian influence to a space in which it must both cooperate and compete with other regional powers. Moscow prefers to cooperate with Iran and mostly Turkey to respond to the growing challenges. In this situation and due to the fact that Azerbaijan is close to Russia and Armenia is far from Russia, the second Karabakh war started. But the third Karabakh war took place in a situation where Russia's power vacuum was evident in the South Caucasus after Moscow's involvement in the Ukraine war. The Karabakh war of 2020 and 2023 in the national dimension between Azerbaijan and Armenia caused the position of the victorious and defeated actors of the first Karabakh war to be reversed. In the regional dimension, new geopolitical relations and balance of power emerged in the South Caucasus.

The findings of the research proved the hypothesis raised in the article. The 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war once again showed the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus. These wars have significantly changed the geopolitical relations of regional players and led to the formation of a new balance of power in the region. Azerbaijan has strengthened and Armenia has become very weak. However, with the cease-fire of the Second Karabakh War, Russia was able to marginalize the western axis, which further weakened the role of the West, the United States, the European Union and especially the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (Minsk Group). But by entering the war with Ukraine and creating a power vacuum in the South Caucasus region, Russia saw its power in this region challenged by Turkey. In this way, the second and third Karabakh war marked Turkey's return to the region and pushed Iran to the sidelines of regional developments.Therefore, the 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war destroyed the fragile state of neither war nor peace that Iran was in favor of maintaining in the South Caucasus. In these wars, Iran could not play a role in regional developments to expand its influence and presence; Therefore, it led to the escalation of tension with the Republic of Azerbaijan, the intensification of competition with Turkey, and the seriousness of the threat of Israel's presence along Iran's borders. In the new balance of power that has been formed in the South Caucasus region, the Islamic Republic of Iran has a low role and position in the South Caucasus. It seems that Iran has been marginalized by Russia on the one hand, on the other hand, due to the role of western sanctions in preventing Iran’s action in the region; Iran has not been able to play a serious role and pursue its historical-civilizational interests in the South Caucasus. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to maintain its territorial integrity, prevent geopolitical changes in the region and its geo-economic interests in the South Caucasus. It has also tried not to get involved in ethnic movements and internal instability based on geocultural provocations.

Revolutionary developments in information and communication technology have provided a profound impact on the socio-economic formation of societies and the reformulation of the international political economy system. The changes that have taken place provide the context for the importance of the intangible aspects of power and have introduced new forms of power, the most important of which is relational power. Relational power in other spaces is a form of power that is the product of the type of view and policy-making, and as a result of the direction and exploitation of this field, and is constructed socially. In the digital age, the advent of social networks has increased the importance of relational power, as it is an important factor in determining the legitimacy of governments. The purpose of this article is to investigate the situation of cyber power in the Islamic Republic of Iran at a time when cyberspace has become the man element of power and wealth and in the light of the dynamics of information and communication technology? The research has used quantitative-qualitative method to achieve its goals.

While the classical view (in the form of Realism and its branches) considered power limited to objective fields, the emergence of new technologies, including Information and Communication Technology, has enabled both the creation of power through knowledge and the generation of wealth through cyberspace and has opened a new arena for everyone. Today, the importance of cyberspace is so great that it has affected strategic interactions at international system and has transformed the political economy system of the world. Increasing the depth of the role of the cyber agent has made countries face security risks. Therefore, in order to achieve national power, the countries have formulated their macro-policies in the cyber field with a strategic view and are trying to extract benefits of this new field and simultaneously, face its security problems correctly. The main question of the research is, “what kind of policy and structuring will maximize the exploitation of the cyber space”? Research studies show that fully exploiting the potential of cyberspace is a special form of acting that has not been successful in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The theoretical framework of the research is the political economy approach and the research has used the descriptive-analytical method to achieve its goals. Data collection is through library, internet and documentary studies and process analysis will be done theoretically.

The Karabakh crisis remained in a state of neither war nor peace for tens of years, but with the Second Karabakh War, it came out of the state of "frozen conflict" and the South Caucasus, especially the Karabakh region, underwent deep changes. Since this war is not a random thing but rooted in the historical developments of the region, the main question of the article is “how did the course of historical developments in the South Caucasus affect the geopolitics of that region in the 2020 Karabakh war?” In response, this hypothesis proposes that the zero-sum situation was the principle governing the geopolitical developments of the South Caucasus region and its lasting legacy. This article has evaluated the complex history of the South Caucasus its geopolitics and its economic and cultural components, Geo-economics, and Geo-culture, and examined its consequences for the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020. The findings of the research showed that the Second Karabakh war was an ethnic-territorial war and the economic components played an essential role in its formation. Also, the sum of zero is the ruling principle in this region. In this article, a deductive research approach has been used, which is with the application of the geopolitical study model in the framework of regional studies. The data analysis was descriptive-analytical and the data of this research was collected using internet and library sources.

With the beginning of the new century, East Asia witnessed a redistribution of power and wealth by the structure of the international system; which changed the balance of power to the advantage of China and to the detriment of the region's traditional power, Japan. Accordingly, this study intends to survey the Japanese government's efforts to preserve its regional political and economic position, with the help of descriptive-analytical approach and qualitative method, and with emphasis on the new realism theory. The results of this study shows that Japan, as a declining regional power and with a rational standpoint, by calculating the costs and benefits of the available options, pursues a set of measures to further its national interests, achieving welfare and security goals. Thus, a review of the simultaneous economic, political, and security plans and actions proposed by Japan in response to China's expansionist plans can show the utilitarian foreign policy of the world's superpowers in the face of the threats of emerging powers.

Politics and economics are closely related, politics decisively affects the fate of the world economy, and economics has far-reaching consequences for international and global politics. The complexity of the interactions of economics and politics has formed the academic discipline of international political economy (IPE) with its flexible boundaries. Liberalism, realism, and Marxism have been the three dominant and traditional approaches to the study of international political economy. In an analogous way to the studies of international relations, the field of IPE has undergone theoretical diversity since the 1990s. At present, markets have become globalized, and cooperation or conflict of interests is one of the obvious realities of political economy. Therefore, theory building and hypothesis testing in international political economy—examining the relationship between governments and the markets—has also gone beyond the conventional theories. Thus, theories such as constructivism, postmodernism, criticism, feminism, and environmentalism have been taken into consideration. Of these, constructivism as a new intellectual endeavor has attracted a great deal of attention in the research on the global political economy. In this paper, the two research questions are as follows: 1. What are the foundations of the constructivist theory of international political economy? 2. To what extent is constructivism relevant to the study of international political economy? Using an analytical-explanatory approach, various research findings of the prior works have been examined to identify propositions and important themes. To get insight into the constructivists’ perspectives, we compare and explain different constructivist arguments about the need to apply their theoretical approaches to the field of IPE. Then, an attempt has been made to answer the research questions by analyzing and inferring from the qualitative data taken from these texts. In the research hypothesis, it is postulated that relying solely on economic or political analyses without considering the interaction of politics and economics leads to the inability to fully understand the dynamics of the international political and economic order. Given the diversity of the objectives of the stakeholders in the political economy, the multiplicity and ambiguity of their preferences and strategies, as well as the uncertainties of the outcome of the actions of the competing state and non-state actors have increasingly made the researchers’ goals of explaining and predicting international political and economic processes and outcomes more difficult. Constructivism is an approach which attempts to understand "the dynamic roles played by ideas, norms, values and identities in political processes and outcomes", and provides a viable theoretical framework for analyzing issues in international political economy (i.e., the nature of conflict and cooperation in the areas of trade, finance, defense, development), and explaining the interaction between political and economic forces at international level.

The upcoming research, using the theoretical foundations of political economy, seeks to investigate the issue of ethnicity in the Middle East with an emphasis on ethnicism in Iran's Azerbaijan under the developments of global political economy and is trying to find out how economic factors affect political ethnicity in Iran's Azerbaijan. examine the years 1357 to 1399. The results of this study, which was conducted using an analytical-descriptive research method and data collection with a library and documentary method, show that although ethnicism in Iran's Azerbaijan is affected by economic issues, this effectiveness is not caused by From the economic discrimination against the Azeri people, it is caused by a kind of feeling of discrimination against oneself, which has psychological dimensions. Economic developments in neighboring Turkic-speaking countries have created a feeling of backwardness among Azeris and subsequently intensified ethnicism among them. In the meantime, the lack of attention to the issue of national identity and the lack of prioritization of the economy in policy-making, as well as the conflict of interests of neighboring Turkic-speaking countries and some other countries, have also been effective in the emergence of this phenomenon.

The Iranian revolution caused an offensive approach in the American foreign policy towards Iran, and US Offensive foreign policy has taken a different form with the change of each of the presidents. Based on the critical role of the presidency in US foreign policy and the fact that the study of lives and personalities of presidents has been a significant part of the study of political psychology. The study seeks to find the psychological effects of the life of George W. Bush and his personality on the macro approach of US foreign policy, specifically to Iran. The theoretical framework in this study is the "activator, ideas and results" model of Albert Ellis, an American psychologist. This approach examines the psychological state by examining the role of events and how they are interpreted by individuals. In fact, the data used is data from Bush's biographies, which are examined in a historical and longitudinal way. In the following, Bush's psychological cycle is described and explained by determining the examples of "activator", "ideas" and "results", and his personality traits such as excitement, impulsive behaviors and extraversion are extracted. The results show the decisive influence of Bush's personality traits on his administration's macro-foreign policy approach and important decisions such as the invasion of Iraq, as well as placing Iran at the center of evil and the nuclear issue.

Revolutionary developments in information and communication technology have provided a profound impact on the socio-economic formation of societies and the reformulation of the international political economy system. The transformation resulting from the digital revolution in the world system is transmitted to five continents with intensity, weakness and changes. The direction of these changes is determined by the cultural, political, economic and security systems of countries in interaction with the world system. The purpose of this article is to examine the issue of what components in the Islamic Republic of Iran have affected the understanding of the system of cyberspace and dictated the severity and severity of the country's impact on cyberspace. The political economy of cyberspace expresses how different national and transnational spheres interact, during which the whole of cyberspace is in its current state. The main question of the research is what is the political economy of cyberspace in Iran and what is the result? The research has used quantitative-qualitative method to achieve its goals. Heterogeneity in the face of cyberspace as a whole and the greater weight of the negative confrontation of the regime, has led to confrontation and, consequently, to the non-exploitation of its potentials and the lack of prosperity.

The psychological study of political leaders is popular with foreign policy analysts. This study studies Carter’s psychology to explain his foreign policy decisions before and after the Iranian Islamic Revolution. The theoretical framework used in the article is emotional, rational behavioral therapy developed by the American psychologist Albert Ellis. This article analyses Carter's personality by examining the influential events of Carter's life and how he interprets them. This method has a historical approach for analyzing one's life that means a cycle of external events transforms into results with continuous interpretations. Continuously based on this model, Carter's five prominent personality traits have been extracted.The research results show that Carter’s dealing with the Iran revolution and the Iran hostage crisis was based on his psychological characteristics such as perfectionism and

The structure of the global market economic system has caused the policy and diplomacy of governments to follow those principles and goals which are formulated and conditioned by the structure of the global political economic system. In this context, acting in accordance with the structural requirements of the global economy has become an inevitable priority in the economic policies of governments. The effectiveness of economic diplomacy, as a tool of foreign policy and a bridge between the national economy and the global economy, depends on the dynamics of the internal environment of the economy and the optimal performance of the foreign policy apparatus to pave the road for the integration of the national economy in global markets to maximize financial, manufacturing and technological value added. In order to achieve economic development and secure its economic interests, the Islamic Republic of Iran needs effective economic diplomacy towards its strategic partners, especially the Federal Republic of Germany as one of the influential international political and economic powers. Addressing the question that “how the structural requirements of the global economy have affected the performance of the Islamic Republic of Iran's economic diplomacy towards Germany?” is the main purpose of this research. In response to this question, the hypothesis of this study states that the incompatibility of the national economy with the rules and structural requirements of the world economy and the weakness of Iran’s official diplomatic apparatus explain the poor performance of the Islamic Republic of Iran in taking advantage of German economic opportunities. The method of the present study is explanatory-analytical.

Iraq, since its political existence as a State from 1921 until today, has been concerned with the issue of Kurdish autonomy and its borders in the north of the country. The KRG was formed in 1991 with the declaration of a no-fly zone by the United Nations, but with the fall of Saddam in 2003 entered a new phase in which it was able to infiltrate Iraq and use the ten years of regional government experience to draft a constitution. Have active, The government has emerged as an active partisan in Iraq's political activities and programs since the 2005 elections, and has sought independence from Iraq since 2007, resuming disputes and tensions with the central government. The efforts of the Kurdistan Region for independence from Iraq, in addition to affecting the national security and political stability of Iraq, can also affect the regional and internal security of neighboring countries, including Iran and Turkey. This caused Iran-Turkey relations to move towards a temporary coalition, especially after the referendum on the independence. The importance of the issue is such that the geographical proximity and the extent of political-economic and cultural interactions of neighbors, as well as their mutual vulnerability have made it possible to assess the security and insecurity in this region in an undeniable way. Accordingly, the present study will use a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the process of independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region and the approach of Iran and Turkey to it.

End of the American Century book studies events of post 11 September and America status in the international system at the present. In order to address this issue, it is first of a kind to state and non-state rivals of the United States in the present era, which includes China, Russia, Brazil, and India, and then criticizes the performance and power levels of each of the above governments as a serious threat. For the future, Joseph Nye did not close the United States as a global hegemonic force but would suggest US strategy makers to work multilaterally in their engagement with the government’s powers to address the national security and global security challenges. A critique of the form and a method of content critique in the form of three indicators of structural critique, critique of power dynamics, and critique of the concept of power constitute a set of regular and categorized reviews, each of which has been discussed in this article.

Saudi Arabia has always tried to counterbalance the Islamic Republic of Iran by using different methods and preventing Iran's power and influence in the region. One of the tools that Saudi Arabia uses to confront Iran is to balance and impede the institutional framework of regional organizations, including the Gulf Cooperation Council. Saudi Arabia, using the maximum influence among the member countries of the Council and the consolidation of Riyadh leadership on the council, is seeking to use this regional institution to counteract and counteract Iran's influence and prevent the Islamic Republic of Iran from penetrating the region, and its failures in The region will compensate for Iran with the broadening power and power of the council and its leadership over it. Therefore, the question posed for this research is: What is the role of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the Saudi approach to Iran? The article is that the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is considered as a tool in Saudi Arabia to compete and continue to confront Iran.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and its impressive economic downturn in the region of Central Asia in the 1990s, in the first decade of 2000, the region experienced rapid economic growth and internal and external integration. Integration in Central Asia, the connection between Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan and the rapid growth in economic relations with some great neighbors, especially China and Russia. This process of integration of Central Asia is part of a larger process integration of the Eurasian Economic Space. In this sense, economic integration in Central Asia is a reality.
But serious gaps in this process, including practical procedures closing on the number of countries in the region,intra-regional trade, especially by Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, closure of borders, lack of cooperation in the fields of energy and water, weak governments and regional organizations.
But three most recent evolution of the process of regional cooperation in Central Asia suggests: 1: China's apparent intention to use the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and CAREC program as an effective tool to support regional economic cooperation; 2: the Eurasian Economic Community, led by Russia and its progress in the creation of a customs union; 3: Europe and the United States to support the efforts of the Central Asia Regional Integration Special Program for the Economies of Central Asia through both centralized and regional initiatives in Afghanistan.
In this paper, the economic and social indicators Central Asian republics from 2005 to 2015 examined that At the same time new working processes that control the growth of this index in the Republic have also that herald a promising future for the region

Post-American world book written by Fareed Zakaria focus on dimensions of political and economics of world events. Author numbered emergence of china, India and Brazil economic powers as signs of evolutions in international structure that close the sphere for America. These powers by use of internal sources in interaction to outer space indeed capture economic power want political advantage and have not intention to refuse to their pieces of world power cake. Zakaria named this phenomenal the rise of others. America at the post- cold war period has been relative decline in front of other strategic rivals and Zakaria s solutions for improve American relative conditions at post–American world are tends American to multilateralism and accepts the structural constrain that are face to that.

Six years after the Syria crisis, this conflict has turned into an international human rights disaster. I.R.Iran, which has supported the Syrian government over these years, has been facing a lot of challenges. So the understanding and explaining of Syria's position and importance to foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has become very important. In this way, given the current realities and situations in the Middle East recently, the importance of the question in the present study is that "what is the real significance of Syria for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran?In other words, why does the Islamic Republic of Iran consider the strategic importance for relations with Syria? Following this question, some argued that Syria has a strategic regional depth for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and claim that Iran's alliance with Syria is a deterrent to regional threats, especially against Israel. On the contrary, the opponents of this claim consider Iran's unity with Syria in a region of extreme conditions and intense regional conflicts as an exciting factor in exacerbating the threats against the Islamic Republic of Iran and, ultimately, the instability in the whole region. The present study seeks to clarify this dichotomy and to examine the dimensions and implications of Iran's strategic alliance with Syria and Iran's support for the Syrian government in its recent crisis. Getting a comprehensive and complete answer to this question that “What is the real position of Syria in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? is one of the main goals of this research among all the various and completely contradictory views.

this research has been wrote the review and critic of John Mearsheimers book The Tragedy of Great Power Politics in two formative and essential level. In level of formative critic in perspective of publish, design pages and misprint is in suitable situation and in essential level the book has wrote in positive method with accept of presupposes of realism. Blink economic and culture elements that constructing international relations and disregard other non states actors and international interactions are others essential disvalue of the book. There are ethical and believe critics Islamic approach in essential level to offensive realism. Uphold of Iranian scholars and promote scientific condition of making theory in two scientific and finance dimensions are suggests solution for take place suite condition to Islamic and indigene making theory.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and almost after two decades, India’s hopes for US support for effectively connect it to the landlocked Commonwealth of Independent States in Central Asia were dashed away. Exploring other connectivity options including the International North–South Transport Corridor -or Iran as the lynchpin of its connectivity- was delayed under the US pressures. Other alternatives were also not feasible. Therefore, given the trajectory of political economy of India’s foreign policy, the main question of this article is ‘what are the best options to get India connected to Central Asia? The hypothesis is that, the demise of the American hegemony has led India to a diversification in its policies. To conclude, the authors develop a model to verify India's foreign policy, and further, they argue that the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's policy of "Alliance with the United States and the West"; the prospects of India's re-orientation to a balanced multi-alignment policy; as well as India's CIS strategies would be subject to further studies.

This study seeks to answer the question of how "global political economy" has influenced "China's foreign policy in the age of globalization"? In answer to this question, the research hypothesis is that the six components of global political economy in interaction with the main factors of economics, politics, security and culture and through three dynamics, shape the foreign policy of countries. The authors study the quality of the impact of global political economy on China's foreign policy by presenting a new model called "foreign policy political economy."

Political Islam is a concept germane to the current century and contrary to conventional Islam. In this regard, Islam plays a functional role in political contexts and creates a theoretical framework for social regularity and its requirements. Nowadays, this issue has been defined not just in its abstract sense, but also in its practical sense in the political arena. In recent decades, the Islamist political agents not only have shown strong impacts on the cultural, political and economic processes of their contexts, but also have challenged the global policies. Several factors such as Palestine issue, the victory of Iranian Islamic revolution, the occupation of Afghanistan, the collapse of Soviet Union, the September 11 events and Arab spring have accelerated pragmatism in Islamic policies. There is no doubt that political Islam confronts other paradigms. Yet, its intra-paradigmatic changes are very important and noticeable. This means that despite the common reference of political Islamic readings to a religious source, in practice, there have been partly different socio-cultural outcomes in the face of globalization, modernity, secularism, new world order, Americanization, Eurocentrism, anti-Westernization and so forth. These specific sociological schools of political Islam and cultural politics associated with it, could at least have multiple social and political manifestations. This study tries to explain and interpret the paradigm of political Islam, its intra-paradigmatic changes in terms of West’s interpretation (i.e., in view of World Politics) and in comparison to different readings of political Islam.
In this paper, descriptive, analytical and explanatory methods were used to describe different models of political Islam, their intellectual forms, structures and agents. In the meantime, their internal components and functional outcomes were analyzed. Then, the nature of thought and its interaction with global policy were explained.

Culture is a key variable in understanding of global politics and international relations’ arena, which is usually ignored by realism as dominant approach. But Gramscianist thinkers have prepared a broad field to encompass culture in global politics and international relations by theorizing the concept of “Hegemony”. This article brings up this main question that what is the relationship between culture and hegemony? And through studying the ideas of Gramsci and his followers, offers this hypothesis that there is a direct relation between Culture and Hegemony and in opposite of common perception that wrongly assume Hegemony as a coercive dominance, hegemony is a kind of dominance based on satisfaction and the ability of cultural and ideological leading of societies. So, legitimacy and cultural acceptability of superpowers have got more importance rather than military and economic power to guarantee their global superiority. In consequence, culture can implement hegemony and is a necessary factor for an actor to play a hegemonic role in global stage. Finally, this article offers some guidelines for policy making in Islamic Republic of Iran according to Gramscian teachings.